Resumen En un mundo globalizado, el control legislativo sobre los asuntos relacionados con el Mercosur y la Unión Europea es importante, pero varía en relación con las decisiones de Política Exterior Regional (PER). Este artículo investiga si existen configuraciones, teniendo en cuenta el diseño institucional, las condiciones políticas y los factores económicos, que expliquen la intensidad de la participación legislativa en la determinación de tales asuntos. Se consultó a expertos para seleccionar cinco decisiones que representaban cambios significativos en la dinámica regional del Mercosur y de los países europeos. Una vez definida la muestra intencional de casos, se utilizó un Análisis Cualitativo Comparativo (ACC) para identificar las condiciones causales necesarias y suficientes para la participación de la legislatura en PER. Los resultados indican que el diseño institucional y los factores económicos importan, pero los debates previos en los parlamentos sobre el tema también son relevantes para explicar la acción legislativa. Esto fue corroborado por un Análisis de Coincidencias que demostró que esta variable conforma la cadena causal de la participación. globalizado importante PER . (PER) configuraciones europeos casos ACC (ACC importan (PER

Abstract In a globalized world, Legislative control over matters related to Mercosur and the European Union (EU) is important. However, its importance varies according to Regional Foreign Policy (RFP) decisions. This article investigates whether there are configurations, considering institutional design, political conditions, and economic factors, which explain the intensity of legislative participation in determining such matters. Specialists were consulted to select five decisions that represented significant changes for the regional dynamics of Mercosur and EU member countries. After defining the intentional sample of cases, necessary and sufficient conditions for the participation of the Legislature in RFP were identified through a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). The results indicate that institutional design and economic factors matter, but prior debates in Parliaments on the subject are also relevant to explaining legislative action. This was corroborated by a Coincidence Analysis (CNA) that demonstrated that this variable makes up the causal chain of participation. world (EU important However (RFP configurations countries cases QCA. QCA . (QCA) matter action CNA (CNA (QCA

Résumé Dans un monde globalisé, le contrôle du législatif sur les questions liées au Mercosur et à l’Union Européenne est important, mais il varie en fonction des décisions de Politique Étrangère Régionale (PER). Cet article examine s’il existe des configurations, en tenant compte de la conception institutionnelle, des conditions politiques et des facteurs économiques, qui expliquent l’intensité de la participation législative dans la détermination de telles questions. Une consultation d’experts a été réalisée pour sélectionner 5 décisions représentant des changements significatifs pour la dynamique régionale des pays du Mercosur et de l’Union européenne. Après avoir défini l’échantillon intentionnel de cas, grâce à une Analyse Qualitative Comparative (QCA), des conditions causales, nécessaires et suffisantes, ont été identifiées pour la participation du législatif à la PER. Les résultats indiquent que la conception institutionnelle et les facteurs économiques importent, mais les débats préalables dans les Parlements sur le sujet sont également pertinents pour expliquer l’action législative. Cela a été corroboré par une Analyse de Coïncidence qui a démontré que cette variable fait partie de la chaîne causale de la participation. globalisé lUnion l Union important PER . (PER) sil s configurations lintensité intensité dexperts d experts européenne léchantillon échantillon cas QCA, QCA , (QCA) causales suffisantes importent laction action (PER (QCA

Resumo Em um mundo globalizado, o controle do Legislativo sobre matérias ligadas ao Mercosul e à União Europeia importa, mas varia em relação às decisões de Política Externa Regional (PER). Este artigo investiga se existem configurações, considerando o desenho institucional, as condições políticas e os fatores econômicos, que expliquem a intensidade da participação legislativa na determinação de tais matérias. Foi realizada uma consulta com especialistas para selecionar 5 decisões que representaram mudanças significativas para a dinâmica regional dos países mercosulinos e europeus. Após definida a amostra intencional de casos, através de uma Análise Qualitativa Comparativa (QCA), foram identificadas condições causais, necessárias e suficientes, para a participação do Legislativo em PER. Os resultados indicam que desenho institucional e fatores econômicos importam, mas debates prévios nos Parlamentos sobre o tema também são relevantes para explicar a atuação legislativa. Isso foi corroborado por uma Análise de Coincidência que demonstrou que essa variável compõe a cadeia causal da participação. globalizado importa PER . (PER) configurações europeus casos QCA, QCA , (QCA) causais suficientes importam (PER (QCA

