Abstract This paper presents the causal mechanisms that influenced instances of legal change in terms of sexual and gender diversities (ECLDS) between 1980 and 2018 in Peru. Process tracing methodology was used to identify the ECLDS, as well as the corresponding societal and society-state interactions. The results shows that historical sedimentations, lineages, and records worked as causal mechanisms in each instance. Societal interactions between championing and dissenting actors have been predominantly antagonistic and hostile. While actors who supported the changes acted conventionally, actors against the ECLDS were innovative. Processual interactionism provides an adequate perspective to understand the conditions in which the results of each ECLDS are presented. This is a complementary analysis of studies about legal sources in instances of legal change, as well as in those with a gender perspective.

Resumen El objetivo es explicar los mecanismos causales que incidieron en los eventos de cambio legal sobre diversidades sexuales y de género (ECLDS) entre 1980 y 2018 en Perú. Se usó la metodología process tracing para identificar ECLDS, las interacciones societales y socio-estatales correspondientes. Los hallazgos indican que sedimentaciones históricas, linajes y records, operan como mecanismos causales en cada evento. Las interacciones societales entre actores a favor y en contra, han sido predominantemente antagónicas y hostiles; de convencionalidad entre los actores a favor; y de innovación entre los actores que se oponen a los ECLDS. Se muestra que el interaccionismo procesual resulta un enfoque adecuado para comprender las condiciones en las que se presentan resultados de cada ECLDS. Este es un análisis complementario a los estudios sobre fuentes del derecho en los eventos de cambio legal, y a aquellos que siguen el enfoque de género.

ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the social processes linked to events of legal changes surrounding sexual diversity (CLDS) between 1980 and 2018 in Ecuador. The methodology includes process tracing, as well as 48 interviews to key actors who took part in these changes. The background and consequent societal and socio-state interactions of each event were also established. It was found that expanded societal interactions, solidarity, agreement, and innovation are favorable; additionally, socio-state exchange/learning interactions in the three branches of public power are conducive. The historical sedimentations evoked and the lineages of the social actors operate as mechanisms between the CLDS and the interactions. This paper shows that in all CLDS there are disputes about what the final legislative result should be, which highlights the relational, contextual, and transitory nature of the law. Moreover, processual interactionism seems to be an appropriate approach to understand how changes develop. This type of analysis is complementary to legal studies, gender, sexuality, and social movements.

RESUMEN En este artículo se analizan los procesos sociales asociados con los eventos de cambio legal sobre diversidad sexual (CLDS) entre 1980 y 2018 en Ecuador. Para ello, se utilizó el process tracing y se realizaron 48 entrevistas a actores claves que participaron en estos cambios, se establecieron las interacciones societales y socioestatales, antecedentes y consecuentes de cada evento. Un hallazgo importante es que las interacciones societales ampliadas, de solidaridad, acuerdo e innovación resultan favorables; además, interacciones socioestatales de intercambio/ aprendizaje en las tres ramas del poder público son propicias. Las sedimentaciones históricas evocadas y los linajes de los actores sociales operan como mecanismos entre los CLDS y las interacciones. Se muestra también que, en todo CLDS, hay disputas sobre lo que debe ser resultado final en la ley, lo que evidencia el carácter relacional, contextual y transitorio que tiene el derecho. Finalmente, se explicita que el interaccionismo procesual resulta un enfoque adecuado para comprender cómo se desarrollan los cambios. Este tipo de análisis resulta complementario a los estudios legales, de género, sexualidad y de movimientos sociales.

