Abstract The COVID-19 exacerbated violence against women. This study evaluated the possible efficacy of using advertising pieces containing the hypocrisy paradigm, the contrast principle, and moral disengagement mechanisms to prevent and reduce violence against women. We conducted two studies which included exclusively men as participants. Study 1 (n=400; M age =21.69; Me=20.00; SD=5.79) used traditional pieces on violence against women, manipulating only their moral disengagement phrases. Results suggest that the phrase combined with traditional images is either ineffective or has a rebound effect. Study 2 (n=303; M age =21.38; Me=20.00; SD=4.94) manipulated the image in Study 1, showing more effective results regarding hostility. However, physical aggression showed no significant differences. Finally, some pieces generated a rebound effect, increasing participants’ self-perception of aggression. The use of advertising can act as an ally or an enemy of public policies if their effectiveness lacks proper testing.

Resumen La violencia contra la mujer es un problema pandémico agravado por el COVID-19. Esta investigación verificó el grado de eficacia de anuncios publicitarios para reducir la violencia contra la mujer utilizando el paradigma de la hipocresía, el principio de contraste y los mecanismos de desconexión moral. Se diseñaron dos estudios con muestras masculinas. El Estudio 1 (n=400; M edad =21,69; Me=20,00; DT=5,79) utilizó anuncios tradicionales, manipulando únicamente las frases de desconexión moral. El resultado sugiere que la frase combinada con imágenes tradicionales es ineficaz o tiene efecto rebote. El Estudio 2 (n=303; M edad =21,38, Me=20,00; DT=4,94) manipuló la imagen, y los resultados indican mayor eficacia respecto a la hostilidad. Pero la agresión física no mostró diferencias significativas. Finalmente, algunos anuncios generaron efecto rebote, incrementando la autopercepción de la agresividad. Así, el uso de la publicidad puede actuar como enemiga de las políticas públicas contra la violencia a la mujer cuando no se comprueba adecuadamente su eficacia.

Resumo A violência contra mulheres é um problema pandêmico agravado pela COVID-19. Esta pesquisa objetivou verificar a eficácia de peças publicitárias em reduzir a violência contra mulheres por meio do paradigma de hipocrisia, o princípio de contraste e os mecanismos de desengajamento moral. Realizaram-se dois estudos com amostras masculinas. O Estudo 1 (n=400; M idade =21,69; Me=20,00; DP=5,79) utilizou peças tradicionais, manipulando apenas as frases de desengajamento moral. O resultado sugere que a frase combinada com imagens tradicionais são ineficazes ou geram efeito rebote. O Estudo 2 (n=303; M idade =21,38; Me=20,00; DP=4,94) manipulou a imagem e os resultados indicam maior efetividade das peças em relação à hostilidade. Entretanto, a agressão física não demonstrou diferenças significativas. Finalmente, algumas peças geraram efeito rebote, levando ao incremento da autopercepção de agressividade dos participantes. O uso da publicidade pode prejudicar políticas públicas de combate a violência contra mulheres quando sua eficácia não é devidamente testada.

ABSTRACT Objective: To verify the correlation between the thoracic and lumbar Cobb angle and the type of foot, and the parameters of plantar support during gait in adolescents with idiopathic scoliosis. Material and Methods: Sixty adolescents with idiopathic scoliosis (AIS) were divided into three groups: normal foot (n=20), cavus foot (n=20), and flat foot (n=20). The Cobb angles of thoracic kyphosis and lumbar lordosis were evaluated by radiographic examination. The plantar arch was recorded the podoscope and calculated by the ratio between the midfoot and the total foot area. The adolescents performed the march on a 20-meter track, with their feet resting on the pressure platform, totaling an average of 12 steps of the foot (right and left). The variables evaluated were: contact area, peak pressure, and maximum force on the four regions of the feet: hindfoot (medial and lateral), midfoot, and forefoot. Results: There was a positive correlation between the Cobb angle of lumbar lordosis and the arch plantar cavus (r=0.40; p=0.048) and flat (0.25; p=0.004), with no significant correlations for the Cobb angle thoracic (p>0.005). The pressure peak strongly correlated with the cavus plantar arch (r=0.92, p=0.001) in the lateral hindfoot and forefoot region, while the flat foot with the midfoot region. Conclusion: The Cobb lumbar lordosis angle positively correlates with the plantar arch height and the plantar support pattern during gait in adolescents with idiopathic scoliosis. Level of Evidence II; Observational and Cross-Sectional Study.

