Abstract Background Sporotrichosis is the most frequent subcutaneous mycosis in Latin America, where it is considered endemic. At the end of the 20th century, the first cases of zoonotic transmission were described in Rio de Janeiro, triggering an epidemic outbreak that spread to other regions of Brazil. The lack of disease notification omits its real occurrence in the country, which happens in its most populous city, São Paulo. Objective To evaluate the epidemiological aspects of the patients seen at a hospital in São Paulo aiming at establishing the geographic distribution of this disease. Methods This is a retrospective study that analyzed data from medical records of patients with a clinical and laboratory diagnosis of sporotrichosis attended at a tertiary hospital in the city of São Paulo between 2012 and 2020. Results Twenty patients were included. As for zoonotic surveillance, 30% denied contact with an animal, and 70% reported previous contact with a sick cat, with no other animals being mentioned. One case was allochthonous and the others autochthonous, showing a dissemination behavior from a focus in the eastern area of the capital. Study limitations The present study was based on data from only one hospital. Studies that include data from other hospitals and other regions must be carried out to obtain a complete picture of this disease. Conclusions As in other regions of the country, zoonotic sporotrichosis presents itself as an endemic disease with an increase in the number of cases. The findings highlight epidemiological characteristics of great importance so that public health policies can contain disease progression.

The main goal consisted in the characterization of gradual concepts according to the categories of physical and chemical processes. The first step was to identify preceding notions about this principle of interaction in daily happenings, followed by the implementation of didactic interventions in order to appropriate the concept, and, finally, the determination of better acceptance of mental representations. This proposal has promoted the comprehension of the universe at macroscopic and microscopic levels and fosters constructive attitudes towards the study of science. This study is based on the corpuscular theory of matter and its interaction with light as a form of energy. The approach is based on a qualitative methodology with a comprehensive - descriptive perspective. A group of twenty-two students was analyzed at a generalized level in the mentioned categories and also, an insightful analysis of three learners with the purpose of determining changes in their cognitive representations. Paralleling the initial test with the final one, it was established that 31.8% of the pupils is placed on the physical - process category, 63.6% on the chemical - process category, and only 4.5% of them does not indicate the interaction; this evidences the progressive conceptual change and the gradual distancing of previous ideas.

RESUMO Este artigo analisa a tradução feita na União Soviética de As Reinações de Narizinho (1961) Orden jioltogo diatla (1961) (em português, “Ordem do Pica-Pau Amarelo”), que também inclui trechos de Memórias de Emília. Para ser publicada a tradução teve que sofrer várias mudanças: referências à propriedade particular foram alteradas; o comportamento das personagens ganhou tom educacional e moralizante; críticas aos historiadores e filósofos foram cortadas; e comentários sobre Tia Nastácia hoje em dia considerados racistas precisaram ser amenizados. Além disso, todas as referências às figuras hollywoodianas que visitam o sítio foram omitidas.

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the translation of As Reinações de Narizinho (1961; Orden jioltogo diatla, “Order of the Yellow Woodpecker”) published in the Soviet Union in 1961, which includes excerpts from Memórias de Emília. Several changes to the original were required in the translation: references to private property had to be cut; the behaviour of the characters had to have an educational and moralizing tone; criticism of historians and philosophers had to be omitted; and comments about Aunt Nastasia nowadays often considered racist had to be toned down. In addition, all references to Hollywood figures who visit the Sítio were removed.

Resumen El crédito hipotecario es reconocido en Colombia como una de las herramientas más utilizadas para obtener vivienda propia. Esta investigación identifica los principales determinantes del crédito hipotecario, y estima la influencia de factores como la educación, el ingreso y el empleo en la probabilidad de hacer uso efectivo de tal crédito por parte de los hogares bogotanos. Con tal propósito, se realiza una descripción del marco normativo del acceso a la vivienda y las condiciones de financiación establecidas por las principales entidades bancarias. Posteriormente, y con base en los datos recolectados por la encuesta multipropósito, realizada en 2014, para Bogotá, se estima un modelo Logit para establecer la probabilidad de uso del crédito para la compra de vivienda. Los resultados sugieren que la edad, el ingreso y la estabilidad laboral influyen significativamente sobre la decisión de uso de crédito; sin embargo, el factor más importante está dado por el nivel de educación. JEL Classification: D14, H31, G21