Abstract Does French legislation encourage integration and post-national citizenship? Although French national identity and integration literature reaffirms the exhaustion of the French model and politics for integration, and although traces of economic and social segregation are still observed, data from the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques and the Migrant Integration Policy Index indicate instead a growing care, from 2015 onwards, to include non-nationals into French society. In light of this mismatch between literature and data, this study tests the hypothesis that the legislative acts published by Paris display a propensity towards welcoming and guaranteeing rights regardless of the immigrants’ nationality. To that end, our research design is multi-method. First, we applied content analysis to 40 regulations referring to immigration, nationality, and citizenship in the period from 2001 to 2022. Then, correspondence analysis was used to gauge the correlation between the proposed categories. Corroborating our hypotheses, the results suggest that (i) French laws, decrees, and ordinances have set norms that are more focused on respecting and welcoming immigrants; and that (ii) there is a correlation between the norms that include non-nationals and those that dissociate the guarantee of rights from nationality. In this way, the present study contributes to the literature on migration flows in the 21st century, especially the guarantee of Human Rights and dignity in French society. postnational post observed care 201 onwards nonnationals non nationals society immigrants nationality end multimethod. multimethod multi method. method multi-method First 4 immigration 200 2022 Then categories hypotheses i (i laws decrees ii (ii way st century 20 202 2

Abstract: This article aims to introduce and delve into the application of the Process Tracing (PT) method in the analysis of single case studies as theory testing in International Relations (IR), focusing particularly on supporting Brazilian researchers. Inspired by the growing use and significance of PT, it seeks to provide a framework for its utilization in theory testing, aiding those seeking to adapt IR theories to evaluate specific cases. Using the institutionalization of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) in the United States as an example, the paper is based on structuring the method to systematize Moravcsik’s (1997) New Liberalism theory. The text presents the case in a structured manner, demonstrating how PT can be applied in theory-centered studies. Additionally, it offers a specific theoretical causal mechanism concerning the institutionalized religious lobby of the USCIRF. This work is a methodological effort to guide researchers interested in operationalizing IR theories using PT as theory testing. It aims to enhance the rigor and clarity in qualitative research in IR, contributing to the growing use of PT among Brazilian researchers in this field, fostering significant advancements in understanding causal mechanisms in complex political contexts. Abstract (PT , (IR) cases USCIRF (USCIRF example Moravcsiks Moravcsik s 1997 (1997 manner theorycentered centered Additionally field contexts (IR 199 (199 19 (19 1 (1 (

Resumo: Este trabalho tem como propósito introduzir e aprofundar a aplicação do método de Process Tracing (PT) na análise de estudos de caso como teste de teoria em Relações Internacionais (RI), focando especialmente em pesquisadores brasileiros. Inspirado pelo crescente uso e importância do PT, visa oferecer uma estrutura para sua utilização na modalidade de teste de teoria, auxiliando aqueles que buscam adaptar teorias de RI para avaliar casos específicos. Utilizando como exemplo a institucionalização da US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) nos Estados Unidos, o artigo se baseia na estruturação do método para sistematizar o teste da teoria do Novo Liberalismo de Moravcsik (1997). O texto apresenta o caso de forma estruturada, demonstrando como o PT pode ser aplicado em estudos centrados na teoria. Além disso, oferece um mecanismo causal teórico específico sobre o lobby religioso institucionalizado da USCIRF. Este trabalho não se limita a ser um estudo de caso único, mas sim um esforço metodológico para orientar pesquisadores interessados em operacionalizar teorias de RI usando PT como teste de teoria. Com isso, busca-se aprimorar o rigor e a clareza na pesquisa qualitativa em RI, contribuindo para a crescente utilização do PT entre os pesquisadores brasileiros interessados nessa área, promovendo avanços significativos na compreensão dos mecanismos causais em contextos políticos complexos. Resumo (PT , (RI) específicos USCIRF (USCIRF Unidos 1997. 1997 . (1997) estruturada disso único isso buscase busca área complexos (RI 199 (1997 19 (199 1 (19 (1 (

