Introduction The hemogram and hemogram-derivative ratios (HDRs) are becoming markers of the severity and mortality of COVID-19. We evaluated the hemograms and serial weekly HDRs [neutrophil-lymphocyte ratio (NLR), monocyte-lymphocyte ratio (MLR), platelet-lymphocyte ratio (PLR), neutrophil-platelet ratio (NPR) and systemic immune-inflammatory index (SII)] in the survivors and non-survivors of COVID-19. Methods We retrospectively reviewed the medical notes and serial hemograms of real-time reverse-transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR)-confirmed COVID-19 adults hospitalized from April 2020 to March 2021 from the time of diagnosis to the 3rd week of diagnosis. Results Of the 320 adults, 257 (80.3%) were survivors and had a lower mean age than the non-survivors (57.73 vs. 64.65 years, p < 0.001). At diagnosis, the non-survivors had lower hematocrit (p = 0.021), and lymphocyte (p = 0.002) and basophil (p = 0.049) counts and the hematocrit showed a p-value (Is this what you meant???) of 0.021); higher NLR (p < 0.001), PLR (p = 0.047), NPR (p = 0.022) and SII (p = 0.022). Using general linear models, the survivors and non-survivors showed significant variations with weekly lymphocyte count (p < 0.001), neutrophil count (p = 0.005), NLR (p = 0.009), MLR (p = 0.010) and PLR (p = 0.035). All HDRs remained higher in the non-survivors in the 2nd week and 3rd week of diagnosis and the HDRs were higher in the intubated patients than in the non-intubated patients. The NLR and SII were more efficient predictors of mortality in COVID-19 patients. Conclusions This study shows that serial lymphocyte and neutrophil counts, NLR, PLR, MLR, NPR and SII could serve as good and easily accessible markers of severity and predictors of outcomes in COVID-19 patients and should be used for the monitoring of treatment response. hemogramderivative derivative (HDRs COVID19. COVID19 COVID 19. 19 neutrophillymphocyte , (NLR) monocytelymphocyte monocyte (MLR) plateletlymphocyte platelet (PLR) neutrophilplatelet (NPR immuneinflammatory immune inflammatory (SII) nonsurvivors non realtime real reversetranscription reverse transcription RTPCRconfirmed RT PCR confirmed COVID-1 202 rd 32 25 80.3% 803 80 3 (80.3% 57.73 5773 57 73 (57.7 vs 6465 64 65 64.6 years 0.001. 0001 0.001 . 0 001 0.001) 0.021, 0021 0.021 021 0.021) 0.002 0002 002 0.049 0049 049 pvalue value Is meant meant??? 0.001, 0.047, 0047 0.047 047 0.047) 0.022 0022 022 0.022. models 0.005, 0005 0.005 005 0.005) 0.009, 0009 0.009 009 0.009) 0.010 0010 010 0.035. 0035 0.035 035 0.035) nd nonintubated response COVID1 1 (NLR (MLR (PLR (SII COVID- 20 2 80.3 8 (80.3 57.7 577 5 7 (57. 646 6 64. 000 0.00 00 0.02 02 0.04 004 04 meant?? 0.01 01 003 0.03 03 80. (80. 57. (57 0.0 meant? (80 (5 0. (8 (

Résumé La corruption politique est l'un des problèmes les plus graves et les plus complexes auxquels sont confrontées les nouvelles et les anciennes démocraties. Fondamentalement, cela implique l'abus du pouvoir public pour tout type d'avantage privé, y compris les avantages des partis au pouvoir par rapport à leur opposition. Elle va ainsi à l'encontre du principe d'égalité politique inhérent à la démocratie, puisque ses protagonistes peuvent obtenir ou maintenir un pouvoir et des avantages politiques disproportionnés par rapport à ce qu'ils obtiendraient par des voies légitimes et légales de compétition politique. En même temps, elle dénature la dimension républicaine de la démocratie car, à cause d'elle, les politiques publiques résultent non pas de débats et de discussions publiques entre différents projets, mais d'accords en coulisses qui favorisent des intérêts fallacieux. Malgré l'efficacité des instruments méthodologiques classiques tels que les sondages d'opinion avec questionnaire structuré et la recherche qualitative avec focus group , il est encore possible d'identifier des biais dans la qualité des informations collectées sur la corruption. Cet article vise à résoudre ce problème en introduisant deux expériences d'enquête, l'une menée en 2014 et l'autre en 2018. L'enquête de 2014 a indiqué qu'il existe une différence substantielle entre la question directe et la question expérimentale. Le niveau de tolérance à l'égard de la corruption est beaucoup plus élevé que ne le signalent les autres instruments méthodologiques. La comparaison avec l'expérience de 2018 a permis la validation et l'extrapolation des résultats trouvés par Moisés et Nunes de Oliveira (2018). lun l démocraties Fondamentalement labus abus davantage d avantage privé opposition lencontre encontre dégalité égalité quils qu ils temps car delle, delle elle, d'elle projets daccords accords fallacieux lefficacité efficacité dopinion opinion didentifier identifier denquête, denquête enquête, enquête d'enquête lune 201 lautre autre Lenquête L quil expérimentale légard égard lexpérience expérience lextrapolation extrapolation . (2018) 20 (2018 2 (201 (20 (2 (

