Set in the context of the tension between international isolation and Chile's civil-military government's survival, this paper con centrates on examining the first moment (1973-1975) of what could be called an unlikely relationship. This work's hypothesis regarding this first moment (post-1973) states that the main consequence was to create the conditions for the governments headed by Park and Pinochet to recognize themselves as peers within an adverse context (isolation and real or virtual internal resistance ). To configure bilateral relations with a strategic sense, within a critical juncture of one of the leaders (attack), which could potentially happen to his homonym at any time, acting as a catalyst for a relationship that was quickly configured with the characteristics of what could be called a strategic alliance. The key to this first moment was to emphasize the survival of both regimes, through a bond that involved both leaders politically and personally, in a hitherto unknown chapter in the international history of Chile's civil-military regime.

Situado en contexto de la tensión entre el aislamiento internacional y la supervivencia del gobierno cívico militar de Chile, este trabajo se concentra en examinar el primer momento (1973-1975) de lo que podría llamarse una relación aparentemente improbable. La hipótesis de este trabajo respecto de este primer momento (post-1973), plantea que la consecuencia principal fue crear las condiciones para que los gobiernos encabezados por Park y Pinochet se reconociesen como pares dentro de un contexto adverso (aislamiento y resistencia interna real o virtual), de modo de configurar las relaciones bilaterales con sentido estratégico, dentro de una coyuntura crítica de uno de los líderes (atentado), que potencialmente podría ocurrir a su homónimo en cualquier momento, lo que operó como catalizador de un vínculo que se configuró rápidamente con las características de lo que podría denominarse como una alianza estratégica. La clave de este primer momento fue enfatizar la supervivencia de ambos regímenes, mediante un vínculo que involucró a ambos líderes de manera política y personal, en un capítulo hasta ahora desconocido de la historia internacional del régimen cívico militar de Chile.

Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho foi avaliar a viabilidade de uso de tiossulfato de amônio, como raleante químico de floração, em macieiras 'Maxi Gala' (Malus domestica), e os seus efeitos sobre a qualidade dos frutos. O experimento foi realizado em pomar experimental no sul do Brasil, em delineamento de blocos ao acaso, com cinco repetições. O tiossulfato de amônio foi aplicado às macieiras em plena floração, a 0, 1,5, 2,5 e 3,5%. Foram feitas avaliações quanto aos efeitos sobre carga de frutos, frutificação efetiva, eficiência produtiva e parâmetros de qualidade de frutos como massa, formato, sólidos solúveis totais, número de sementes, firmeza de polpa, coloração e ocorrência de “russeting”. O tiossulfato de amônio a 2,5% é efetivo na redução da carga de frutos e no aumento da qualidade dos frutos. O efeito raleante do tiossulfato de amônio não é dependente das condições climáticas durante o período de raleio. A dose de 3,5% de tiossulfato de amônio causa raleio excessivo e não resulta em melhoria na qualidade dos frutos.

Abstract: The objective of this work was to evaluate the feasibility of using ammonium thiosulfate as a chemical blossom thinner in 'Maxi Gala' apple (Malus domestica) trees and its effects on fruit quality. The experiment was carried out in an experimental orchard in the Southern Brazil, in a randomized complete block design, with five replicates. Ammonium thiosulfate was sprayed on the apple trees at the full bloom stage, at 0, 1.5, 2.5, and 3.5%. Evaluations were performed for the effects on crop load, fruit set, yield efficiency, and fruit quality parameters such as weight, shape, total soluble solids, seed number, flesh firmness, color, and russeting occurrence. Ammonium thiosulfate at 2.5% is effective to reduce crop load and to improve fruit quality. The thinning effect of ammonium thiosulfate is not dependent on the weather conditions during the crop season. The rate of 3.5% of ammonium thiosulfate causes overthinning and does not result in the improvement of fruit quality.