Resumo A partir da teoria da esfera civil, este artigo analisa como dois discursos concorrentes disputam o sentido da Greve Geral das Mulheres contra o feminicídio, ocorrida no México em 2020. Por um lado, tal protesto foi interpretado como uma proposta de mulheres autônomas para chamar atenção para as condições de violência contra a mulher. Por outro, foi considerado uma iniciativa de grupos conservadores para minar a legitimidade do governo. Cada discurso atribuía um caráter autêntico ou impuro à greve e aos atores que a apoiavam. Foi realizada uma análise de colunas políticas de cinco jornais do México para observar como as razões, as relações e as instituições civis e anti-civis eram atribuídas a quem apoiava ou criticava a greve. Os resultados mostram que a disputa colocou em xeque os contornos do feminismo, as formas de protesto das mulheres e a maneira como o governo avaliava a veracidade de suas demandas. civil feminicídio 2020 lado mulher outro apoiavam razões anticivis anti feminismo demandas 202 20 2

Abstract Following the theory of the civil sphere, it is analyzed how two competing discourses disputed the meaning of the National Women’s Strike against feminicide carried out in Mexico in 2020. On the one hand, it was interpreted as the proposal of autonomous women to make visible the conditions of violence against them. On the other hand, as an initiative by conservative groups to undermine the legitimacy of the government. Each discourse attributed a pure and impure character to the strike and the groups that supported it. An analysis of the political columns of five national newspapers was carried out to observe how civil and anti-civil motives, relationships and institutions were attributed to those who supported or criticized the strike. The results show that the dispute questioned the contours of feminism, the ways in which women protested, and the way in which the government evaluated the authenticity of their demands. sphere Womens Women s 2020 hand them anticivil anti motives feminism protested demands 202 20 2

Resumen En este artículo se examina la competencia por el sentido de la reunión en 2016 del candidato Donald Trump y el presidente Enrique Peña Nieto en tanto performance. Se realizó un análisis textual y un proceso iterativo de codificación de las interpretaciones del performance en 60 columnas de la prensa mexicana. Un discurso sugirió que la visita de Trump contaminó la investidura presidencial y otro que solo contaminó la imagen de Peña Nieto. Se observó el impacto de esta reunión en las columnas mexicanas; futuras investigaciones tendrían que incluir la prensa estadounidense. Se interpreta la manera en que la figura presidencial se legitima o no en tanto representación de la nación, autoridad política y civil. El evento político activó una disputa sobre los efectos del performance en los tres cuerpos de la investidura presidencial encarnada en Peña Nieto.

Abstract* This study analyzes the significance competence of Donald Trump’s visit to Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto in 2016 as a performance. It includes the textual analysis and iterative coding process of how this performance was interpreted in 60 opinion pieces in Mexican media outlets. One of the discourses suggested that Trump’s visit had tarnished the image of the Mexican president in general, whereas others suggested that it had only tarnished Peña Nieto’s personal image. While this study only analyzes the impact of the Trump/Peña meeting in Mexican op-eds, further research should include its representation in US media. It does interpret, however, whether or not the presidential figure is legitimized as a representation of the whole nation, as its political and civil authority. The aforementioned political event detonated a dispute regarding the effects of the performance in the three bodies of the presidential endowment embodied in Peña Nieto.

Resumen Se analiza la disputa de sentido que generaron los posicionamientos encontrados del "#Metoo" y la "Otra palabra" en torno al acoso y su sanción en la prensa iberoamericana, europea y estadounidense. Se examinaron los discursos en competencia que legitimaron y contaminaron las pretensiones de ambos posicionamientos. Se usó la metodología propuesta por la teoría de la esfera civil. Se analizó cómo se imputaron o atribuyeron motivos, relaciones e instituciones civiles y anti-civiles tanto al "#Metoo" y la "Otra palabra". Se concluyó que los discursos en competencia definieron la legitimidad de estos posicionamientos a partir de los binarios de clase, raza, activismo político, posición moral, agresión y la centralidad de lo femenino.

Abstract The dispute of meaning generated by the found positions of "#Metoo" and "Une autre parole" about harassment and its sanction in the Latin American, European, and American press is analyzed. The competing speeches that legitimized and contaminated the claims of both positions were examined. The methodology proposed by the civil sphere theory was used. It was analyzed how civil and anti-civil motives, relations, and institutions were imputed or attributed to both the "#Metoo" and the "Other word". It was concluded that competing speeches defined the legitimacy of these positions based on class binaries, race, political activism, moral position, aggression, and the centrality of the feminine.

