Resumo O príncipe João assumiu algum protagonismo na vida do reino de Portugal a partir de 1471, quando integrou o exército que conquistou Arzila (Norte de África), e aumentou sucessivamente a sua preponderância na governação até ao final da vida do seu pai, o rei Afonso V. Este artigo descreve, analisa e procura interpretar essa “escalada” de João na condução política do reino com foco na sua participação em atividades diplomáticas. Destaca-se a preponderância que alcançou durante a guerra com Castela (1475-1479) e o estabelecimento da paz (1479-1480), um período em que muitas vezes atuou autonomamente e protagonizando linhas políticas diferentes das que eram defendidas pelo seu pai.

Abstract Prince João assumed some protagonism in the life of the kingdom of Portugal from 1471 onwards, when he was part of the army that conquered Arzila (North Africa), and successively increased his preponderance in governance until the end of the life of his father, King Afonso V. This article describes, analyses and seeks to interpret João's “escalation” in the political leadership of the kingdom with a focus on his participation in diplomatic activities. The preponderance he achieved during the war with Castile (1475-1479) and the establishment of peace (1479-1480) stands out. This was a period in which he often acted autonomously and led political lines different from those defended by his father.

Resumen Es conocido que, durante su período como infante heredero, Alfonso X desarrolló una cierta actividad política junto a su padre. Aquí se analiza el uso que hizo de la diplomacia dentro de esa actividad política, revisando las causas para su utilización, los momentos, así como las formas en que se sirvió de ella mientras era heredero del reino y en vida de su padre. Para ello se releen las crónicas y las fuentes de archivo disponibles que nos transmiten una actividad ciertamente relevante y con características interesantes: tanto por sus formas, como por su relación con la política de su padre Fernando III de León y Castilla.

Abstract Alfonso X was, while he was crown prince, politically active. It is known that he carried out important activities alongside his father. This article analyses his use of diplomacy in these activities. Using the available chronicles and archival sources, his diplomacy is shown both in its characteristics as well as in its relationship with the politics of Ferdinand III of León and Castile.

Resumen: Este artículo estudia la diplomacia de asociación de China y su práctica en América Latina y el caribe (LAC, siglas en inglés). Después de tres etapas de exploración estratégica, desarrollo y mejora, China ha construido una red integral, multi-nivel y tridimensional de asociaciones en LAC. De acuerdo con el grado de amistad política, la influencia geopolítica y el potencial de cooperación económica y comercial de los 15 países asociados con china, este artículo los divide en tres categorías: países de pivote, países de vínculo y países nodales. Las asociaciones de China en LAC son apoyos importantes para que China implemente estrategias diplomáticas en la región. Sin embargo, su desarrollo también enfrenta desafíos, incluido el apoyo insuficiente con otros medios diplomáticos; dudas e interpretaciones erróneas de las relaciones asociativas; y la transformación de identidad nacional de algunos países asociados. Con el fin de fortalecer el papel de las asociaciones en el mantenimiento de las relaciones nacionales y promover la implementación de las estrategias diplomáticas, China ha agregado nuevos contenidos a la diplomacia de asociación en LAC.

Abstract: This paper studies China’s partnership diplomacy and its practice in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). China has constructed an all-round, multi-level, and three-dimensional partnership network in LAC through three stages: strategic exploration, development, and improvement. China has implemented differential governance towards its partners, which enables active shaping and dynamic management of the partnership network. This paper categorizes the 15 partner countries into three types: pivot countries, link countries, and node countries based on their political friendliness with China, geopolitical influence, and potential for economic and trade cooperation. China’s partnerships in LAC are vital support for implementing its diplomatic strategy in the region. However, challenges to this strategy’s development include insufficient mutual support from other diplomatic means, doubts and misinterpretations of the China-Latin America partnership by some Latin American countries, and the political and identity shifts within these countries. To enhance the role of partnerships in maintaining state relations and promoting the implementation of diplomatic strategies, China has introduced new content to its partnership diplomacy in LAC.