Abstract: In this historical period, bilateral relations were marked by the public-private decision to grant them a status of “strategiesA bilateral effort that was frustrated by the complete objective that was posted as by the extemporaneous model of the association that appealed (typical of the cold war), and that from 1990 to 2007 was faced with the frenetic speed of global economic transformation. A fundamental question to understand this paradox is why a power like Japan decides to have a strategic relationship with a country as small as Chile? And eventually, what happens when a new power is strategically coupled with a smaller state? To address this dilemma, we used two analytical methodologies elaborated ex profeso, and from their results, we can propose a new idea that can improve the understanding of this phenomenon, and by extension, of this period. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the undervalued effect of the 1997 Asian crisis in the course of the strategic alliance agreement signed in 1994 put the project in check and that subsequent efforts to sign a TCL failed to reverse.

Resumen: En este período histórico las relaciones bilaterales estuvieron marcadas por la decisión público-privada de otorgarles un estatus de “estratégicas”, un esfuerzo bilateral que se vio frustrado tanto por lo complejo del objetivo que se planteaba como por lo extemporáneo del modelo de asociación al que apelaba (propio de la Guerra Fría), y que en el período 1990-2007 se vio enfrentado a la frenética velocidad de la transformación económica global. Una pregunta clave para entender esta paradoja es ¿por qué una potencia como Japón decide tener una relación estratégica con un país tan pequeño como Chile? y eventualmente ¿qué ocurre cuando una potencia se acopla estratégicamente con un Estado más pequeño? Para abordar este dilema, se utilizó dos metodologías analíticas elaboradas ex profeso y a partir de sus resultados se puede plantear una nueva idea que puede mejorar la comprensión de este fenómeno y, por extensión, de este período. La hipótesis de este trabajo plantea que el subvalorado efecto de la crisis asiática de 1997 en el curso del acuerdo de alianza estratégica suscrito en 1994 puso en jaque el proyecto y que los esfuerzos posteriores por suscribir un TLC no lograron revertir.

El 9/11 de 2001 generó un gran impacto no solo en la política y las economías internacionales, sino además en el mundo académico, que fue demandado por explicaciones que permitieran comprender lo que ocurría y que guiaran la toma de decisiones. Intelectuales adscritos a diferentes corrientes de pensamiento comenzaron a ensayar diversas opciones en un proceso que avanzó en su objetivo inmediato, pero que también reveló tensiones epistemológicas larvadas, con lo cual se pudo asistir a un debate intenso, complejo y erudito. El debate intelectual posterior al 9/11 quedó cautivo por la tesis de Samuel Huntington sobre choque de civilizaciones, donde la dimensión civilizacional y cultural se transformó en el factor crítico. En esta discusión, si bien la religión estuvo presente, no alcanzó la centralidad que en efecto tuvo en el fenómeno vislumbrado con el 9/11. Esta paradoja llevó a que se gastara mucha energía en buscar las claves explicativas donde solo había fragmentos de ella. Por lo anterior, este estudio pretende ofrecer un balance crítico de la discusión sobre seguridad después del 9/11, haciendo un examen de autores, preguntas e hipótesis en circulación, a fin de contar con el mapa del debate verificado desde entonces.

9/11/ 01 caused a huge impact not only on international politics and economies; in addition, the academic world was shook as well, as it was pressed to offer explanations to allow the understanding of what was happening and to guide decision-making processes. Intellectuals subscribed to different schools of thought started to propose different options in a process which achieved such immediate objective but that also revealed latent epistemological tensions; the result was an intense debate, both complex and erudite. The post-9/11 intellectual debate was captivated by Samuel Huntington's thesis concerning the clash of civilizations, where the civilizational and cultural dimension became the critical factor. In this discussion, even though religion was present, it failed to become central as indeed it was during the phenomenon witnessed in 9/11. This paradox caused a great energy squandering in the search for explanative causes when only fragments of them were actually available. Hence, this study pretends to offer a critical balance of the discussion regarding security after 9/11, presenting an assessment of authors, questions, and circulating hypotheses; the aim is to propose a verified map of the debate since its beginnings.