Abstract Mortgage credit is recognized in Colombia as one of the most used tools to obtain homeownership. This research identifies the main determinants of mortgage credit and estimates the influence of factors such as education, income and employment in the probability of making effective use of such credit by households in Bogota. In order to aim that purpose, this paper makes a description of regulatory framework for access to housing and the financial conditions established by major banks. Subsequently, and bases on the data gathered by the multipurpose survey made in 2014 for Bogota, a Logit model was estimated to establish the probability of use of credit for the purchase of housing. The results suggest that age, income and job stability influence the decision to use mortgage credit, however, the most important factor is given by the level of education. JEL Classification: D14, H31, G21

En 2.000 años de historia la Iglesia Católica tuvo 266 papas. De ellos, solo cuatro fueron también doctores en Medicina. En abril del año 309, el médico griego Eusebio desempeñó su pontificado durante cuatro meses, acusado de soberbia, falleció en el destierro y fue santificado. El médico, sacerdote y erudito siciliano León II fue papa desde agosto de 682 hasta julio de 683. Falleció en Roma y fue santificado. Víctor III fue monje benedictino en la abadía de Montecassino, donde adoptó el nombre de Desiderio. En ella fue nombrado abad mayor en 1058. Fue contemporáneo del célebre Constantino el Africano y estudió medicina con él. En medio de las luchas de poder y con los extenuantes conflictos papa-antipapa, Desiderio fue elegido papa en mayo de 1086 y adoptó el nombre de Víctor III. Ejerció su cargo durante 16 meses. Murió el 17 de setiembre de 1087 y fue santificado. En setiembre de 1276, el médico, filósofo, teólogo y jurista portugués Peter Julianus fue ungido papa con el nombre de Juan XXI. Murió ocho meses más tarde, el 20 de mayo de 1277, víctima del derrumbe del techo del Palacio Arzobispal de Viterbo, ciudad desde la cual ejerció su pontificado. En 1783, Miguel Gorman, protomédico del Virreinato del Río de la Plata, en ocasión de la inauguración de la Academia de Medicina de Montevideo, expresó: “Cuéntase entre los sabios de la medicina, cuatro Sumos Pontífices…”.

Em 2.000 anos de historia a Igreja crista católica teve 266 papas; quatro deles foram também doutores en Medicina. Em abril de 309, o médico grego Eusébio desempenhou seu pontificado durante quatro meses; acusado de soberba, faleceu no desterro e foi santificado. O médico, sacerdote e erudito siciliano Leão II foi papa desde agosto de 682 até julho de 683. Faleceu em Roma e foi santificado. Vitor III foi monge beneditino na abadia de Montecassino, onde adotou o nome de Desidério. Em 1508 foi nomeado abade geral. Foi contemporâneo do célebre Constantino o Africano com quem estudou medicina. Entre as lutas de poder e os extenuantes conflitos papa-antipapa, Desidério foi eleito papa en maio de 1086 e adotou o nome de Victor III. Exerceu seu cargo durante 16 meses. Morreu no dia 17 de setembro de 1087 e foi santificado. Em setembro de 1276, o médico, filósofo, teólogo e jurista português Pedro Julião Rebolo foi ungido papa com o nome de João XXI. Morreu oito meses mais tarde, no dia 20 de maio de 1277, vítima do desmoronamento do teto do Palácio Apostólico de Viterbo, cidade na qual exerceu seu pontificado. Em 1783, Miguel Gorman, protomédico do Vice-reinado do Rio da Prata, na inauguração da Academia de Medicina de Montevidéu, expressou “Entre os sábios da medicina, encontram-se quatro Sumos Pontífices…”.