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar la evolución de la política exterior china desde la adopción de la política del “ascenso pacífico” hasta la actual, basada en el concepto del “sueño chino” expuesto por Xi Jinping. El análisis se lleva a cabo a la luz de las principales teorías de relaciones internacionales tradicionales e introduce la doctrina que sustenta al “sueño chino” conocida como Tianxia. Se encuentra que la doctrina occidental tradicional carece de una consideración rigurosa de las aristas históricas y culturales asiáticas y esto le impide explicar plenamente el comportamiento internacional de la República Popular China (RPC). En particular, la creciente asertividad de China en sus relaciones internacionales junto a sus avances económicos, militares y tecnológicos, así como los conflictos militares en Ucrania e Israel, han exacerbado las diferencias con Occidente. Es imperativo dotar a la diplomacia de herramientas que permitan valorar el contexto internacional y las posiciones contrapuestas entre Occidente y la RPC a partir de un marco teórico que incorpore elementos como el Tianxia, no en sustitución de los esquemas de análisis de tradición occidental, sino en adhesión, para enriquecerlos. Esto es particularmente cierto, para la defensa y proyección de los intereses de los países en desarrollo, los cuales requerirán de amplias destrezas diplomáticas para navegar este complejo contexto de manera efectiva, como actores proactivos y no espectadores en la arena internacional.

Abstract This article aims to examine the evolution of China’s foreign policy from the adoption of the “peaceful rise” policy to the present one which stems from the concept of the “Chinese dream” presented by Xi Jinping. The analysis is carried out in the light of major traditional international relations theories and introduces the doctrine underpinning the “Chinese dream” known as Tianxia. It finds that western traditional doctrine lacks rigorous consideration of Asian historical and cultural singularities that prevent them from fully explaining the international actions of the People’s Republic of China. In particular, China’s increasing assertiveness in its international relations along with its economic, military and technological advances, as well as the military conflicts in Ukraine and Israel, have exacerbated differences with the West. It is imperative to provide diplomacy with tools to assess the international context and the opposing positions of the West and the PRC that considers a theoretical framework that incorporates elements such as Tianxia, not as a substitute for Western tradition frameworks of analysis, but to enrich them. This is particularly true for the defense and projection of the interests of developing countries, which will require extensive diplomatic skills to navigate this complex context effectively as proactive players rather than bystanders in the international arena.

Resumen Este artículo examina las estrategias de política exterior de Ecuador y Costa Rica en sus disputas marítimas con China y Nicaragua, respectivamente. Ambos países han adoptado una política exterior dual para equilibrar presiones internas y externas en la resolución de conflictos marítimos, con lo cual se evita el recurso al Tribunal Internacional del Derecho del Mar (TIDM). Ecuador ha enfrentado la amenaza persistente de la flota pesquera china cerca de las islas Galápagos, optando por la diplomacia y las negociaciones bilaterales en lugar de acciones legales internacionales. En contraste, Costa Rica ha llevado sus disputas limítrofes con Nicaragua ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ), confiando en su experiencia y reconocimiento. Estos casos desafían el neoinstitucionalismo al sugerir que los Estados pequeños pueden resolver conflictos sin recurrir necesariamente a organismos internacionales especializados. Este análisis resalta la complejidad y flexibilidad de la política exterior de los Estados pequeños en el ámbito internacional.

Abstract This article examines the foreign policy strategies of Ecuador and Costa Rica in their respective maritime disputes with China and Nicaragua. Both countries have adopted a dual foreign policy to balance internal and external pressures in resolving maritime conflicts, avoiding recourse to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS). Ecuador has faced persistent threats from the Chinese fishing fleet near the Galápagos Islands, opting for diplomacy and bilateral negotiations over international legal actions. In contrast, Costa Rica has taken its border disputes with Nicaragua to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), relying on its expertise and recognition. These cases challenge neo-institutionalism by suggesting that small states can resolve conflicts without necessarily resorting to specialized international organization. This analysis underscores the complexity and flexibility of small states’ foreign policy in the international arena.