RESUMEN Objetivos: Verificar la correlación entre el ángulo de Cobb torácico y lumbar y el tipo de pie y los parámetros de soporte plantar durante la marcha en adolescentes con escoliosis idiopática. Material y Métodos: Sesenta adolescentes con escoliosis idiopática (EIA) fueron divididos en tres grupos: pie normal (n=20), pie cavo (n=20) y pie plano (n=20). Los ángulos de Cobb de la cifosis torácica y la lordosis lumbar se evaluaron mediante examen radiográfico. El arco plantar fue registrado por el podoscopio y calculado por la relación entre el área del mediopié y el área total del pie. Los adolescentes realizaron la marcha sobre una pista de 20 metros, con los pies apoyados en la plataforma, totalizando un promedio de 12 pasos (derecho e izquierdo). Fueron evaluados área de contacto, pico de presión y fuerza máxima en las 4 regiones de los pies: retropié (medial y lateral), mediopié y antepié. Resultados: Hubo correlación positiva entre el ángulo de Cobb de la lordosis lumbar y el arco cavo plantar (r=0,40; p=0,048) y plano (0,25; p=0,004), no existiendo correlaciones significativas para el ángulo de Cobb torácico (p> 0,005). El pico de presión obtuvo una fuerte correlación con el arco plantar cavo (r=0,92, p=0,001) en la región lateral del retropié y antepié, mientras que el pie plano con la región del mediopié. Conclusión: El ángulo de Cobb de la lordosis lumbar tiene una correlación positiva con la altura del arco plantar y el patrón de apoyo plantar durante la marcha en adolescentes con escoliosis idiopática. Nivel de Evidencia II; Estudio Observacional y Transversal.

RESUMO Objetivos: Verificar a correlação entre o ângulo de Cobb torácico e lombar e o tipo de pé e os parâmetros do apoio plantar durante a marcha de adolescentes com escoliose idiopática. Material e Métodos: Foram avaliados 60 adolescentes com escoliose idiopática (EIA), divididos em três grupos: pé normal (n= 20), pé cavo (n=20) e pé plano (n=20). Os ângulos de Cobb da cifose torácica e da lordose lombar foram avaliadas pelo exame radiográfico. O arco plantar foi registrado pelo podoscópio e calculado pela razão entre a área do mediopé e a área total do pé. Os adolescentes realizavam a marcha sobre uma pista de 20 metros, com o registo do apoio dos pés sobre a plataforma de pressão, totalizando em média 12 passos (direito e esquerdo). Foram avaliados: área de contato, pico de pressão e força máxima sobre 4 regiões dos pés: retropé (medial e lateral), mediopé e antepé. Resultados: Houve uma correlação positiva entre o ângulo de Cobb da lordose lombar e o arco plantar cavo (r=0,40; p=0,048) e plano (0,25; p=0,004), sem correlações significantes para o ângulo de Cobb torácico (p>0,005). O pico de pressão obteve uma correlação forte com o arco plantar cavo (r=0,92, p=0,001) em região de retropé lateral e antepé, enquanto que o pé plano com a região do mediopé. Conclusão: O ângulo de Cobb da lordose lombar tem correlação positiva com a altura do arco plantar e o padrão de apoio plantar durante a marcha de adolescentes com escoliose idiopática. Nível de Evidência II; Estudo Observacional e Transversal.

Abstract The geopolitical condition in Eastern Europe brings about a new dynamic of governance. The neighbourhood matters for the EU, even more so after the 2000's enlargements. This paper analyses the Europeanisation dynamics in the Republic of Moldova as a case for a critical view of the EU's modern external governance to the Eastern borders.

Resumo Objetivo Investigar a associação de polimorfismos genéticos em genes candidatos ou regiões candidatas com o desenvolvimento da endometriose em mulheres brasileiras. Métodos Um total de 30 mulheres com diagnóstico de endometriose, com idade entre 25 e 64 anos, participaram da presente pesquisa, bem como 30 mulheres controle, na mesma faixa etária, assintomáticas e sem história familiar da doença. Foram analisadas e comparadas as frequências genotípicas e alélicas de polimorfismos no gene GREB1 (rs13394619) e na região intergênica na posição 7p15.2 (rs12700667) nessas pacientes. Resultados Não houve diferença significativa na frequência dos genótipos para o polimorfismo A > G (rs13394619) no gene GREB1 entre os dois grupos. No entanto, as frequências de distribuição dos genótipos para o polimorfismo A > G (rs12700667) em uma região intergênica no cromossomo 7 foram diferentes entre as pacientes controle e com endometriose, com frequência mais alta do genótipo AG comparado ao GG entre as pacientes com a doença (odds ratio [OR] = 3,49; intervalo de confiança [IC] 95% = 1,47–8,26). Conclusão O presente estudo sugere que o polimorfismo na região intergênica do cromossomo 7 foi associado com o risco do desenvolvimento de endometriose em uma população de mulheres de Juiz de Fora.