O dia 9/11 de 2001 gerou um grande impacto não somente na política e nas economias internacionais, mas também no mundo acadêmico, que foi requisitado por explicações que permitiram compreender o que acontecia e guiaram a tomada de decisões. Intelectuais ligados a diferentes correntes de pensamento começaram a ensaiar diversas opções em um processo que avançou no seu objetivo imediato, mas que também revelou tensões "epistemológicas larvadas", com o qual se pode assistir a um debate intenso, complexo e erudito. Debates intelectuais post 9/11 ficou cativo pelas teses de Samuel Huntington sobre choque de civilizações, onde a dimensão civilizacional e cultural se transformou no fator crítico. Nesse discursão, sim bem a religião esteve presente, não conseguiu a centralização que em efeito teve no fenômeno vislumbrado com o 9/11. Este antagonismo levou a que, se gastara muita energia na procura das chaves explicativas onde dela somente havia fragmentos. Pelo anterior este estudo pretende oferecer um balance crítico da discusao sobre seguranca despois do 9/11, fazendo em exame de autores, perguntas e hipóteses em circulação a fim de contar com o mapa do debate verificado naquele momento.

Abstract: The historical context of "the Lauca Riverproblem" is studied, identifying different actors and analysis scales and its consequences in the development of the conflict that finished with the breakdown of diplomatic relations between Bolivia and Chile. It is speculated that international relations of both countries, in their attempt to establish their own positions facing the national and international scenes, where the Mediterranean Bolivian feel was the basic problem, could not foresee the political effects that led to a border dispute of low intensity to an international conflict of high intensity. Some heterodox positions of important Bolivian and Chilean figures are analyzed to solve the dispute. It is also mentioned the impact of this disagreement in the local and regional development of the current Arica-Parinacota region.

Resumen: Se estudia el contexto histórico de la "cuestión del río Lauca", identificando diferentes actores y escalas de análisis y sus consecuencias en el desarrollo del conflicto que concluyó con la ruptura de relaciones diplomáticas entre Bolivia y Chile. Se conjetura que las diplomacias de ambos países en su intento por establecer sus posiciones frente a los escenarios nacionales e internacionales, donde la mediterraneidad boliviana fue el problema de fondo, no lograron prever las consecuencias políticas que llevaron a un diferendo fronterizo de baja intensidad a escalar a un conflicto internacional de alta intensidad. Se analizan algunas posiciones heterodoxas de personajes bolivianos y chilenos para solucionar el litigio. También se hace referencia al impacto de este litigio en el desarrollo local y regional de la actual Región de Arica y Parinacota.

In the Tarapacá Region of Chile, Bolivian migrant women are frequently hired as domestic workers to provide care for children or the elderly. Favored by current legislation and geographic proximity, Bolivian nationals engage in circular migration in a three-month cycle. Migrant women do not seek to put down roots in Chile, but instead migrate temporarily and repetitively. This article analyzes the labor histories of these circular migrants based on interviews conducted in the city of Iquique. There is a high level of fragmentation in their labor history, mainly due to non-payment of salaries, long workdays and mistreatment by employers. It is concluded in first place, that circular migration of care workers implies high personal and familiar costs for these migrant women, as it produces great uncertainty and the possibility to extend -unnecessary- the migration season. In second place, it is established the need to formulate specific migration public policies for this workers.

En la región de Tarapacá es usual que migrantes bolivianas sean contratadas como trabajadoras domésticas para realizar trabajo de cuidado de niños o ancianos. Favorecida por la legislación vigente y por la cercanía geográfica, nacionales bolivianas realizan una migración circular con un ritmo de tres meses. Las migrantes no buscan establecerse en el país, sino que efectúan una migración temporal y repetitiva. Mediante entrevistas aplicadas en la ciudad de Iquique se analiza la trayectoria laboral de estas migrantes circulares. Se observa una alta fragmentación de su trayectoria laboral, la que se origina fundamentalmente por el no pago de sus remuneraciones, las extensas jornadas de trabajo a las que son sometidas y el maltrato que reciben de parte de sus empleadores. Se concluye en primer lugar que la migración circular del trabajo de cuidado trae altos costos personales y familiares para las migrantes, en tanto genera una gran incertidumbre y la posibilidad de extender su temporada de migración más allá de lo deseado. En segundo lugar, se establece la necesidad de formular políticas públicas migratorias específicas para este grupo de trabajadoras.