In the history of Christianity, out of 266 Popes, only four were Medical Doctors. In April 309 Eusebius, of Greek origin, was appointed Pope, but he soon exiled and died four months later in Sicily. Sicilian Leon II, erudite, priest and Medical Doctor was appointed Pope in August 682. Ten months later he died in Rome. Leon’s feast day is July the 3rd. Victor III, originally Dauferius, later Desiderius, was born in 1027 in Benevento, Lombardy, northern Italy. He studied Medicine under Constantinus Africanus at the Salernian Medical School. He was elected Pope in May 16th, 1086 and died sixteen months later in Montecassino. He was beatified. His day is September 16th. In September 1276, Portuguese philosopher, theologist, juriconsult and Medical Doctor Peter Julianus was elected Pope as John XXI. He died eight months later at Viterbo, Italy, when a roof tumbled down upon him. In 1783 Miguel Gorman, physician to the Viceroyalty of the River Plate, addressed the Medical Academy with a lecture on four medical scholars who were Popes.

El estribo, último descubrimiento óseo, fue hallado en forma accidental por Philippi Ingrassia en 1546. Constancius Varolio, en 1531, describió por primera vez el músculo del estribo. Antonio María Valsalva encontró la anquilosis estapedio vestibular en la necropsia de un sordo profundo en 1704 y asimismo hizo mención a los líquidos laberínticos. A mediados del siglo XIX, Joseph Toynbee realizó estudios microscópicos sobre 2.000 temporales y describió con precisión la enfermedad que años después Adam Politzer llamaría otosclerosis. Este mismo autor y casi todos los grandes otólogos de fines del siglo XIX procedieron a continuación a condenar las operaciones sobre el estribo, léase las movilizaciones de Ernest Mach y Johannes Kessel y la estapedectomía de Frederick Jack. En el siglo XX, la perseverancia de Maurice Sourdille, alumno de los suecos Gunnar Holmgren y Carl Olof Nylen, creadores de la microscopía otológica, llevó la fenestración a algunos éxitos luego de más de diez años de esfuerzos. A continuación y muy rápidamente, Julius Lempert y George Shambaugh modificaron la técnica e impulsaron la apertura laberíntica en un solo tiempo, con mejores resultados. Samuel Rosen, de Nueva York, redescubrió la movilización en 1952 y cuatro años después John Shea, de Memphis, Tennessee, hizo lo mismo con la estapedectomía. En el Río de la Plata, la primera mención académica sobre el tema osicular correspondió a Pedro Belou, que a lo largo de 20 años de penosas disecciones (1912-1931) publicó finalmente un excelente Atlas de anatomía del oído. Martín Castro Escalada también debe ser recordado por su tesis primacial de 1914 acerca del desarrollo del aparato auditivo en los mamíferos. Por último, dos grandes latinoamericanos, Mario Rius de Uruguay y Juan Manuel Tato de Argentina, enseñaron en esta región del mundo los estudios anatómicos y desarrollaron las destrezas quirúrgicas que llevaron a la Escuela Otológica Rioplatense a su actual nivel de excelencia.

Resumo O estribo, último osso a ser descrito, foi encontrado acidentalmente por Philippi Ingrassia em 1546. Constancius Varolio, em 1531, descreveu pela primeira vez o músculo do estribo. Antonio Maria Valsalva encontrou a anquilose estapedio vestibular na necropsia de um homem com uma surdez profunda em 1704 e também fez menção aos líquidos do labirinto. No século XIX, Joseph Toynbee realizou estudos microscópicos sobre 2.000 temporais e descreveu com precisão a doença que anos depois Adam Politzer denominaria otoesclerose. Este mesmo autor e quase todos os grandes otologistas do fim do século XIX condenavam as operações sobre o estribo, como se pode observar na leitura das mobilizações de Ernest Mach e Johannes Kessel e na estapedectomia de Frederick Jack. No século XX, a perseverança de Maurice Sourdille, aluno dos suecos Gunnar Holmgren e Carl Olof Nylen, criadores da microscopia otológica, fez com que a fenestração fosse bem sucedida depois de mais de dez anos de esforços. Em seguida e rapidamente, Julius Lempert e George Shambaugh modificaram a técnica e propuseram abrir o labirinto no mesmo momento, com melhores resultados. Samuel Rosen, de Nova York, redescobriu em 1952 a mobilização e quatro anos depois John Shea, de Memphis, Tennessee, a estapedectomía. No Rio da Prata, a primeira menção acadêmica sobre o tema ossicular foi feita por Pedro Belou, que depois de 20 anos de penosas dissecções 1912-1931 finalmente publicou um excelente Atlas de anatomia do ouvido. Martín Castro Escalada também deve ser recordado por sua tese de 1914 sobre o desenvolvimento do aparelho auditivo em mamíferos. Por último, dois grandes latinoamericanos, Mario Rius do Uruguai e Juan Manuel Tato da Argentina, ensinaram nesta Região estudos anatômicos e desenvolveram destrezas cirúrgicas que fizeram com que a Escola Otológica do Rio da Prata chegasse ao seu atual nível de excelência.