ABSTRACT Objective: To evaluate the impact of chronic illness caused by chikungunya fever on the quality of life and functionality of affected individuals. Methods: A cross-sectional and comparative study was conducted in which two groups were investigated: a Chikungunya Group comprising 25 patients with chronic fever screened after 1 year of illness via a telephonic survey, and a Healthy Group comprising 25 healthy individuals matched for sex and age by face-to-face interview. The Stanford HAQ 20-Item Disability Scale (HAQ) and the Short Form Health Survey (SF-12) questionnaires were administered to both groups. Generalized Linear Models, Pearson χ2 tests, and odds ratios were used to evaluate the test results. Results: Significant differences in functional capacity and quality of life were observed between the Chikungunya and Healthy Groups. The chance of some impairment in functionality was also much higher in the Chikungunya Group in four of the HAQ categories, especially in the "walking" category (adjusted OR= 109.40). Further, the Chikungunya Group had a higher chance of presenting a below-average score in the mental component summary of the SF-12 (adjusted OR= 16.20) and of being positive in depression risk screening (adjusted OR= 34.57). Conclusion: Even one year after the acute phase, chikungunya fever can compromise the functionality and quality of life in affected individuals, with direct impairment in performing daily activities. Studies and therapeutic plans for chikungunya fever should consider the long-term impacts of this disease. Objective Methods crosssectional cross sectional investigated 2 survey facetoface face interview 20Item Item 20 (HAQ SF12 SF 12 (SF-12 Models χ tests results Results Groups categories walking "walking adjusted OR 109.40. 10940 109.40 . 109 40 109.40) Further belowaverage below average SF-1 16.20 1620 16 34.57. 3457 34.57 34 57 34.57) Conclusion phase activities longterm long term disease SF1 (SF-1 1094 109.4 10 4 SF- 16.2 162 345 34.5 3 5 (SF- 109. 16. 34. (SF

Abstract Is there an alignment between France’s migration policies and its pattern of receiving immigrants and refugees? Immigrants represent 13.1% of the French population, and debates about their impact and assimilation capacity date back to the 19th century. National and European legislation sets the rules governing entry permits and the conditions for obtaining permanent residence. This article analyzes France’s migration policy based on the legislation enacted between 2015 and 2019 and data on the granting of residence, asylum, and resettlement in the same period. The results reveal: (i) a trend towards open border and better reception conditions due to legislation; (ii) an increase in the number of successful applications for residence and resettlement, accompanied by a decrease in successful asylum appeals, conditioning refugees to stay outside French territory to be accepted.

Resumo Existe um alinhamento entre as políticas migratórias da França e o seu padrão de acolhimento de imigrantes e refugiados? Os imigrantes representam 13.1% da população francesa, e as discussões sobre seus impactos e capacidades de adaptação remontam ao século XIX. A legislação nacional e europeia estabelece as regras que regem as permissões de entrada, e as condições para a obtenção de residência permanente. Este artigo analisa a política migratória da França, com base nas legislações promulgadas entre 2015 e 2019, e de dados de concessão de residência, asilo e reassentamento no mesmo intervalo temporal. Os resultados indicam: (i) uma tendência à abertura das fronteiras e melhores condições de acolhimento devido à legislação; (ii) um aumento no número de concessão de residência e reassentamentos, acompanhado de uma diminuição nos recursos de concessão de asilo, condicionando refugiados a ficarem fora do território francês para serem aceitos.

ABSTRACT: The objective of this study was to analyze the inflammation index, edema, bacterial plaque presence and postoperative discomfort, with the use of chlorhexidine gel. This is a randomized double-blinded pilot study, with 21 unilateral cleft lip and palate individuals, randomized into 2 groups: Test Group (TG), with 7 individuals who used 0.2 % chlorhexidine bioadhesive gel in the surgical wound after the bone graft; and Control Group (CG) with 14 individuals who used a placebo gel as the same way. The gel was applied on the surgical wound suture after alveolar bone graft. The evaluation criteria of the gel application effectiveness were the visual analogue scale (VAS) for pain control and/or discomfor t and clinical evaluation of inflammatory condition and/or wound infection. The study showed promising results for postoperativel y use of the chlorhexidine gel, although there was no statistically significant difference between the groups.