Resumo Contra a suposição de que a diplomacia pré-moderna ocorria principalmente entre iguais, este artigo pretende investigar vários casos de diplomacia paralela durante o século XV entre os Timurids, os Qara Qoyunlu e o sultanato Mamluk no Cairo. Embora durante o período anterior os governantes oficiais dominassem, efetivamente, a cena diplomática, parece que no século XV, os membros da sua família (filhos e até netos) também participavam nesta dinâmica. O artigo pretende apresentar esses casos e destacar a importância da recolha de cartas diplomáticas para o estudo dos contactos intra-muçulmanos para além dos sultões.

Abstract Against the assumption that premodern diplomacy was mostly taking place among equals, this article aims to investigate several cases of parallel diplomacy during the 15th century between the Timurids, the Qara Qoyunlu and the Mamluk sultanate in Cairo. While during the previous period official rulers were indeed dominating the diplomatic stage, it seems that in the fifteenth century, members of their family (sons and even grandson) also took part in the game. The paper aims to present those cases and highlight the importance of diplomatic letter collection for the study of intra-Muslim contacts beyond the sultans.

Resumo Entre 1412 e 1433, ano em que será aclamado por rei, o infante herdeiro de Portugal, D. Duarte, assume boa parte das funções régias. Ao longo de duas décadas, o pai (o veterano rei D. João I) valer-se-á do primogénito para auxiliar a governança régia no tocante à administração, à justiça, ou a certos assuntos económicos. Tal tem sido descrito pela historiografia como a “associação” de D. Duarte ao trono. O presente ensaio parte de uma interrogação: Terá tido D. Duarte um papel próprio no campo diplomático? Procurando responder a essa questão, é tida em conta a situação do infante como primeiro na linha sucessória, a sua pertença a uma dinastia que se mostra politicamente muito unida, e as suas próprias concretizações ao nível das relações externas. A documentação gerada em torno de diversos tratados, envolvendo Aragão, Castela e Navarra, parece sobretudo indicar uma postura sóbria e disciplinada por parte do herdeiro, subordinada a uma lógica dinástica em que o monarca detém a última palavra.

Abstract From about 1412, infante Duarte, Portugal’s heir apparent, took on a large portion of the roles expected of a king, until 1433, the year he finally came to the throne. For two decades, his father, King João I - already a seasoned sovereign - had come to rely on the firstborn to assist him in the everyday management of royal administration, justice, and certain economic matters. This was to become known to historians as the prince-king “association”. This essay departs from an interrogation, of whether Duarte was able - or expected at all - to play a role of his own in diplomatic affairs. My argument takes into account Duarte’s posturing as the first in the line of succession, his position as one of several siblings in a tightly knit dynasty, and his own realisations in external politics. The documentary evidence surrounding several treaties involving Aragon, Castile and Navarre seems to point to Duarte’s restraint as a diplomatic player in his own right, even during the “association” period before he became king. For the most part, he remained subordinate to a dynastic logic, with his father firmly hanging on to the helm.

Resumo O tráfico de drogas tornou-se uma das principais manifestações do crime transnacional no século XX, assistindo-se a várias tentativas para o regulamentar. O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar como o Japão se tornou o responsável direto pelo formato final que tomou a Convenção para Limitação da Manufatura e Regulamentação da Distribuição de Drogas Narcóticas de 1931, um dos mais relevantes acordos internacionais sobre drogas da primeira metade do século XX. Posteriores acordos demonstrarão as preocupações relativas à repressão do comércio de drogas narcóticas, que se tornou elemento central da afirmação de uma criminalidade transnacional. Analisa-se aqui um conjunto de fontes impressas produzidas no âmbito da Liga das Nações, entre 1928 e 1931, em particular as atas das reuniões do Comité Consultivo em Tráfico de Ópio e Outras Drogas Perigosas, o corpo técnico dentro da Liga das Nações onde os representantes nacionais de diversos países debateram acordos internacionais sobre o comércio e a criminalização globais de narcóticos, minutas da Conferência na qual que se debateu a construção da Convenção de 1931 e os esboços de acordos e convenções debatidos durante a Conferência.

