A eleição presidencial de 2022 foi a mais competitiva das já realizadas no país. Em uma disputa com resultados tão incertos, detalhes pouco considerados em pleitos passados poderiam fazer diferença para o resultado. Entre esses, a abstenção eleitoral ganhou um destaque especial nos dois turnos. A crença de que a taxa de comparecimento poderia influenciar o resultado da eleição orientou os coordenadores das campanhas de Lula e Bolsonaro a agir em favor do comparecimento eleitoral ao longo da reta final da campanha. Este trabalho analisa as taxas de comparecimento e o perfil sociodemográfico dos eleitores que foram às urnas e os que se abstiveram do pleito nos dois turnos em 2022. Também analisaremos o perfil daqueles que justificam o voto. Os resultados apontam que a taxa de comparecimento das eleições de 2022 (79% no primeiro turno, 80% no segundo turno) é semelhante à de eleições anteriores. A novidade é que o percentual dos eleitores que compareceram no segundo turno foi, pela primeira vez, superior aos do primeiro turno. 202 país incertos esses campanha voto 79% 79 (79 80 anteriores vez 20 7 (7 8 2 (

L’élection présidentielle de 2022 a été la plus compétitive jamais organisée dans le pays. Dans une compétition aux résultats si incertains, des détails souvent négligés lors des élections passées pourraient faire la différence dans le résultat. Parmi ceux-ci, l’abstention des électeurs a suscité une attention particulière lors des deux tours. La conviction que la participation électorale pourrait influencer le résultat des élections a guidé les coordinateurs de campagne de Lula et Bolsonaro à agir en faveur de la participation électorale au cours de la dernière phase de la campagne. Cette étude analyse les taux de participation et le profil sociodémographique des électeurs qui se sont rendus aux urnes et de ceux qui se sont abstenus de voter lors des deux tours en 2022. Nous examinerons également le profil de ceux qui ont justifié leur vote. Les résultats indiquent que le taux de participation aux élections de 2022 (79 % au premier tour, 80 % au second tour) est similaire à celui des élections précédentes. La nouveauté réside dans le fait que le pourcentage d’électeurs ayant participé au second tour était, pour la première fois, supérieur à celui du premier tour. Lélection L élection 202 pays incertains ceuxci, ceuxci ci, ci ceux-ci labstention l abstention vote 79 (7 8 précédentes délecteurs d était fois 20 7 ( 2

The 2022 presidential election was the most competitive ever held in the country. In a contest with such uncertain outcomes, details that were often overlooked in past elections could make a difference in the result. Among these, voter abstention gained special attention in both rounds. The belief that voter turnout could influence the election outcome guided the campaign coordinators of Lula and Bolsonaro to act in favor of voter turnout during the final stretch of the campaign. This study analyzes the turnout rates and sociodemographic profile of the voters who went to the polls and those who abstained from voting in both rounds in 2022. We will also examine the profile of those who justified their vote. The results indicate that the voter turnout rate in the 2022 elections (79% in the first round, 80% in the second round) is similar to previous elections. The novelty is that the percentage of voters who turned out in the second round was, for the first time, higher than that of the first round. 202 country outcomes result these vote 79% 79 (79 80 time 20 7 (7 8 2 (

The proportional system in force in Brazil went through a long period of stability, keeping its operating mechanisms intact. Between 2015 and 2021, however, the National Congress approved a series of changes that affected the way votes were counted and the dynamics of competition in elections for councilors and deputies. This article has two objectives. The first is to summarize these new rules. The second is to analyze the results of the elections for the Chamber of Deputies in 2014, 2018 and 2022 at the state level. The selection of the three elections is due to the fact that they used different electoral rules. In general terms, we observed that liberal norms contributed to increasing party fragmentation in the 2018 election, and the end of coalitions played a decisive role in the significant reduction in fragmentation in the 2022 elections.