RESUMEN: El objetivo de este estudio fue analizar el índice de inflamación, edema, presencia de placa bacteriana y molestias postoperatorias, con el uso del gel de clorhexidina. Se trata de un estudio piloto aleatorizado, doble ciego, con 21 individuos con fisura labial y palatina unilateral, aleatorizados en 2 grupos: Grupo Test (GT), con 7 individuos que utilizaron gel bioadhesivo de clorhexidina al 0,2 % en la herida quirúrgica posterior al injerto óseo; y Grupo Control (GC) con 14 individuos que usaron un gel placebo de la misma forma. El gel se aplicó sobre la sutura de la herida quirúrgica después del injerto óseo alveolar. Los criterios de evaluación de la efectividad de la aplicación del gel fueron la escala analógica visual (EVA) para el control del dolor y/o malestar y la evaluación clínica del estado inflamatorio y/o infección de la herida. El estudio mostró resultados positivos para el uso posoperatorio del gel de clorhexidina, aunque no hubo diferencias estadísticamente significativas entre los grupos.

Resumo O objetivo principal deste artigo é analisar até que ponto a orientação partidária (direita-esquerda) dos congressistas brasileiros influenciou o seu apoio discursivo à UNASUL no período de 2000 a 2020. Para atingir este objetivo, a primeira seção faz uma revisão da literatura acerca da relação entre iniciativas de integração regional e a orientação ideológica dos partidos políticos. A segunda parte do artigo apresenta os aspetos metodológicos e descreve os diferentes passos da análise de discurso. Finalmente, a última seção apresenta os resultados que, corroborando o argumento predominante na literatura existente, atestam que os partidos de esquerda tendem a falar de forma mais positiva acerca da integração regional, enquanto os partidos de direita tendem a falar menos, e de forma mais negativa, acerca do mesmo assunto.

Abstract The main goal of this article is to investigate whether the party orientation (right-left) of Brazilian Congressmen somehow influenced their discursive support to UNASUR from 2000 to 2020. To achieve this, the first section performs a literature review about the relation between regional integration initiatives and the ideological orientation of political parties. The second part of the article exposes its methodological aspects and discriminates all the steps taken to do the discourse analysis. Finally, the last session presents the results which, corroborating the majoritarian argument of the existing literature, attest that left-wing parties tend to speak more positively about regional integration, while right-wing parties tend to speak less and more negatively about the same object.

Resumen ¿La composición política de los parlamentarios de los Estados Parte en el Parlasur se asemeja a la de sus respectivos legislativos nacionales? Esta investigación utiliza estadística descriptiva para comparar el panorama político de los niveles doméstico y regional. Fueron analizadas las variables composición político-partidaria, representación de mujeres e ideología de Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay, entre 2011 y 2014. Con fundamentación normativa en la Decisión CMC n. 28/10 y en los Artículos 2º y 6º del Protocolo Constitutivo del Parlasur, los datos desde los sitios oficiales, fueron recolectados y clasificados para verificar si la representación ciudadana, en marcha en el Parlasur, es efectiva. Como resultado, la composición política en el Parlasur corresponde a lo que se expresa en el nivel doméstico, lo que consolida la representación ciudadana regional.

Abstract: Does the political composition of the parliamentarians in the Parlasur resemble the same panorama expressed in their respective national Legislative? This research uses descriptive statistics to compare the political landscape of the domestic and regional levels. It analizes variables political-party plurality, women’s representation and ideology of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, between 2011 and 2014. Guided by the Decision CMC n. 28/10 and the Articles 2º and 6º of the Constitutive Protocol of Parlasur, the data, from the official websites, were collected and classified, to verify if the citizen representation, in progress in the Parlasur, is effective. As a result, the political composition in the Parlasur corresponds to the outlook expressed in the domestic level, which consolidates the regional citizen representation.

El grupo de los BRICS (formado por Brasil, Rusia, India, China y África del Sur) ha caminado, desde su nacimiento, por un proceso que ha ido incrementando su agenda en las reuniones de Cúpula de los estados, situación que puede comprobarse por el número de temas tratados en las declaraciones, que aumentaron de 16 a 77 en 2009 y 2015 respectivamente. De ahí que este artículo se dé a la tarea de investigar la coyuntura de los asuntos relacionados con la seguridad en la agenda del grupo. Con base en las premisas de la Escuela Inglesa, se observa que el aumento de los asuntos sobre seguridad refleja una búsqueda por la afirmación y la percepción de que este grupo puede fungir como player fundamental en la gobernanza internacional. Para el análisis, se utilizó el método cualitativo de contenido asociado con el conteo de palabras-clave. Como herramienta auxiliar, se utilizó el software R, versión 3.1.0. Al final, se observa un aumento significativo en lo cuantitativo y lo cualitativo de los temas relacionados con la seguridad en las declaraciones de Cúpula, lo que sugiere que el BRICS se piensa capaz de administrar los asuntos más delicados de la gobernanza internacional.