Abstract Drug trafficking became one of the main manifestations of transnational crime in the 20th century, and various attempts were made to regulate it. The aim of this paper is to present how Japan became directly responsible for the final shape taken by the 1931 Convention for Limiting the Manufacture and Regulating the Distribution of Narcotic Drugs, one of the most relevant international drug agreements of the first half of the 20th century. Subsequent agreements will demonstrate the concerns regarding the repression of the narcotics trade, which has become a central element in the affirmation of a transnational criminality. It analyses a set of printed sources produced within the framework of the League of Nations between 1928 and 1931, in particular the minutes of the meetings of the Advisory Committee on Traffic in Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs, the technical body within the League of Nations where the national representatives of various countries debated international agreements on the global trade and criminalisation of narcotics, the minutes of the Conference that debated the construction of the 1931 Convention and the draft agreements and conventions debated during the Conference.

Resumen El siguiente trabajo aborda las relaciones diplomáticas establecidas entre las distintas parcialidades mapuches-pehuenches del sur de Cuyo con el gobierno criollo de Mendoza durante la gobernación de José de San Martín (1814 a 1816). Su objetivo es profundizar en la identificación y reconstrucción de los espacios, las formas y los motivos de la articulación diplomática interétnica en la etapa sanmartiniana. La hipótesis de la que se parte es que los vínculos diplomáticos establecidos entre ambas partes trascendieron el espacio de los parlamentos, manifestándose en diversas instancias y momentos. Para esto, se analizarán las visitas de diferentes contingentes indígenas a la ciudad de Mendoza y puntos fronterizos durante estos años, las cuales se reconstruirán a partir de documentos asociados a estos viajes. La conclusión a la que aquí se arriba es que dichas visitas fueron una parte importante, y constitutiva, de los vínculos diplomáticos interétnicos, evidenciando que estos tipos de lazos revistieron gran complejidad y no se restringieron solamente a los momentos de los parlamentos.

Abstract The following paper deals with the diplomatic relations established between the different Mapuche-Pehuenche partialities of southern Cuyo and the criollo government of Mendoza during the governorship of José de San Martín (1814 to 1816). Its objective is to deepen in the identification and reconstruction of the spaces, forms and motives of the interethnic diplomatic articulation in the San Martín period. The hypothesis is that the diplomatic links established between the two sides transcended the space of the parliaments, manifesting themselves in different instances and moments. For this purpose, the visits of different indigenous contingents to the city of Mendoza during these years will be analyzed, which will be reconstructed from different documents associated with these trips. The conclusion reached on this occasion is that these visits were an important part, as well as constitutive, of the interethnic diplomatic links, showing that these types of links were very complex and were not restricted only to the moments of the parliaments.

Resumen: Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar las configuraciones institucionales en la agenda diplomática entre la República Popular China y Colombia en el siglo XXI. Desde el rastreo de procesos, el análisis de literatura y la construcción de conceptos, este trabajo realiza aportes novedosos al utilizar el modelo de alter-hegemonía por delegación y la diplomacia infraestructural. La investigación se distancia de los clásicos lentes de la política exterior ligados a las relaciones hegemónicas entre Estados, encontrando que la agenda Colombia-República Popular China se conforma según el modelo alter-hegemónico por delegación a partir de la diplomacia infraestructural, en el cual los Estados buscan expandir su influencia mediante proyectos de inversión. Se examina en específico la configuración institucional en las relaciones diplomáticas, evidenciando el papel de entidades no gubernamentales, como la Asociación Colombo China. Este enfoque ofrece una perspectiva alternativa y relevante para comprender las dinámicas contemporáneas de la diplomacia internacional.