This article analyzes the constitution of international discourse about the conflict of Chile and Bolivia Treaty of 1904, which set the following relations between the two countries. Is selected the period 1900-1930, because it corresponds to the decades during which Chile stabilized its relations with the three neighboring countries through treaties of 1902, 1904 and 1929. The hypothesis proposed in this paper is that during this period the speech and Chilean politics were consolidated. On the one hand, this speech was prepared under a rational and legal approach, which is based on a deeper process and associated with the establishment of the Chilean identity, whose components catalyzed with the Pacific War. Furthermore, both identity and address, Gritty truths became, whose validity has remained to the present. The preparation of this work is based on the annual report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile, the main source informs us about this speech and politics to which it gave rise.

Este artículo analiza la constitución del discurso internacional de Chile respecto del conflicto y del Tratado de 1904 con Bolivia, que configuró las relaciones siguientes entre ambas naciones. Se ha seleccionado el período 1900-1930, porque corresponde a las décadas durante las cuales Chile estabilizó sus relaciones con los tres países vecinos, mediante los tratados de 1902, 1904 y 1929. La hipótesis propuesta en este trabajo es que durante este período el discurso y la política chilena se consolidaron. Por una parte, este discurso se elaboró bajo un enfoque racional y jurídico, basado en un proceso más profundo y asociado a la constitución de la identidad chilena, cuyos componentes catalizaron con la Guerra del Pacífico. Por otra, ambas, identidad y discurso, se volvieron verdades pétreas, cuya vigencia se ha mantenido hasta el presente. La elaboración de este trabajo se basa en la Memoria anual del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile, la principal fuente que nos informa sobre este discurso y de la política a que éste dio lugar.

The Cold War (1947-1991) was characterized by the well-known East-West ideological bipolarity, which had global reach and covering all aspects of public and private life. Japan and Latin America came under the hegemony of the United States and, consequently, their relations were formally subject to the rigidities of this historical context. However, tensions between Washington and Tokyo and international pragmatism of the Allende government (1970-1973), were the keys to the relationship between Santiago and Tokyo in a model characterized by heterodoxy, in a scheme that deviated from the general rules of the Cold War and we have called "side" relationships.

La Guerra Fría (1947-1991) estuvo caracterizada por el conocido bipolarismo ideológico Este-Oeste, el que tuvo alcance mundial y que abarcó todas las dimensiones de la vida pública y privada. Japón y América Latina quedaron bajo la hegemonía de Estados Unidos y, en consecuencia, sus relaciones estuvieron formalmente supeditadas a las rigideces de este contexto histórico. Sin embargo, las tensiones entre Washington y Tokio y el pragmatismo internacional del Gobierno de Allende (1970-1973), constituyeron las claves de la relación entre Santiago y Tokio, en un modelo caracterizado por la heterodoxia, en un esquema que se apartaba de las reglas generales de la Guerra Fría y que hemos denominado relaciones "laterales".

Background: Coronary artery bypass graft (CABG) is a standard surgical option for patients with diffuse and significant arterial plaque. This procedure, however, is not free of postoperative complications, especially pulmonary and cognitive disorders. Objective: This study aimed at comparing the impact of two different physiotherapy treatment approaches on pulmonary and cognitive function of patients undergoing CABG. Methods: Neuropsychological and pulmonary function tests were applied, prior to and following CABG, to 39 patients randomized into two groups as follows: Group 1 (control) - 20 patients underwent one physiotherapy session daily; and Group 2 (intensive physiotherapy) - 19 patients underwent three physiotherapy sessions daily during the recovery phase at the hospital. Non-paired and paired Student t tests were used to compare continuous variables. Variables without normal distribution were compared between groups by using Mann-Whitney test, and, within the same group at different times, by using Wilcoxon test. The chi-square test assessed differences of categorical variables. Statistical tests with a p value ≤ 0.05 were considered significant. Results: Changes in pulmonary function were not significantly different between the groups. However, while Group 2 patients showed no decline in their neurocognitive function, Group 1 patients showed a decline in their cognitive functions (P ≤ 0.01). Conclusion: Those results highlight the importance of physiotherapy after CABG and support the implementation of multiple sessions per day, providing patients with better psychosocial conditions and less morbidity.