Summary The stapedius, the last bone discovered was found by accident by Philippi Ingrassia in 1546. In 1531 Constancius Varolio had described the stapedius muscle for the first time. Antonio María Valsalva found stapedio-vestibular ankylosis at the necropsy of a profoundly deaf person in 1704 and he also mentioned the existence of labyrinthine liquids. During the mid 19th Century, Joseph Toynbee conducted miscroscope studies on over 2,000 temporal muscles and he accurately described the disease Adam Politzer would later call otosclerosis. This same author and almost all great otologists of late 19th Century were against stapedial surgery - see initiatives by Ernest Mach y Johannes Kessel and stapedectomy by Frederick Jack. In the 20th Century Maurice Sourdille, a disciple of Swedish Gunnar Holmgren and Carl Olof Nylen, founders of microscopic otologic surgery, achieved certain success in fenestration after over ten years of efforts. Soon after, Julius Lempert and George Shambaugh modified the technique and fostered the opening of the labyrinth in a single time surgery, what resulted in a better outcome. Samuel Rosen, in New York rediscovered this re-positioning in 1952 and four years later John Shea, form Memphis, Tennessee also rediscovered stapedectomy. In the River Plate, the first academic reference to ossicular issues was made by Pedro Belou, who finally published an excellent Atlas on the ear's anatomy after twenty years (1912-1931) of hard dissections. We also need to remember Martín Castro Escalada due to his primacy thesis of 1914 on the development of the hearing system in mammals. Last, two great Latin Americans, Mario Rius from Uruguay and Juan Manuel Tato from Argentina taught in the area of the world the anatomic studies and developed surgical skills that led the River Plate School of Otology to its current level of excellence.

OBJECTIVE: To evaluate two alternatives to the fasting plasma glucose (FPG) test for diabetes screening in Latin America. METHODS: Eight hundred adults without diabetes were recruited in a primary care clinic in Honduras. An equation-based screening formula, incorporating a random capillary glucose test and other risk factors, was used for initial screening. All patients with a screening-based probability of diabetes > 20%, plus one-fifth of those with a probability < 20%, were asked to return for FPG and point-of-care hemoglobin A1c (POC-A1c) tests. An FPG > 126 milligrams per deciliter and a POC-A1c > 6.5% were used as gold standards to assess the performance of the screening equation. The association between the POC-A1c and the FPG tests was examined as were patient factors associated with failure to return for follow-up and variation in diabetes risk across subgroups. RESULTS: The screening equation had excellent test characteristics compared with FPG and POC-A1c. Using the FPG gold standard, the POC-A1c had a sensitivity of 77.8% and a specificity of 84.9%. With an A1c cutoff of 7%, POC-A1c specificity increased to 96.2%. Thirty-four percent of patients asked to return for follow-up testing failed to do so. Those who failed to return were more likely to be men and to have hypertension. CONCLUSIONS: Both the screening equation and POC-A1c are reasonable alternatives to an FPG test for identifying patients with diabetes. Given the barriers to currently recommended screening procedures, these options could have important public health benefits in Latin America.