Abstract: This article aims to analyze the institutional configurations in the diplomatic agenda between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Colombia in the 21st century. From the process tracing, the analysis of literature and the construction of concepts, we proposed the analytical framework of alter-hegemony by proxy and infrastructural diplomacy as a novel perspective. The research distances itself from the classic lenses of foreign policy regarding hegemonic relations between states. This research finds that the diplomatic agenda between the PRC and Colombia in the 21st century is configured under the alter-hegemonic model by delegation based on infrastructural diplomacy. This study addresses a novel aspect of foreign policy research, moving away from the traditional focus on hegemonic and peripheral states. It highlights a growing interest in infrastructural diplomacy, where states seek to expand their influence through investment projects in other countries. It specifically examines the institutional configuration of diplomatic relations between the People's Republic of China and Colombia in the 21st century, highlighting the role of non-governmental entities, such as the Colombian-Chinese Friendship Association, which preceded the formal establishment of diplomatic relations between the two nations. This approach offers an alternative and relevant perspective for understanding the contemporary dynamics of international diplomacy.

Resumen A partir de 1930 las compañías ferroviarias de capital privado en la Argentina perdieron rentabilidad. La pérdida de tráfico, fundamentalmente por la recesión, la devaluación de la moneda argentina y la creciente competencia automotor han sido consideradas las causas de aquella pérdida. Este trabajo analiza el caso de las cuatro compañías más importantes, todas de capital británico: los ferrocarriles Sud, Oeste, Central Argentino y Pacífico. Al hacerlo se pone el acento, específicamente, en la cuestión de la desvalorización del peso moneda nacional (la moneda papel) con relación a la libra británica y en qué medida ello fue debido al control de cambios impuesto por el gobierno argentino en 1931, renovado en 1933 y mantenido sin mayores modificaciones hasta la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Las compañías ferroviarias realizaron múltiples gestiones para obtener una tasa especial de cambio a fin de dar mayor valor en libras a sus ingresos en moneda argentina, directamente ante las autoridades del país o a través de la diplomacia británica y también buscaron en un posible aumento de tarifas una forma de compensar la deteriorada paridad monetaria. En todas esas gestiones no tuvieron éxito alguno poniendo de relieve un cambio de actitud del gobierno argentino que pasó de considerar a la actividad ferroviaria como pilar fundamental del progreso económico a preferir la promoción del transporte por carretera. Este cambio de actitud fue el comienzo de la decadencia del extenso sistema ferroviario argentino.

Abstract From 1930 onwards, private capital railway companies in Argentina lost profitability. Loss of traffic, mainly due to the recession, devaluation of the Argentine currency and growing automotive competition have been considered the causes of that loss. This paper analyzes the case of the four most important companies, all British owned: the Southern, Western, Central Argentine and Pacific railways. In doing so, the emphasis is placed, specifically, on the question of Argentine peso (paper currency) devaluation in relation to the British sterling pound and to what extent this was due to the exchange control imposed by the Argentine government in 1931, renewed in 1933 and kept without major modifications until World War II. The railway companies made multiple efforts to obtain a special exchange rate in order to give greater value in pounds to their income in Argentine currency, directly before the country's authorities and through the intermediation of British diplomacy and also sought possible rate increases to compensate for the deteriorated monetary parity. In all these efforts they were unsuccessful, highlighting a change in attitude of the Argentine government that went from considering railway activity as a fundamental pillar of economic progress to preferring the promotion of road transport. This change in attitude was the beginning of the decline of the extensive Argentine railway system.

Resumen: El movimiento de mujeres indígenas en América Latina y el Caribe en la segunda década del siglo XX revolucionó la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RI), al reinterpretar los marcos teórico-metodológicos en su deseo de comprender el mundo diplomático. Desde una perspectiva crítica, las mujeres indígenas mexicanas continúan demostrando la importancia de tomar conciencia de los rituales como actos performativos que resignifican las estructuras institucionales, las normas y el orden, en una redefinición de la visión sobre la gobernanza global. Al incorporar nuevas aproximaciones metodológicas basadas en la ética de cuidados y reciprocidad en escenarios violentos, este artículo responde con el método del análisis crítico del discurso, como experiencia del habla y del texto, a la pregunta sobre si el acceso de las mujeres indígenas a los espacios internacionales es una caracterización de la paradiplomacia o, más bien, el “buen vivir” de un momento histórico en el surgimiento de una diplomacia indígena con rostro femenino en un mundo globalizado.