As eleições de 2022 foram as primeiras, desde a redemocratização, em que os partidos foram proibidos de se coligarem para deputado federal e estadual. O artigo avalia o impacto dessa mudança na composição das bancadas eleitas para a Câmara dos Deputados. A primeira seção mostra as principais características do modelo de representação proporcional utilizado no Brasil. A seção seguinte faz um resumo das alterações promovidas pelas reformas eleitorais de 2017 e 2021. A terceira seção analisa a evolução de alguns indicadores da representação dos partidos, tomando as unidades a federação como unidade de análise: o número de partidos que concorreram; o número de partidos que elegeu deputados; a fragmentação partidária eleitoral e parlamentar. Todos os indicadores mostram que houve uma redução significativa do número de partidos representados e da fragmentação partidária nas eleições para a Câmara dos Deputados em 2022; essa redução é observada em todas as unidades da federação. O  artigo mostra que o fim das coligações teve um papel decisiva para a reconfiguração do quadro partidário brasileiro.

RESUMO Em 1960, os brasileiros votaram pela última vez para presidente sob a vigência da Constituição de 1946. As eleições foram marcadas pela figura de Jânio Quadros, que promoveu a maior mobilização eleitoral do período. Em que pese a relevância da disputa, o conhecimento sobre o padrão de votação dos candidatos à presidência nesse pleito é limitado. O objetivo deste artigo foi analisar os resultados das eleições presidenciais de 1960 em âmbito municipal. O texto inova em relação aos estudos anteriores, pois utiliza dados inéditos da votação dos candidatos em todos os municípios, o que foi possível graças à digitação de material disponível por meio impresso. O artigo apresenta ainda dados a respeito das seguintes dimensões das eleições de 1960: o percentual de cidadãos alistados como eleitores, a distribuição final da votação dos candidatos nos estados e nos municípios e a relação entre a votação dos candidatos à presidência, o tamanho da população e o grau de urbanização dos municípios.

ABSTRACT In 1960, Brazilians voted for president for the last time under the 1946 Constitution. The elections were marked by Jânio Quadros, who promoted the greatest electoral mobilization in the period. Despite the relevance of the dispute, knowledge about the voting pattern of presidential candidates in this election is limited. This article aimed to analyze the results of the 1960 presidential elections at the municipal level. This paper brings some innovations compared to previous studies because it uses unprecedented data on the voting of candidates in all municipalities, which was possible after typing the hardcopy materials available. This article outlines data on several dimensions of the 1960 elections: the percentage of citizens listed as voters; the final distribution of the candidates’ votes in the states and municipalities; the relationship between the voting of presidential candidates, the size of the population, and the degree of urbanization of the municipalities.

RESUMEN En 1960, los ciudadanos brasileños concurrieron por última vez a las urnas para una elección presidencial bajo la Constitución de 1946. Las elecciones estuvieron marcadas por la figura de Jânio Quadros, quien impulsó la mayor movilización electoral del período. A pesar de la relevancia de la disputa, el conocimiento sobre el patrón de votación de los candidatos presidenciales en esta elección era limitado. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales de 1960 a nivel municipal. El texto innova con relación a estudios anteriores, ya que utiliza datos inéditos de la votación de candidatos en todos los municipios, lo que fue posible después de un trabajo de digitalización del material disponible en forma impresa. El artículo presenta datos sobre una serie de dimensiones de las elecciones de 1960: el porcentaje de ciudadanos que figuran como votantes; la distribución final de los votos de los candidatos en los estados y municipios; la relación entre la votación de los candidatos presidenciales, el tamaño de la población y el grado de urbanización de los municipios.