Abstract Objective To investigate the association between genetic polymorphisms in candidate genes or candidate regions and the development of endometriosis in Brazilian women. Methods A total of 30 women between 25 and 64 years old with a diagnosis of endometriosis participated in the present study, as well as 30 matched control women from the same age group, asymptomatic and without family history of the disease. The patients genotypic and allelic frequencies of polymorphisms in the GREB1 gene (rs13394619) and in the intergenic region at position 7p15.2 (rs12700667) were analyzed and compared. Results There was no significant difference in the frequency of genotypes for the A > G polymorphism (rs13394619) in the GREB1 gene between the two groups. However, the distribution frequencies of the genotypes for the A > G polymorphism (rs12700667) in an intergenic region on chromosome 7 were different for control patients and for patients with endometriosis, with higher frequency of the AG genotype compared to the GG between patients with the disease (odds ratio [OR] = 3.49; confidence interval [CI] = 1.47–8.26). Conclusion The present study suggests that the polymorphism in the intergenic region of chromosome 7 is associated with the risk of developing endometriosis in a population of Brazilian women from Juiz de Fora.

BACKGROUND Visceral Leishmaniasis (VL) is an infectious disease that is a significant cause of death among infants aged under 1 year and the elderly in Brazil. Serodiagnosis is a mainstay of VL elimination programs; however, it has significant limitations due to low accuracy. OBJECTIVE This study aimed to evaluate three recombinant Leishmania infantum proteins (rFc, rC9, and rA2) selected from previous proteomics and genomics analyses to develop enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) and immunochromatographic tests (ICT) for the serodiagnosis of human VL (HVL) and canine VL (CVL). METHODS A total of 186 human (70 L. infantum-infected symptomatic, 20 other disease-infected, and 96 healthy) and 185 canine (82 L. infantum-infected symptomatic, 27 L. infantum-infected asymptomatic, and 76 healthy) sera samples were used for antibody detection. FINDINGS Of the three proteins, rA2 (91.5% sensitivity and 87% specificity) and rC9 (95.7% sensitivity and 87.5% specificity) displayed the best performance in ELISA-HVL and ELISA-CVL, respectively. ICT-rA2 also displayed the best performance for HVL diagnosis (92.3% sensitivity and 88.0% specificity) and had high concordance with immunofluorescence antibody tests (IFAT), ELISA-rK39, IT-LEISH®, and ELISAEXT. ICT-rFc, ICT-rC9, and ICT-rA2 had sensitivities of 88.6%, 86.5%, and 87.0%, respectively, with specificity values of 84.0%, 92.0%, and 100%, respectively for CVL diagnosis. MAIN CONCLUSIONS The three antigens selected by us are promising candidates for VL diagnosis regardless of the test format, although the antigen combinations and test parameters may warrant further optimisation.

Abstract The consumption of low-dose aspirin (LDA) to prevent cardiovascular disease continues to increase worldwide. Consequently, the number of chronic LDA users seeking dental procedures that require complementary acute anti-inflammatory medication has also grown. Considering the lack of literature evaluating this interaction, we analyzed the gastric and renal effects caused by a selective COX-2 inhibitor (etoricoxib) and a non-selective COX-2 inhibitor (ibuprofen) nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAID) in rats receiving chronic LDA therapy. Male Wistar rats were divided into six experimental groups (carboxymethylcellulose (CMC) - vehicle; LDA; LDA + ibuprofen; ibuprofen; LDA + etoricoxib; and etoricoxib) and submitted to long-term LDA therapy with a subsequent NSAID administration for three days by gavage. After the experimental period, we analyzed gastric and renal tissues and quantified serum creatinine levels. The concomitant use of LDA with either NSAID induced the highest levels of gastric damage when compared to the CMC group (F = 20.26, p < 0.05). Treatment with either LDA or etoricoxib alone was not associated with gastric damage. No significant damage was observed on kidney morphology and function (F = 0.5418, p > 0.05). These results suggest that even the acute use of an NSAID (regardless of COX-2 selectivity) can induce gastric damage when combined with the long-term use of low-dose aspirin in an animal model. Additional studies, including clinical assessments, are thus needed to clarify this interaction, and clinicians should be careful of prescribing NSAIDs to patients using LDA.