Since it was first identified, the BRICS group of countries (comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has followed a process that has raised their agenda in high-level meetings of the states, as may be observed by the number of issues covered by declarations, which rose from 16 in 2009 to 77 in 2015. Hence, this paper examines the set of issues related to security in the group’s agenda. Based on the premises of the English School, it is observed that the increase in matters concerning security reflects a search for affirmation and the perception that this group can act as a fundamental player in international governance. This analysis employed the qualitative content method associated with counting keywords. As an auxiliary tool, it made use of the R software version 3.1.0. Finally, a significant quantitative and qualitative increase is observed on issues relating to security in high-level declarations, which suggests that the BRICS countries believe they are capable of managing the most delicate issues in international governance.

Résumé: Le BRICS (c’est à dire le Brésil, la Russie, l’Inde, la Chine et l’Afrique du Sud) est passé, depuis sa naissance, par un processus qui a élargi son agenda pour les sommets internationaux; les sujets abordés dans ses déclarations ont augmenté de 16 à 77 entre 2009 et 2015. Notre recherche est axée sur les circonstances qui déterminent les affaires de sécurité du groupe. Selon les prémisses de l’école anglaise, l’importance croissante de ces affaires–là signale une volonté de s’affirmer, ainsi que le sentiment de pouvoir se transformer en acteur important de la gouvernance mondiale. Notre analyse a employé la méthode qualitative qui consiste à relever des mots clefs. Comme élément supplémentaire, nous avons eu recours au logiciel R, version 3.1.0. Cela nous a permis de confirmer, sur les plans quantitatif et qualitatif, une augmentation importante des sujets concernant la sécurité dans les déclarations issues des sommets, ce qui porte à croire que le BRICS se sent capable d’aborder les affaires les plus complexes de la gouvernance mondiale.

Resumo O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar a atuação dos enfermeiros das Estratégias de Saúde da Família no controle de dengue e febre chikungunya nos municípios de Parnamirim e Santa Cruz/RN. Trata-se de um estudo exploratório, descritivo, com abordagem qualitativa de tratamento e análise de dados. A coleta foi realizada entre novembro e dezembro de 2015 por meio de uma entrevista gravada, voltada às questões que abordam a ação da enfermagem e sua equipe no controle de dengue e febre chikungunya no campo de atuação da ESF. Utilizou-se como método de observação dos dados a análise de conteúdo de Bardin. Após análise, houve criação de duas categorias - educação em saúde e campanhas pontuais. Na primeira, os entrevistados informaram realizar palestras educativas, mas não explicam a metodologia usada e nem a participação popular, como também a articulação com o setor de endemias da cidade para fortalecer a discussão. Na segunda, algumas ações são assistencialistas de caráter campanhista/higienista, realizadas pelos enfermeiros dos municípios em campanhas de “higienização” e “limpeza”, as quais se mostram bastante presentes nas falas dos entrevistados. Há uma forte presença desse modelo enraizada tanto nas ações quanto na realização de atividades educativas, usando como metodologia a palestra. Além disso, há necessidade de se realizar mais estudos que aprofundem o tema abordado, a julgar por uma amostra pequena, especialmente no município de Parnamirim.

Abstract To analyze the role of the nurses of the Family Health Strategies in control of dengue and chikungunya fever in the municipalities of Santa Cruz and Parnamirim/RN. This is an exploratory, descriptive study, with a qualitative approach to data processing and analysis. Data collection was conducted between November and December 2015 through an interview, recorded and emphasized on issues that address on nursing practice and his team in control of dengue and chikungunya fever in the FHT acting area. It was used as a method of observation data Bardin content analysis. After analysis, there was the creation of two categories - health education and specific campaigns. First, the respondents reported performing educational lectures, but do not explain the methodology used and not requesting public participation, as well as coordination with the city endemics sector to strengthen the discussion. Second, some actions are character welfare campaigner/hygienist performed by nurses of the municipalities in which they become quite present in the statements, and these actions taken by campaigns of “cleaning”, “cleaning” by the health team. There is a strong presence of the campaigner model/hygienist rooted both in actions and in educational activities, using as methodology the lecture. Moreover, there is need to conduct more studies to further investigate the issue addressed, given a small sample, especially in the city of Parnamirim.