Résumé : Le mouvement des femmes autochtones d’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes au cours de la deuxième décennie du xxe siècle a signifié une révolution dans la discipline des relations internationales (RI) en réinterprétant les cadres théoriques et méthodologiques dans sa volonté de comprendre le monde diplomatique. D’un point de vue critique, les femmes autochtones mexicaines continuent de révéler l’importance d’éveiller la conscience sur les rituels en tant qu’actes performatifs qui redéfinissent les structures institutionnelles, les normes et l’ordre, dans la redéfinition d’une vision sur la gouvernance mondiale. En incorporant de nouvelles approches méthodologiques basées sur l’éthique du soin et de la réciprocité dans des scénarios violents, cet article répond avec la méthode de l’analyse critique du discours comme expérience de la parole et du texte à la question que lorsque les femmes autochtones accèdent aux espaces internationaux, il s’agit d’une caractérisation de la paradiplomatie ou, plutôt, de la “bien vivre” d’un moment historique dans l’émergence d’une diplomatie autochtone à visage féminin dans un monde globalisé.

Abstract: The indigenous women’s movement in Latin America and the Caribbean in the second decade of the 20th century revolutionized the discipline of International Relations (IR), by reinterpreting the theoretical-methodological frameworks in their desire to understand the diplomatic world. From a critical perspective, Mexican indigenous women continue to demonstrate the importance of becoming aware of rituals as performative acts that re-signify institutional structures, norms, and order in redefining the vision of global governance. Incorporating new methodological approaches based on the ethics of care and reciprocity in violent scenarios, this article responds with the method of critical discourse analysis as speech experience and text to the question of whether indigenous women’s access to international spaces is a characterization of paradiplomacy or, rather, the “good living” of a historical moment in the emergence of indigenous diplomacy with a feminine face in a globalized world.

Resumen Estados Unidos estuvo pendiente de la evolución de la trayectoria que tomaba la guerra del Pacífico. Como potencia regional y en el marco de la Doctrina Monroe no permitió la intervención diplomática de Europa para que llevase a cabo una mediación ante los países beligerantes. La diplomacia norteamericana ofreció sus buenos oficios desde el inicio del conflicto, pero se hizo con mayor énfasis con la asunción del presidente republicano James Garfield y tras la caída de Lima (enero de 1881). La presente investigación basada en información de archivos inéditos realiza un seguimiento a las acciones de la diplomacia norteamericana desde la perspectiva de la política exterior peruana y su legación en Washington, pues la Doctrina Monroe fue interpretada y reajustada por la Secretaría de Estado norteamericano en la medida en que se imponía la derrota peruana con el tratado de Ancón (1883); transitando desde un apoyo al Perú hacia uno inequívoco con Chile.

Abstract The United States was aware of the evolution of the trajectory that the Pacific war was taking. As a regional power and within the framework of the Monroe doctrine, it did not allow the diplomatic intervention of Europe to carry out mediation before the belligerent countries. North American diplomacy offered its good offices from the beginning of the conflict, but it was done with greater emphasis with the assumption of the republican president James Garfield and after the fall of Lima (January 1881). The present investigation, based on information from unpublished files, monitors the actions of North American diplomacy from the perspective of Peruvian foreign policy and its legation in Washington, since the Monroe doctrine was interpreted and readjusted by the North American Secretary of State to the extent in which the Peruvian defeat was imposed with the treaty of Ancón (1883); moving from supporting Peru to unequivocal support for Chile.