Resumo O objetivo geral do artigo é mapear eventos que revelam a importância da participação de indivíduos e de movimentos ativistas transnacionais na reformulação de normas e instituições internacionais. Indivíduos e movimentos sociais transnacionais exerceram papéis decisivos, tanto na origem da ideia de proteção de indivíduos por instituições internacionais, independentemente da representação estatal, quanto na ação e estratégia de interferência de redes transnacionais de advocacia pública para a institucionalização de mecanismos de defesa do indivíduo e grupos sociais no contexto da política internacional. A hipótese é que o indivíduo não apenas pode ser visto como objeto de proteção de normas internacionais, mas tem emergido como agente que interfere nas mudanças de regras e criação de instituições internacionais, mesmo sem instrumentos tradicionais de intervenção política, representação ou participação. Uma excursão histórico-analítica sobre motivadores e obstáculos à ação do indivíduo como sujeito interveniente na política internacional não leva à conclusão de que os Estados deixam de ser atores privilegiados, mas sugere que a consideração do papel de redes transnacionais de advocacia pública e do indivíduo como demandantes de mudanças políticas impacta nas relações internacionais.

Abstract The overall goal of this article is to map events that reveal the relevance of the participation of individuals and transnational activist movements in reshaping international norms and institutions. Individuals and transnational social movements have played decisive roles in both the origin of the idea of protecting the individual from international institutions, regardless of state representation, and in the action and strategy of interference transnational public advocacy networks in the institutionalization of defense mechanisms of the individual and social groups in the context of international politics. The hypothesis is that the individual can be seen not only as an object of protection of international law, but has emerged as an agent that interferes with the rule changes and the creation of international institutions, even without traditional instruments of political intervention, representation or participation. A historical-analytical tour about motivators and barriers to action of the individual as an agent in international politics does not lead to the conclusion that the states are no longer privileged actors, but suggests that consideration of the role of transnational public advocacy networks and the individual plaintiffs can impact international relations.

This paper aims to explore the consequences of institutionalization in regional integration processes. More specifically, it explores the creation of representative regional institutions which strengthen integration, while at the same time affecting the distribution of sovereign and representative powers among the players involved in the policy-making process within member states. The premise is that institutionalization at a regional level brings gains in strategic actions and more efficient mechanisms of collective international action, on one hand, but on the other, it can have a democratic cost, in terms of a society's participation and control over collective decisions which impact the national decision-making process. In the case of the Latin American integration process, the initiative of setting up a regional parliament for MERCOSUL, the PARLASUL, must be understood within the problematic context of the effects of regional representation on national sovereignty. Thus, although with some limitations, the European experience serves as a parallel to the initiatives of establishing regional parliaments. The paper is divided into three sections: the first is historical and theoretical; it covers the origin and transformations of the modern sovereign state system, along with the changes that have occurred over time from regional integration events and their differences. Some concepts and classic theoretical approaches on the topic are reference sources, such as the contributions of Schmitter (1970), Mattli (1999) and Fawcett and Hurrell (2003), for example. In the second section, one of the characteristics of the new regionalism is explored: institutional innovation (HURRELL, 1995). In this case, the aim is to further verify the impact of regional integration on national politics, the role of the regional parliaments and the purpose of extra-state representation, its different models and its consequences for national sovereignty of states involved in the integration process. The dialogue with different points of view will be fundamental, especially in order to draft analytical dimensions of the impact of the changes that occurred with the emergence of a new form of regional representation (FAWCETT; HURRELL, 2003; MALAMUD; SOUZA, 2005; DRI, 2009; 2010; LINDBERG, 1963). Could an extra form of representation come at a cost of the suppression of less opportunity for participation? In the third section, the relation between representation and sovereignty is evaluated, as well as the role of representative institutions in policy making (KEOHANE; HOFFMANN, 1991; RITTBERGER, 2012; JACOB, 2007). In this section, the experience of the European Parliament will shed light on the analysis of the constitution of a representative institution on a regional level, such as the one expected by the PARLASUL. Finally, the article traces a few conclusions on representation in the context of regional integration processes and the importance of information and social awareness of such processes as a measure of democratic legitimacy.