Neste período, a chave para o relacionamento entre a Índia e a América Latina e o Caribe foi baseada no caráter político dessa ligação: Era uma relação "uni-multilateral", centrada na Índia, onde os países da América Latina e o Caribe operavam como um conjunto de entidades autônomas (uma estrutura de "cadeia de ilhas"), e não como uma unidade de um caráter supranacional com conduta internacional unificada (uma estrutura de ilha). Como veremos, confrontados com políticas indianas uniformes e consistentes, a América Latina e o Caribe tiveram políticas nacionais que tornam impossível discutir uma política regional para a Índia. O objetivo deste trabalho é formar uma caracterização geral das políticas bilaterais durante o período da Guerra Fria, com a intenção de identificar os principais fatores explicativos do processo. Embora isso possa ser um objetivo limitado, aborda a não existência de um debate acadêmico em torno do tema. Pretendemos contribuir com uma análise que nesta fase é basicamente descritiva.

In this period, the key to the relationship between India and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) was based in the political nature of this liaison: it was a "uni-multilateral" relationship, centered in India, where LAC countries operated as a group of autonomous entities (an "island chain" structure), and not as a unit of a supranational character with unified international conduct (an island structure). As we will see, faced with uniform and consistent Indian policies, LAC had national policies which make it impossible to discuss a regional policy towards India. The goal of this work is to form a general characterization of the bilateral policies during the period of the Cold War with the intent of identifying the key explanatory factors of the process. While this may be a limited objective, it addresses the non-existence of an academic debate surrounding the topic. We intend to contribute an analysis which in this phase is primarily descriptive.

This paper studies the economic thought of Felipe Herrera Lane, from the perspective of political economy and by crossing three dimensions: His intellectual biography its international role and his intellectual work. The latter is the basis for a research like this, but nourishes and complements the previous two.

Este artículo estudia el pensamiento económico de Felipe Herrera Lane, desde la perspectiva de la economía política y mediante el cruce de tres dimensiones: Su biografía intelectual, su rol internacional y su obra. Ésta última constituye la base de una investigación como ésta, pero se nutre y complementa de las dos anteriores.

Japanese foreign policy has typically been characterized by its most visible features, trade and cooperation, while lacking a political and ideological dimension. In the middle of the ’90s this vision was qualified through the addition of another dimension (D. Arase) which affrmed that cooperation was concealing a well-planned diplomatic strategy to increase Japan’s political influence at the international level, thus creating an alternative to what was known as the Yoshida doctrine. The application of David Arase’s thesis to the specific case of Latin America and the Caribbean allows us to observe that, while theoretically credible, it lacks sufficient empirical support to be considered entirely true. In the following pages we present the uniqueness of the problem as well as counter-evidence to Arase’s thesis.

La política exterior de Japón ha sido caracterizada únicamente por sus rasgos más visibles, comercio y cooperación, y desprovista de una dimensión política e ideológica. A mediados de la década del ’90 esta visión fue matizada por otra (D. Arase) que aseveraba que la cooperación ocultaba una bien planeada estrategia diplomática dirigida a incrementar la influencia política de Japón a nivel internacional, creándose así una visión alternativa a la llamada doctrina Yoshida. La aplicación de la tesis de David Arase al caso específico de América Latina y el Caribe, permite observar que aquélla, si bien es teóricamente verosímil carece de sustento empírico suficiente para ser considerada totalmente verdadera. En las páginas siguientes exponemos la singularidad de la problemática y las contrapruebas a la tesis de Arase.

The distribution of the poorly known hylid frog Hypsiboas roraima Duellman & Hoogmoed, on the Guiana Shield is redefined, including new records from Venezuela. The advertisement call of this species is analyzed and Hypsiboas angelicus Myers & Donnelly is associated as a junior synonym of H. roraima.

Redefinimos la distribución del hílido guayanés Hypsiboas roraima Duellman & Hoogmoed. Analizamos su canto y consideramos Hypsiboas angelicus Myers & Donnelly como un sinónimo menor de H. roraima.