During the past decade, Mercosur has been insistently presented as the priority of Brazilian foreign policy. Nevertheless, in this period regional integration has neither deepened nor enlarged. This article aims to explain this gap between discourse and practice by examining how Brazil's regionalism policy is characterized. The analysis is based on a case study of the creation of Mercosur's Parliament in 2006. Theoretically, we argue that discursive institutionalism and international regimes theory can largely account for the detachment of Brazil from Mercosur and the limited interdependence that has been built among these countries. The conclusion points to the induction of a low-impact regionalism that facilitates Brazil's actions at the international level.

En el último decenio se ha insistido en señalar que el Mercosur tiene prioridad en la política exterior del Brasil. Sin embargo, durante este tiempo la integración regional no ha aumentado ni se ha profundizado. El presente artículo procura explicar este vacío entre el discurso y la práctica mediante un examen de las características de la política brasileña en materia de regionalismo. El análisis se basa en un estudio de caso sobre la creación del Parlamento del Mercosur en 2006. En principio, sostenemos que en gran medida el institucionalismo discursivo y la teoría de los sistemas internacionales pueden explicar por qué Brasil ha mantenido distancia del Mercosur y la limitada interdependencia que se ha construido entre los países que lo componen. La conclusión apunta a que se ha producido un regionalismo débil que facilita la acción del Brasil en el plano internacional

This article aims to examine how the entry of biofuels into Brazil's international agenda came about and which actors and interests have influenced the formulation of the Brazilian foreign policy on biofuels. To this end, the article will be developed in two stages: (1) an analysis of the factors that explain how biofuels came to fit into Brazilian foreign policy; (2) an analysis of domestic and international actors and interests that impact the international strategy adopted by Brazil on biofuels. To conclude, some final considerations will be presented.

O Mercosul reflete, ao lado de inúmeros outros processos de organização regional internacional, as conseqüências de um processo de mutação do Estado-nação, que parece não mais conseguir atuar como primo regulador da vida social. A percepção dessa mudança, no entanto, persiste ancorada em padrões interpretativos ainda por demais tributários da lógica estato-cêntrica. A cartografia institucional que daí deriva encerra incoerências e incompatibilidades entre de um lado, a demanda real dos atores sociais e agentes econômicos e, de outro, as instituições políticas de fato concebidas e implementadas. Este artigo propõe-se a investigar como o fenômeno da governança tem se transformado no seio do Mercosul. O autor detém-se nas complexas e imbricadas relações entre os níveis regional, nacional e, sobretudo, subnacional, privilegiando os nexos institucionais que daí derivam.

Mercosur reflects, as many other Regional Integration Processes do, the consequences of a process of Nation-State mutation, as this Nation-State seems incapable of keeping acting as the vital regulator of social life. Nevertheless, the perception of this mutation persists anchored on Nation-State interpretations' patterns. The institutional cartography that emerges from this situation encloses some inconsistencies and incompatibilities between: on the one hand, the real demands of social actors and economic agents; and, on the other hand, the de facto political institutions shaped. This article proposes to investigate how governance has been transformed within Mercosur. It focus on the intricate and complex relations between regional, national and, particularly, sub-national levels. It is composed by two parts: the first seeks to situate the problem of the relationship between legitimacy, democracy, and accountability in the sphere of regional governance and the action of sub-national actors; the second, under this prism, inquires, empirically, about the Brazilian-Argentinean connections and about the institutional design and relationship networks in Mercosur.

Le Mercosur reflète, aux côtés d'autres processus d'organisation régionale internationale (ORI), les conséquences d'un processus de mutation de l'État-nation, qui semble ne plus être capable de jouer le rôle de principal régulateur de la vie sociale. La perception de cette mutation demeure, néanmoins, ancrée à des paramètres d'interprétation tributaires d'une logique régalienne. La cartographie institutionnelle qui en découle abrite, de ce fait, des incohérences et des incompatibilités entre, d'une part, la demande réelle des acteurs sociaux et des agents économiques et, d'autre part, les institutions politiques concrètement conçues et mises en place. Cet article propose une analyse sur le développement du phénomène de la gouvernance au sein du Mercosur. L'auteur concentre son attention dans les rapports entre les niveaux régional, national et, surtout, sous-national, en privilégiant les liens institutionnels qui en découlent.