This article systematically investigates, in a comparative perspective, the support for new extreme right-wing political parties (ERPs) in national elections across the Western European Union countries (WEU). The objective of the research is not to explain why or how the ERPs platforms can be convincing and persuasive, but to describe conditions that contribute to identify when this has occurred. Since the reactionary nature of ERP discourse met the spreading phenomenon of Euroskepticism, a vote for ERP candidates and platforms is considered Euroskeptic voting behavior. Our hypothesis is that the greater the political power a member state enjoys in European Union institutions, the fewer the incentives for voters to support ERPs. To test this hypothesis, a great amount of data was organized and a set of econometric exercises was established using panel data with fixed effects. Given the intertemporal variation captured by the panel data with fixed effects, it is possible to assess the political conditions for the growth of electoral support for ERPs across the WEU as a function of three classes of variables: representative variables, economic variables, and variables of perception. The findings suggest that representation in European institutions has greater impact on ERP support than economic circumstances.

The article contends that Euroscepticism is a fundamental variable for a good understanding of the support for new extreme right-wing party platforms in national elections among all Western European countries. Based on voting data for parties aligned with the new far right in European national elections, the article maps the growth of extreme right parties and tests the correlation between the support for intolerance and variables pertaining to economic and social issues, perceptions, and representations. The findings provide empirical evidence to confirm that the preference for intolerance is not based on material or economic dissatisfaction, since identity is the main focus of concerns and claims in the new political cleavage that supports the new extreme right.

Dans cet article, on affirme que l'attitude euro-sceptique est une variable fondamentale pour la réflexion sur la préférence que les électeurs européens occidentaux montrent envers des programmes de partis d'extrême droite lors de leurs élections nationales. À partir des données recueillies concernant les votes en faveur des partis qui suivent la nouvelle idéologie d'extrême droite lors des élections nationales européennes, on dresse la carte de la croissance des partis d'extrême droite sur ce continent et on pose la corrélation entre le soutien donné à l'intolérance, d'une part, et les variables économiques et sociales, de perception et de représentation, de l'autre. Les résultats viennent confirmer empiriquement que la préférence pour l'intolérance ne se fonde pas sur des insatisfactions de nature matérielle et économique, puisque la principale source d'inquiétude et de revendications issue du nouveau clivage politique sur lequel s'appuie la nouvelle extrême droite c'est l'identité.

The article contends that Euroscepticism is a fundamental variable for a good understanding of the support for new extreme right-wing party platforms in national elections among all Western European countries. Based on voting data for parties aligned with the new far right in European national elections, the article maps the growth of extreme right parties and tests the correlation between the support for intolerance and variables pertaining to economic and social issues, perception, and representation. The findings provide empirical evidence to confirm that the preference for intolerance is not based on material or economic dissatisfaction, since identity is the main focus of concerns and claims in the new political cleavage that supports the new extreme right.

Dans cet article, on affirme que l'attitude euro-sceptique est une variable fondamentale pour la réflexion sur la préférence que les électeurs européens occidentaux montrent envers des programmes de partis d'extrême droite lors de leurs élections nationales. À partir des données recueillies concernant les votes en faveur des partis qui suivent la nouvelle idéologie d'extrême droite lors des élections nationales européennes, on dresse la carte de la croissance des partis d'extrême droite sur ce continent et on pose la corrélation entre le soutien donné à l'intolérance, d'une part, et les variables économiques et sociales, de perception et de représentation, de l'autre. Les résultats viennent confirmer empiriquement que la préférence pour l'intolérance ne se fonde pas sur des insatisfactions de nature matérielle et économique, puisque la principale source d'inquiétude et de revendications issue du nouveau clivage politique sur lequel s'appuie la nouvelle extrême droite c'est l'identité.