OBJETIVO: Evaluar dos alternativas a la prueba de glucemia en ayunas para el tamizaje de la diabetes en América Latina. MÉTODOS: Se seleccionaron 800 adultos sin diabetes que acudían a un dispensario de atención primaria en Honduras. Para el tamizaje inicial se utilizó una fórmula de tamizaje mediante la aplicación de ecuaciones, que incluía una prueba aleatoria de la concentración de glucosa capilar y otros factores de riesgo. A todos los pacientes cuyos tamizajes revelaron una probabilidad de diabetes > 20%, y a una quinta parte de los pacientes con una probabilidad < 20%, se les solicitó que regresaran para un examen de glucemia en ayunas y para una de glucohemoglobina (HbA1c) en el lugar de atención. Se utilizaron los siguientes criterios de referencia para evaluar el desempeño de la ecuación del tamizaje: glucemia en ayunas > 126 mg por decilitro y HbA1c > 6,5%. Se analizó la asociación entre las prueba de HbA1c y la de glucemia en ayunas, así como los factores de los pacientes asociados con faltas a las citas de seguimiento y la variación del riesgo de diabetes a través de los subgrupos. RESULTADOS: La ecuación de tamizaje presentó excelentes características de análisis en comparación con el examen de glucosa en ayunas y con la prueba de HbA1c. Usando el criterio de referencia del examen de glucosa en ayunas, el HbA1c mostró una sensibilidad de 77,8% y una especificidad de 84,9%. Con un límite de A1c de 7%, la especificidad de la prueba de HbA1c aumentó a 96,2%. No se presentaron para el seguimiento de la prueba 34% de los pacientes a quienes se les solicitó que regresaran. La probabilidad de no regresar para el seguimiento fue mayor en hombres y que tenían hipertensión. CONCLUSIONES: Tanto la ecuación de tamizaje como la prueba HbA1c son alternativas razonables al examen de glucosa en ayunas. Teniendo en cuenta las barreras actuales a la aplicación de los procedimientos de tamizaje recomendados, estas opciones podrían representar beneficios importantes para la salud pública en América Latina.

This study is an attempt to understand consumers' perceptions regarding Cause Related Marketing [CRM]. The research findings were based on a survey of 200 consumers in the Brighton area and published data. The research aim was focused on the consumers' perception of the alliance between corporations and non-profit organisations. The research found that consumers have a better perception of firms that work with charities and good causes than those that do not. They believe that the partnership between corporations and charities has an impact on the good of society. However, they are aware that corporations themselves benefit from this partnership. Concerning good causes, consumers prefer to support those related to Children. The researchers noticed that an individual connection with a cause might have considerable influence on consumer attitudes and behaviour in relation to a specific cause.

Por meio de uma pesquisa quantitativa, este artigo analisa a tradução de poesia publicada no Brasil entre 1965 e 2004, enfatizando o grande interesse por parte de editoras e do público na sua publicação e demonstrando que São Paulo é a cidade onde mais se traduz poesia. Também mostra que o mercado concentra-se em obras clássicas, especialmente as de língua inglesa, e que a tradução de poesia é essencialmente uma atividade praticada por homens.

Through a quantitative survey, this paper will examine the translation of poetry in Brazil in the last forty years, comparing poetry translated from English with poetry translated from other languages, showing the considerable growth in this area, and demonstrating that translated poetry can be considered a new genre in Brazilian literature. In order to do this, I attempted to discover translations of poetry published between 1965 and 2004, including reeditions of previously published works.

Este trabalho examina o papel de Monteiro Lobato no crescimento da indústria editorial no Brasil, concentrando nas suas traduções de literatura infantil. Lobato revolucionou a indústria livreira no Brasil através da introdução de técnicas comerciais e de venda de seus livros ao público que não estava acostumado a comprar livros. Lobato também aproveita suas traduções para introduzir críticas ao Brasil do Estado Novo, especialmente à política ecônomica de fechamento por parte de Getúlio Vargas. As críticas ao Brasil que aparecem no seu Peter Pan resultaram na prisão de Lobato durante um período de três meses em 1941.

