ABSTRACT During the last decades the green economy has been proposed from different international organizations as an economic model for the 21st century that gravitates around respecting the environment. This paper tries to identify, with criteria of economic efficiency (high economic impact) and social efficiency (high impact on job creation, green jobs), the “potentially green sectors” that can be stimulated by a national strategy to develop a green economy in Spain. For this, we will use the Social Accounting Matrix of Spain 2010, identifying, by means of the normalized absorption and diffusion coefficients and by means of employment multipliers, the key, drivers and with greater capacity for job creation sectors from a group of ten sectors that we have identified as “potentially green sectors”.

RESUMO Durante as últimas décadas a economia verde tem sido proposta por diversos organismos internacionais como um modelo econômico para o século XXI que gravita em torno do respeito ao meio ambiente. Este artigo tenta identificar, com critérios de eficiência econômica (alto impacto econômico) e eficiência social (alto impacto na geração de empregos, empregos verdes), os “setores potencialmente verdes” que podem ser estimulados por uma estratégia nacional para desenvolver uma economia verde na Espanha. Para isso, utilizaremos a Matriz de Contabilidade Social da Espanha 2010, identificando, por meio dos coeficientes de absorção e difusão normalizados e por meio de multiplicadores de emprego, os setores-chave, impulsionadores e com maior capacidade de criação de emprego de um grupo de dez setores que identificamos como “setores potencialmente verdes”.

With an immediate history perspective and a genealogical approach, this article tries to answer the question: How did the process of enaction of sumak kawsay as an alternative to development welfare model come about? For this, the Amazanga Plan of the Organization of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OPIP) is analyzed, taking into account its political context, its protagonists, its objectives, its work methodology, its spirituality, the subsistence model it defends, the threats to it and the strategies for its main-tenance and recovery. From all this, it can be concluded that sumak kawsay was born in 1992 in Pastaza, as a subsistence model, with an eminently idiosyncratic character and as part of the Amazanga Plan of the OPIP.

Con una perspectiva de historia inmediata y un enfoque genealógico, en este artículo se trata de dar respuesta a la pregunta ¿cómo se produjo el proceso de enacción del sumak kawsay como modelo de bienestar alternativo al desarrollo? Para ello se analiza el Plan Amazanga de la Organización de Pueblos Indígenas de Pastaza (OPIP), atendiendo a su contexto político, sus protagonistas, sus objetivos, su metodología de trabajo, su espiritualidad, el modelo de subsistencia que defiende, las amenazas al mismo y las estrategias para su mantenimiento y recuperación. De todo ello se concluye que el sumak kawsay nació en 1992 en Pastaza, como modelo de subsistencia, con un carácter eminentemente idiosincrático y como parte del Plan Amazanga de la OPIP.

The article analyzes Spanish emigration to Chile between 2008 and 2014, with the aim of defining the profile of new Spanish emigrants to Chile, understanding the reasons for their migration, identifying initial problems in the migration process, identifying the conditions of their current situation and understanding their future expectations. We used a mixed quantitative and qualitative methodological strategy, combining first and second order research. We have concluded that these emigrants are highly skilled young people, expelled from Spain by the crisis and attracted to Chile by the opportunities to gain work experience; in Chile they encounter a migratory network of Spanish emigrants who hold qualified jobs that the national population could not fill in the mining and energy sectors; they have not encountered any particular difficulties in their migration process, are satisfied with their experiences and their expectations for the future include staying in Chile or re-emigrating.

El artículo analiza la emigración española a Chile entre 2008 y 2014, con los objetivos de definir el perfil del nuevo emigrante español a Chile, conocer las causas de su emigración, detectar los problemas iniciales de su proceso migratorio, identificar su situación actual y conocer sus expectativas de futuro. Se ha utilizado una estrategia metodológica mixta, cuantitativa y cualitativa, combinando investigación de primer y segundo orden. Se concluye que estos emigrantes son jóvenes altamente cualificados, expulsados de España por la crisis y atraídos a Chile por las oportunidades de adquirir experiencia laboral, que han encontrado una red migratoria formada por otros españoles y que están ocupando empleos cualificados que la mano de obra nacional no puede ocupar en los sectores de minería y energía; no han encontrado dificultades en su proceso migratorio, se encuentran satisfechos con su experiencia y entre sus expectativas predomina la idea de quedarse en Chile o reemigrar.