RESUMO Introdução: O artigo explora os efeitos potenciais de características sociodemográficas no comparecimento eleitoral em um cenário em que o voto não fosse compulsório no Brasil. Em que pese algumas diferenças sociodemográficas, o principal fator associado à propensão a comparecer às eleições é atitudinal: o interesse por política. Materiais e Métodos: Utilizei dados do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro (ondas de 2014 e 2018) e mostro, por intermédio de regressão logística, os efeitos das variáveis sexo, cor, idade, escolaridade, interesse por política e atitude em relação à democracia sobre a disposição de votar. Resultados: Nos dois modelos de regressão testados, apenas um segmento demográfico aparece com propensão nitidamente maior a comparecer: pessoas com mais de 70 anos. Duas variáveis atitudinais estão fortemente associadas à probabilidade de comparecer às eleições: nível de apoio à democracia e, mais expressivamente, grau de interesse por política. Discussão: A pesquisa mostra que fatores atitudinais são mais relevantes do que fatores sociológicos clássicos (sempre destacados pela literatura sobre a desigualdade eleitoral) na predisposição de os eleitores comparecerem para votar.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article explores the potential effects of sociodemographic characteristics on voter turnout in a scenario where voting was not compulsory in Brazil. Despite some sociodemographic differences, the main factor associated with the propensity to attend elections is attitudinal: interest in politics. Materials and Methods: I used data from the Brazilian Electoral Study (waves from 2014 and 2018) and show, though logistic regression, the effects of the variables gender, race, age, education, interest in politics, attitude towards democracy over willingness to vote. Results: In the two models tested, only one demographic segment presents a markedly greater propensity to attend voting: people over 70 years old. Two attitudinal variables are strongly related to probability in attending elections: level of democracy support, and more significantly, degree of interest in politics. Discussion: The research shows that attitudinal factors are more relevant than classic sociological ones (always highlighted by literature about electoral inequality) on elector’s willingness to attend voting.

Resumo O artigo analisa a produção da ciência política brasileira publicada em seis periódicos (Dados, Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, Novos Estudos, Lua Nova, Opinião Publica e Brazilian Political Science Review) ao longo de cinco décadas (1966 e 2015). O texto enfatiza dois aspectos. O primeiro e a distribuição da produção pelas grandes áreas temáticas da ciência política. O segundo e o tipo de método privilegiado, com ênfase na variedade de métodos estatísticos utilizados pelos autores. Se constata o crescimento do volume de artigos publicados pelos cientistas políticos brasileiros, particularmente a partir da segunda metade dos anos 1990. Uma das conclusões do artigo e que, embora faça uso de estatística - e nos últimos anos técnicas mais avançadas tenham se difundido -, a ciência política brasileira está longe de ser considerada uma disciplina eminentemente quantitativa.

Abstract The article analyses the production of Brazilian political science, as published in six periodicals (Dados, Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais, Novos Estudos Cebrap, Lua Nova,Opiniao Publica and Brazilian Journal of Political Science) over a period of five decades (1966-2015). The text emphasizes two aspects: first, the distribution of articles by thematic areas of political science; and second, the type of method used, with an emphasis on the variety of statistical procedures used by the authors. The article observes the growing volume of articles published by Brazilian political scientists, particularly from the second half of the 1990s. One of the conclusions of the paper is that although statistics are used - and in recent years more advanced techniques have spread - Brazilian political science is far from being considered an eminently quantitative discipline.

Electronic voting machines were used for the first time in general elections in Brazil in 1998; in that year, some cities used this new voting method, while others continued to vote using paper ballots. Few studies have demonstrated that the rate of invalid votes for federal deputy was significantly lower in cities that used electronic voting machines. This article analyzes the frequency of null votes and blank votes for four posts—federal deputy, state deputy, the president and governor. Based on a comparison of the results from the 1998 elections with the results from previous elections (1994), the article demonstrates that electronic voting machines reduced the percentage of blank votes for federal deputy, state deputies, the president and governor. Meanwhile, null votes reduced the competition for the posts of federal deputy and state deputy; however, it increased the competition for posts with greater visibility in the Brazilian political system: the governor and president.