Resumen El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar las dinámicas que acontecen en el ciberespacio e identificar aquellas relevantes para el sistema internacional, principalmente las que constituyen amenazas a la estabilidad de las naciones por cuenta de la puja por el poder en la geopolítica contemporánea. En este contexto, en el que la OTAN decide reconocer desde el año 2016, el ciberespacio como un dominio, se hace necesario incorporar una nueva herramienta llamada ciberdiplomacia, como parte de la diplomacia científica, en relación con el ciberpoder de un país para alcanzar los intereses nacionales. La metodología empleada obedece a una revisión sistemática de diversos estudios primarios o individuales, se incorporó literatura gris y la interpretación y comprensión de la investigadora, por medio de un análisis comparado sobre acepciones de la ciberdiplomacia con sus categorías. Se destaca la importancia de este concepto, el cual bien puede considerarse un neologismo en evolución, de creciente arraigo en los temas propios del sistema internacional y el ciberpoder de un Estado.

Abstract This article aims to examine the dynamics in cyberspace and identify those relevant to the international system, mainly those threatening nations' stability due to the struggle for power in contemporary geopolitics. In this context, where even NATO has recognized cyberspace as a domain since 2016, it is necessary to introduce a new diplomatic tool called cyber diplomacy as part of scientific diplomacy in a country's cyber power to advance its national interests. The methodology used is a systematic review of various primary or individual studies. Gray literature and the interpretation and understanding of the researcher are incorporated through a comparative analysis of the meanings of cyber diplomacy and its categories. The importance of this concept is stressed as it can well be considered an evolving neologism with increasing roots in the issues of the international system and the cyber power of any State.

Abstract Chinese migration has been driven by migration policies in Colombia contributing to factors such as the strengthening of diplomacy, economic opportunities, cultural exchange, etc. Due to the cross-border opening, Colombia has been able to attract a significant number of Chinese migrants generating a favorable environment for new opportunities and improving their living conditions. The objective of this research was to analyze the local perspectives of Chinese migration in Colombia and its impact on local development. A descriptive quantitative approach methodology was implemented through a deductive method to deepen the perceptions and impact in the national context. The instrument entitled “PMI Universidad ECCI” was designed and validated corresponding to its centuries: Perspectives of International Migration which inquired in 15 items of three perspectives: economic, social and cultural perspectives evaluated on a Likert scale A sample of 93 professional experts in international trade was used. The findings revealed that Chinese migration has generated a significant impulse in the development of the Colombian national territory, providing employment and cultural diversity, likewise, a permanent cooperation between north and south is suggested, promoting solid foreign and migration policies that promote inclusion. Finally, it is concluded that there are challenges and opportunities in terms of integration and equity in local conditions for the strengthening of international relations between both countries.

Resumen La migración china ha sido impulsada por políticas migratorias en Colombia contribuyendo a factores como el fortalecimiento de la diplomacia, oportunidades económicas, intercambio cultural, etc. Debido a la apertura transfronteriza, Colombia ha logrado atraer a un número significativo de migrantes chinos generando un ambiente propicio para nuevas oportunidades y mejorar sus condiciones de vida. Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo el análisis de las perspectivas locales de la migración china en Colombia y su impacto en el desarrollo local. Se implementó una metodología de enfoque cuantitativo de tipo descriptivo por medio de un método deductivo para profundizar las percepciones e impacto en el contexto nacional. Se diseñó y validó el instrumento titulado “PMI Universidad ECCI” correspondientes a sus siglas: Perspectivas de la Migración Internacional el cual indagó en 15 ítems de tres perspectivas: económica, social y perspectivas culturales evaluadas en una escala Likert. Se utilizó una muestra de 93 profesionales expertos en comercio internacional. Los hallazgos revelaron que la migración china ha generado un impulso significativo en el desarrollo del territorio nacional colombiano, aportando empleo y diversidad cultural, asimismo, se sugiere una cooperación permanente dada entre norte-sur promoviendo políticas exteriores y de migración sólidas que fomenten la inclusión. Finalmente se concluye que existen desafíos y oportunidades en términos de integración y equidad en condiciones locales para el fortalecimiento de las relaciones internacionales entre ambos países.