This paper examines the role of the Brazilian writer Monteiro Lobato in the growth of the book industry in Brazil, concentrating on his translations of children's literature. Lobato revolutionized the book industry in Brazil by introducing more commercial techniques and by marketing his books to social classes that were not used to buying books. Lobato also uses his translations to introduce critiques of Brazil in the 1930s, particularly the political and economic closure of the Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas. Indeed, the criticisms voiced in Peter Pan resulted in Lobato's spending three months in jail in 1941.

Six hundred and eleven random-source dogs (338 male, 273 female) one year of age or older, from six sections of the city of Recife, Pernambuco, were examined antemortem for circulating microfilariae Dirofilaria immitis and Dipetalonema reconditum adult heartworm (D. immitis) antigen, and examined postmortem for adult heartworms. The prevalence of heartworm infection was 2.3% (14/611), as determined by necropsy for adult worms, and 1% (6/611) had circulating microfilariae of D. immitis; thus, 57.1% of the heartworm-infected dogs had occult infections. The results of serological testing indicated that 1.3% (8/611) of the dogs were positive for adult heartworm antigen. A total of 42 (6.9%) of the dogs had microfilariae of D. reconditum; 40 of these had only D. reconditum and two additional dogs had microfilariae of both species, D. immitis and D. reconditum.

O comportamento das variedades paulistas de algodoeiro 'IAC 17' e 'IAC 18', em face da colheita mecânica, e a possibilidade de melhorá-lo mediante o uso do regulador de crescimento Cycocel, foram estudados em ensaio conduzido em 1978/79 e 1979/80 no município de Leme (SP). Na média dos dois anos, utilizando-se uma colhedeira John Deere 9900, foi colhido cerca de 89% do algodão produzido, o que representa eficiência comparável à obtida em países que adotam predominantemente essa prática. Em condições normais, as perdas foram 7%, porém, em ano adverso, com chuvas freqüentes na época da colheita e longa permanência do algodão aberto no campo, atingiram 16%. A colheita mecânica proporcionou tipos inferiores de algodão em caroço, situando-se entre 1 e 2 pontos, na escala de classificação comercial, a diferença em relação à colheita manual. As perdas foram maiores, cerca de 2%, para a variedade 'IAC 17', tendo a diferença se manifestado tanto em relação ao algodão caído ao solo, quanto ao que persistiu nas plantas, após a colheita. O prejuízo no tipo foi semelhante para as duas variedades, no ano normal, mas consideravelmente maior para a 'IAC 17', no ano desfavorável. O Cycocel, aplicado na base de 50g de princípio ativo por hectare, aumentou a porcentagem de algodão colhido pela máquina, porém, apenas no ano em que as condições climáticas foram adversas. Todavia, mesmo nesse ano, o produto não contribuiu para melhorar o tipo do algodão colhido mecanicamente. Excetuando tendência para queda na resistência, assim mesmo de forma inconsistente, as demais características tecnológicas da fibra não foram afetadas pela colheita mecânica.

Adequacy of the cultivated cotton varieties 'IAC 17' and 'IAC 18' for mechanical harvesting and the possibility to improve their performance by using the plant growth regulator Cycocel, were studied at Leme, State of São Paulo, Brazil, in the 1978/79 and 1979/80 crop seasons. In the average of the two years, about 89% of the produced cotton was harvested, at one time by a John Deere 9900 two-row picker type machine. Field losses ranged from 7% (in the normal year of 1978/79) to 16% (in 1979/80), when unfavorable climatic conditions prevailed. Grade of seedcotton was 1 to 2 points lower in machine than in hand harvested product. Field losses were about 2% greater for 'IAC 17', the differences between varieties being due to cotton fallen on the ground as well as to that left in the plants. Damage in grade was about the same for both varieties in the normal year, but considerably higher for 'IAC 17' under adverse conditions. Application of 50g/ha of Cycocel increased percentage of cotton harvested mechanically, but this occurred only under adverse climatic conditions. Otherwise, even in the unfavorable year, no beneficial effect on cotton grade could be attributed to this product. Except for an inconsistent tendency for lower fiber strength (Pressley 1/8 inch gauge), fiber properties were not affected by mechanical harvesting.