Resumen La corrupción política es uno de los problemas más graves y complejos que enfrentan las nuevas y viejas democracias. Fundamentalmente, implica en el abuso del poder público para cualquier tipo de beneficio privado, incluidas las ventajas de los partidos de gobierno sobre su oposición. Derrota así el principio de igualdad política inherente a la democracia, ya que sus protagonistas pueden obtener o mantener poder y beneficios políticos desproporcionados a los que lograrían a través de formas legítimas y legales de competir políticamente. Al mismo tiempo, distorsiona la dimensión republicana de la democracia porque hace que las políticas públicas resulten no del debate y la disputa pública entre diferentes proyectos, sino de acuerdos entre bastidores que favorecen intereses espurios. A pesar de la eficiencia de los instrumentos metodológicos clásicos, como las encuestas de opinión con cuestionario estructurado y la investigación cualitativa con grupos focales, aún es posible identificar sesgos en la calidad de la información recolectada sobre corrupción. Este artículo tiene como objetivo abordar este problema mediante la introducción de dos experimentos de encuesta, uno realizado en 2014 y otro en 2018. La encuesta de 2014 indicó que existe una diferencia sustancial entre la pregunta directa y la pregunta experimental. El nivel de tolerancia a la corrupción es muy superior al que señalan los demás instrumentos metodológicos. La comparación con el experimento de 2018 permitió la validación y extrapolación de los resultados encontrados por Moisés y Nunes de Oliveira (2018). democracias Fundamentalmente privado oposición políticamente tiempo proyectos espurios clásicos focales 201 experimental . (2018) 20 (2018 2 (201 (20 (2 (

Political corruption is one of the most severe and complex problems facing new and old democracies. Fundamentally, it involves the abuse of public power for any kind of private benefit, including advantages to governing parties over their opposition. It thus defeats the principle of political equality inherent in democracy, as its protagonists can obtain or maintain power and political benefits disproportionate to what they would achieve through legitimate and forms of political competition. At the same time, it distorts the republican dimension of democracy because it makes public policies result, not from debate and public dispute between different projects, but from behind-the-scenes agreements that favor spurious interests. Despite the efficiency of classical methodological instruments such as opinion polls with structured questionnaires and qualitative research with focus groups, it is still possible to identify biases in the quality of the information collected on corruption. This article aims to address this issue by introducing two survey experiments, one conducted in 2014 and one in 2018. The 2014 survey indicated that there is a substantive difference between the direct question and the experimental question. The level of tolerance for corruption is much higher than the other methodological instruments point out. Comparison with the 2018 experiment allowed the validation and extrapolation of the results found by Moisés and Nunes de Oliveira (2018). democracies Fundamentally benefit opposition competition time result projects behindthescenes behind scenes interests groups experiments 201 out . (2018) 20 (2018 2 (201 (20 (2 (

Resumo A corrupção política é um dos problemas mais graves e complexos enfrentados pelas novas e velhas democracias. Fundamentalmente, ela envolve o abuso de poder público para qualquer tipo de benefício privado, incluindo vantagens para partidos de governo. Desqualifica, assim, o princípio de igualdade política inerente à democracia, pois seus protagonistas podem obter ou manter poder e benefícios políticos desproporcionais ao que conseguiriam por meio de formas legítimas e legais de competir politicamente. Ao mesmo tempo, a corrupção distorce a dimensão republicana da democracia porque faz com que as políticas públicas resultem, não do debate e da disputa pública entre diferentes projetos, mas de acordos de bastidores que favorecem interesses espúrios. Apesar da eficiência de instrumentos metodológicos clássicos como pesquisas de opinião com questionário estruturado e pesquisas qualitativas com grupos focais, ainda é possível identificar vieses na qualidade das informações coletadas sobre corrupção. Este artigo visa abordar essa questão apresentando dois experimentos de pesquisa, um realizado em 2014 e outro em 2018. A pesquisa de 2014 indicou que há uma diferença substantiva entre a pergunta direta e a pergunta experimental. O nível de tolerância à corrupção é muito superior ao apontado por outros instrumentos metodológicos. A comparação com o experimento de 2018 permitiu a validação e extrapolação dos resultados encontrados por Moisés e Nunes de Oliveira (2018). democracias Fundamentalmente privado governo Desqualifica assim politicamente tempo resultem projetos espúrios focais 201 experimental . (2018) 20 (2018 2 (201 (20 (2 (

Este artigo busca analisar as razões motivadoras da parceria no jogo das negociações comerciais multilaterais. O objetivo é contribuir para a compreensão mais ampla sobre as bases (doméstica e internacional) do processo de constituição de coalizões internacionais, ou parcerias, de tipo Sul-Sul no novo contexto da agenda multilateral. Tal processo tem ocupado papel central na dinâmica das negociações multilaterais e regionais de comércio, particularmente no que tange às perspectivas do reequilíbrio de forças centro-periferia do sistema internacional. A reabertura de uma nova rodada de negociações multilaterais no âmbito da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), com foco justamente nos novos desafios temáticos sobre comércio internacional e caminhos para o desenvolvimento, reintroduz a centralidade do papel das coalizões e alianças de tipo Sul-Sul. Este artigo analisa a convergência e divergência de interesses comerciais entre Brasil, Índia e África do Sul, dentro do quadro de interesses político-estratégicos mais amplos, mostrando que os aspectos meramente comerciais não dão conta de explicar os tipos de alinhamentos produzidos no interior da arena multilateral de comércio.

This article seeks to analyze the reasons that stimulate the multilateral trade negotiations. The purpose is going to contribute for the comprehension about the basis (domestic and international) in the constitution of international coalitions, in the new context of the multilateral agenda. The international coalitions constitution trial has occupied central paper in the dynamic one of the multilateral and regional negotiations, in particular in what plays to the perspectives of the balance of forces center-periphery of the international system. The new thematic challenges about international trade and development introduce new studies about the international coalitions and alliances on the South level. This article analyzes the convergence and divergence of commercial interests between Brazil, India and Africa of the South, inside the chart of broader political-strategic interests, showing that the merely commercial aspects do not give to count of explain the kinds of alignments that are produced in the interior of the arena multilateral of commerce.