In Chagas disease, understanding how the immune response controls parasite growth but also leads to heart damage may provide insight into the design of new therapeutic strategies. Tumor necrosis factor-alpha (TNF-α) is important for resistance to acute Trypanosoma cruzi infection; however, in patients suffering from chronic T. cruzi infection, plasma TNF-α levels correlate with cardiomyopathy. Recent data suggest that CD8-enriched chagasic myocarditis formation involves CCR1/CCR5-mediated cell migration. Herein, the contribution of TNF-α, especially signaling through the receptor TNFR1/p55, to the pathophysiology of T. cruzi infection was evaluated with a focus on the development of myocarditis and heart dysfunction. Colombian strain-infected C57BL/6 mice had increased frequencies of TNFR1/p55+ and TNF-α+ splenocytes. Although TNFR1-/- mice exhibited reduced myocarditis in the absence of parasite burden, they succumbed to acute infection. Similar to C57BL/6 mice, Benznidazole-treated TNFR1-/- mice survived acute infection. In TNFR1-/- mice, reduced CD8-enriched myocarditis was associated with defective activation of CD44+CD62Llow/- and CCR5+ CD8+ lymphocytes. Also, anti-TNF-α treatment reduced the frequency of CD8+CCR5+ circulating cells and myocarditis, though parasite load was unaltered in infected C3H/HeJ mice. TNFR1-/- and anti-TNF-α-treated infected mice showed regular expression of connexin-43 and reduced fibronectin deposition, respectively. Furthermore, anti-TNF-α treatment resulted in lower levels of CK-MB, a cardiomyocyte lesion marker. Our results suggest that TNF/TNFR1 signaling promotes CD8-enriched myocarditis formation and heart tissue damage, implicating the TNF/TNFR1 signaling pathway as a potential therapeutic target for control of T. cruzi-elicited cardiomyopathy.

O artigo tem o objetivo de demonstrar a relação entre o aumento da sociedade civil global e o Direito internacional público, por um lado e, por outro, a importância dos regimes internacionais para a perspectiva da participação de atores não-estatais nas relações internacionais. O debate na literatura sobre regimes internacionais aponta para a necessidade de realizarem-se mais pesquisas empíricas sobre os condicionantes do sucesso dos regimes internacionais, porém já é possível destacar evidências a respeito de um importante papel que vem sendo ocupado por atores não-soberanos na formação de regimes: o papel de especialistas. O artigo é uma reflexão sobre o conceito de "regime internacional" e seus limites e apresenta uma nota preliminar de pesquisa sobre as possibilidades da influência de atores da sociedade civil na busca da formação de um regime internacional de meio ambiente, com destaque na participação do Brasil no processo de formulação de um regime de biosseguranca.

The goal of this article is to demonstrate the relationship between the growth of global civil society and international public Law, on the one hand, and on the other, the importance of international regimes from the perspective of non-State actors´ participation in international relations. Debates in the literature on international regimes point to the need for the realization of more empirical research on the factors that condition the success of international regimes, although it is already possible to present evidence regarding one important role that has been occupied by non-sovereign actors in regime formation: the role of specialists. This article is a reflection on the concept if "international regime" and its boundaries. It presents a preliminary note for research on the possibilities that civil society actors have for influencing the formation of an international regime for the environment, emphasizing Brazil´s participation in the process of formulation of a regime of bio-security.

L'objectif de cet article est de présenter, d'une part, le rapport entre l'élargissement de la société civile globale et le Droit international public, et d'autre part, l'importance des régimes internationaux vis-à-vis la participation d'acteurs non liés à l'état dans les relations internationales. Le débat dans la littérature sur les régimes internationaux indique qu'il faut mener davantage de recherches empiriques sur les conditions du succès des régimes internationaux. Toutefois, il est déjà possible de souligner le rôle important joué de plus en plus par les acteurs non-souverains dans la formation de régimes: le rôle de spécialistes. L'article est une réflexion sur le concept de « régime international » et ses limites et il présente une note initiale de recherche sur les possibilités de l'influence d'acteurs de la société civile dans la quête de formation d'un régime international de l'environnement, et il souligne également la participation du Brésil dans le processus de la formulation d'un régime de biosécurité.

O objetivo deste artigo é mostrar os pontos de tensão, as hipóteses fortes e as teses otimistas e/ou pessimistas que perpassam os vínculos entre o modelo westphaliano internacional de soberania, a democratização do sistema internacional e a sociedade civil internacional. O artigo contém quatro partes: na primeira, recupera-se a discussão clássica sobre democracia e relações internacionais; na segunda, trata-se das relações entre globalização e democracia; na terceira, as tensões entre democracia (transnacional) e as novas noções de representação; finalmente, mostram-se os pontos críticos da visão celebratória da sociedade civil internacional pregada pelas teorias cosmopolitas da democracia.

This paper intends to show the points of tension, strong hypothesis, and optimistic and/or pessimistic thesis which go through the connections between the Westphalian international model of sovereignty, the democratization of the international system, and the international civil society. This article has four parts. First, we review the classical debate about democratization and international relations. Second, we address the relations between globalization and democracy. The third part is dedicated to the tensions between transnational democracy and new notions of representation. Finally, we pin-point the critical aspects of the celebratory vision of the international civil society, as advocated by the cosmopolitan theories of democracy.