ABSTRACT Some intellectuals have expressed the COVID-19 pandemic as a function of supposedly pure and contaminated attributions of social, economic, and state structures. Their interpretations have codified it in terms of the sacred-good and the profane-evil, stimulating narratives about the oppressive or liberating character of certain social actors and institutions. A first narrative stated that the market had caused the pandemic and reinforced state authoritarianism and political control. A second accused the market but also stated that the pandemic opened up the possibility for a radical social transformation. The third narrative underlined that the market was not responsible, but called for greater state intervention in the economy.

RESUMEN Algunos intelectuales significaron a la pandemia del Covid-19 en función de las supuestas atribuciones puras y contaminadas de las estructuras sociales, económicas y estatales. Sus interpretaciones codificaron la pandemia en términos de lo sagrado-bueno y lo profano-malo, que estimularon narrativas sobre el carácter opresivo o liberador de ciertos actores e instituciones sociales. Una primera narrativa consideró que el mercado causó la pandemia y reforzó el autoritarismo y el control político del Estado. Una segunda acusó al mercado, pero consideró que la pandemia abría la posibilidad de una transformación radical de lo social. La tercera narrativa subrayó que el mercado no fue responsable, pero llamó a una mayor intervención del Estado en la economía.

Abstract The objective is to analyze the discursive competition to signify the #NoMeCuidanMeViolan protest, which occurred in Mexico City in 2019. Following the theory and the methodology of the civil sphere, the motivations, relationships and institutions that were imputed to the movement in the competition for its meaning were analyzed in five national newspapers. In methodological terms, 64 journalistic columns were reviewed in order to identify those imputations. The protest triggered: 1) a space of solidarity and empathy to confront violence against women; 2) a dispute about the civility or incivility of the women who participated in the demonstration; and 3) a dispute over the performance of government institutions. It is concluded that women translate demands for inclusion, solidarity and civil membership by altering the social order. One limitation of the analysis is that it puts aside the role of feminist organizations in the dispute over the direction of the march. This limitation should be covered in future research.

Resumen El objetivo es analizar la competencia discursiva por significar la protesta #NoMeCuidanMeViolan, ocurrida en la Ciudad de México en 2019. Siguiendo la teoría y la metodología de la esfera civil, se analizaron las motivaciones, las relaciones y las instituciones que se imputaron al movimiento en la competencia por su sentido en cinco diarios de circulación nacional. En términos metodológicos, se revisaron 64 columnas periodísticas con el fin de identificar dichas imputaciones. La protesta detonó: 1) un espacio de solidaridad y empatía para enfrentar la violencia contra la mujer; 2) una disputa acerca de la civilidad o incivilidad de las mujeres que participaron en la manifestación; y 3) una disputa frente al desempeño de las instituciones del gobierno. Se concluye que las mujeres traducen demandas de inclusión, solidaridad y membresía civil alterando el orden social. Una limitante del análisis es que deja de lado el papel de las organizaciones feministas en la disputa por el sentido de la marcha. Convendría cubrir esta limitación en futuras investigaciones.

Abstract: Academics have recently begun to theorize about the potential impact of corruption on human rights, but no analyses have been undertaken to date provide empirical evidence on the relationship between these two phenomena. This is the main contribution of the text. It examined the relationship between corruption and human rights and found that the greater the corruption, the fewer civil rights, and the lower the likelihood of exercising economic and social rights, life expectancy, GDP per capita, and electoral rights.

Resumen: Recientemente comenzó a teorizarse acerca del posible impacto de la corrupción sobre los derechos humanos, pero no se han realizado análisis que aporten evidencia empírica de la relación entre estos dos fenómenos. Éste es el principal aporte del texto. ¿Cuáles son las consecuencias de la corrupción sobre los derechos humanos? A mayor corrupción, menos derechos civiles, probabilidad de gozar de derechos económicos y sociales, esperanza de vida, PIB per cápita y derechos electorales. La relación entre estos fenómenos no es constante.