O objetivo deste artigo é avaliar o efeito de um conjunto de variáveis no voto dos principais candidatos (Dilma Rousseff, José Serra e Marina Silva) e nos votos nulos e em branco no primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2010. A pesquisa é baseada nos resultados do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro (Eseb-2010). Para análise dos dados foi utilizado um modelo de regressão logística multinomial, cujos resultados são também apresentados por intermédio de gráficos com as probabilidades preditas do voto segundo algumas variáveis. Entre as variáveis selecionadas, a escolaridade, a região, a religião, a preferência partidária, o autoposicionamento na escala esquerda-direita e a avaliação de governo foram as que apresentaram diferenças na votação obtida pelos candidatos. Por outro lado, o sexo, a idade e a participação no programa Bolsa Família tiverem reduzido impacto nessa votação.

The objective of this article is to examine the effect of a set of variables on the vote of the main candidates (Dilma Rousseff, José Serra and Marina Silva), and on invalid votes in the first round of Brazilian presidential elections in 2010. The research is based on the results of "Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro" (Brazilian Electoral Study) conducted in 2010. The data was analysed using a multinomial logistic regression model, whose results are also presented through graphics with the predicted probability. Among the selected variables, education, region, religion, party preference, self-positioning in the left-right scale and evaluation of government showed the most significant differences between the candidates. On the other hand, sex, age, and participation in the "Bolsa Família" program have limited impact on the differentiation of candidates.

The 2002 elections were a watershed in Brazilian electoral history. Three aspects of the process in particular have been amply stressed in several analyses. The first is the symbolic dimension of Lula's personal victory, the biography of a man of the people who rises to the country's most important office. The second is the victory of PT, the main leftwing party in the country, winning federal office 22 years after being founded. The third is the dimension of the victory, with the president obtaining a resounding vote (61% of the valid votes), which surpassed that of any other Brazilian president since 1945. Despite this, the efforts made by political science to analyse the 2002 elections remain limited, in particular regarding the use of opinion poll results. 200 history analyses Lulas Lula s countrys country PT 2 founded 61% 61 (61 votes, votes , votes) 1945 this limited results 20 6 (6 194 ( 19 1

This article analyzes the open list electoral system in Brazil in the elections for the Chamber of Deputies (Lower House) and compares it to other countries that employ this mechanism. The author describes the history and functioning of the prevailing electoral system; evaluates the list's impact on parties, voters, and the relationship between Deputies and their constituencies; and discusses the mechanisms offered by the electoral system for voters to either punish or reward their representatives. Linking the Brazilian case to current analyses of electoral systems, the article draws on evidence from three studies conducted with members of the Brazilian Congress and voters.

Dans cet article, on examine le système brésilien de liste ouverte pour la Chambre des Députés, en le comparant à d'autres pays qui se servent de ce même mécanisme. On décrit l'histoire et le fonctionnement du système électoral actuel; on évalue l'impact de cette liste sur les partis, les électeurs et la relation des députés avec leurs bases électorales; on discute les moyens que le système électoral offre aux électeurs pour punir ou récompenser leurs représentants. En cherchant à comparer le cas brésilien aux réflexions courantes sur les systèmes électoraux, on se sert d'évidences présentées dans trois recherches effectuées auprès de parlementaires et électeurs.

This article analyzes the open-list electoral system in Brazil in the elections for the Chamber of Deputies (Lower House) and compares it to other countries that employ this mechanism. The author describes the history and functioning of the prevailing electoral system; evaluates the list's impact on parties, voters, and the relationship between Deputies and their constituencies; and discusses the mechanisms offered by the electoral system for voters to either punish or reward their representatives. Linking the Brazilian case to current analyses of electoral systems, the article draws on evidence from three studies conducted with members of the Brazilian Congress and voters.

Dans cet article, on examine le système brésilien de liste ouverte pour la Chambre des Députés, en le comparant à d'autres pays qui se servent de ce même mécanisme. On décrit l'histoire et le fonctionnement du système électoral actuel; on évalue l'impact de cette liste sur les partis, les électeurs et la relation des députés avec leurs bases électorales; on discute les moyens que le système électoral offre aux électeurs pour punir ou récompenser leurs représentants. En cherchant à comparer le cas brésilien aux réflexions courantes sur les systèmes électoraux, on se sert d'évidences présentées dans trois recherches effectuées auprès de parlementaires et électeurs.

This article discusses some questions raised by Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos in the article "Old Theses, New Data: A Methodological Analysis", published in Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais. The paper focuses particularly on an important methodological discussion, namely the measurement of political events. Two topics in the party system are specifically explored: the dispersion of Congressional voting and power (fragmentation rates) and territorial dispersion of voting (partisan nationalization rates).

Dans cet article, on discute des questions suggérées par Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos dans son texte "Vieilles Thèses, Nouvelles Données: Une Analyse Méthodologique", paru dans Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais. Son texte présente particulièrement une discussion méthodologique importante, celle de comment mesurer les événements politiques. Deux aspects du système des partis sont examinés dans le détail: la dispersion des voix/le pouvoir parlementaire (indices d'éparpillement) et la dispersion territoriale des voix (indices de nationalisation des partis).

This article proposes a new way of organizing Brazilian electoral data from 1945 to 1962 and discusses some classic interpretations of the country’s political party system. One obstacle to research on parties in the Republic of 1946 was the lack of complete party-by-party data. The reason is that official statistics did not distinguish data by party in the case of joint party slates for the Legislative Branch. The purpose of this study was to overcome this limitation by identifying the party affiliations of candidates in each slate. This approach allowed the partisan identification of nearly all of the votes. The second part of the article evaluates some of the classic political proposals from the same period: conservative parties were on the decline and the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) on the rise; parties were undergoing continuous nationalization; and the party system was becoming increasingly fragmented.

Dans cet article, on propose une nouvelle façon d'exploiter les données électorales concernant la période 1945-1962 et on revient sur quelques interprétations classiques à propos du système brésilien des partis. Il manquait à la recherche sur les partis de la République de 1946 des données complètes pour chaque parti car les statistiques officielles, dans les cas d'alliances, ne faisaient pas la distinction entre les partis. On propose ici de dépasser cette limite par l'identification du parti des candidats dans chaque liste, ce qui permet d'aboutir au chiffre de voix données à chaque parti. Dans un second temps, on examine quelques propositions classiques de la période; les partis conservateurs déclinaient tandis que le PTB (Parti Travailliste du Brésil) progressait; les partis se trouvaient dans un processus continu de nationalisation; le système des partis se morcelait de plus en plus.

The purpose of this article is to explore the mechanisms that have been used by Brazilian voters to punish and reward their representatives. The article has three sections. The first discusses theoretical aspects of electoral control issues in traditional democracies. The second specifically analyzes two dimensions of the Brazilian system of representation: a) whether accountability operates on a partisan or personalized basis and b) the impact of the institutional arrangement on voters’ capacity to evaluate their representatives (clarity of responsibility). The last section explores some specific electoral control mechanisms exercised by Brazilian voters in the 1998 elections for House of Representatives.

Dans cet article, on examine les mécanismes dont se servent les électeurs pour sanctionner et récompenser leurs représentants au Brésil. Le texte est divisé en trois sections. Dans la première, on discute les aspects théoriques de la question du contrôle électoral dans les démocraties traditionnelles. Dans la deuxième, on analyse surtout deux dimensions du système représentatif brésilien: a) si l’attribution de responsabilité se fait en raison du parti ou de la personne elle-même; b) l’impact de l’arrangement institutionnel sur la possibilité qu’ont les électeurs d’évaluer leurs représentants (netteté de la responsabilité). Dans la troisième, on examine quelques mécanismes spécifiques de contrôle électoral utilisés par les électeurs dans les élections à la Chambre des Députés en 1998.