Abstract The study exposes the strategies and tactics of radical Islamism in Europe and Spain, to attract and radicalize young Muslims with a religious, media and propagandistic content; from Al Qaeda, Daesh or other related organizations that share the culture of jihad; chain of subjects, actions, messages and propaganda to participate in a process of ideologization, to make use of violence in the jihad against the West, way of life, social and political; and interfere in the democratic, liberal and legal process in Europe. This qualitative research, achieves approximations of individual characteristics and family, social, familiar and economic conditioning factors of the vulnerable groups to the jihadist message; highlighting ignorance or dissolution of their cultural, religious and ritual traditions; absence or weak individual, family or community identity, experience of social, educational, labor or political discrimination and economic inequality; facilitating the process of radicalization until their participation in acts of indiscriminate violence. This research was carried out in the city councils of Fuenlabrada and Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid and Reus and L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Province of Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, Spain; through specialized bibliography, interviews to academic, police and intelligence experts, public attention and social services workers, the contribution of Muslim community representatives; who make emerge these elements and the need to improve strategies and preventive actions in Europe, reducing its impact on the vulnerable population.

Resumen El estudio expone las estrategias y tácticas del islamismo radical en Europa y España, para captar y radicalizar a jóvenes musulmanes de un contenido religioso, mediático, propagandístico; desde Al Qaeda, Daesh u otras organizaciones afines que comparten la cultura de la yihad; cadena de sujetos, actuaciones, mensajes y propaganda para participar en un proceso de ideologización, para hacer uso de la violencia en la yihad contra Occidente, forma de vida, social y política; e interferir en el proceso democrático, liberal y de derecho en Europa. Esta investigación cualitativa logra aproximaciones de características individuales y condicionantes familiares, sociales, familiares y económicas de los grupos vulnerables al mensaje yihadista; destacándose ignorancia o disolución de sus tradiciones culturales, religiosas y ritualidad; ausencia o débil identidad individual, familiar o comunitario, experiencia de discriminación social, educativa, laboral o política e inequidad económica; facilitando el proceso de radicalización hasta su participación en actos de violencia indiscriminada. Esta investigación se realizó en los ayuntamientos de Fuenlabrada y Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid y Reus y L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Provincia de Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, España; a través de bibliografía especializada, entrevistas a expertos académicos, policiales e inteligencia, trabajadores en atención pública y servicios sociales, el aporte de representantes comunitarios musulmanes; quienes hacen emerger estos elementos y necesidad de mejorar estrategias y actuaciones preventivas en Europa, reduciendo su impacto en la población vulnerable.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.

ABSTRACT The education in patriotic and moral values is essential for the comprehensive development of individuals and the sustainability of democratic societies. While patriotic education has faced criticism for its potential use as a tool for nationalist propaganda, a contemporary conception aims to promote critical civic awareness that values one's own culture while respecting other traditions in a globalized world. Meanwhile, moral education seeks to shape individuals capable of discerning between right and wrong, guided by justice, and actively contributing to the common good and human rights. In light of this, this research examines the role of Azerbaijan's educational system in shaping the moral and civic values of future generations. The author advocates for patriotic education as a means to instill responsibility not only as citizens of Azerbaijan but also as members of an interconnected global community. The research highlights the need to adopt personalized, interactive, and contextualized teaching methods, instead of a one-size-fits-all approach, considering the backgrounds, needs, and specific interests of students for their value development. It is also underscored the fundamental role of teachers in this formative process. However, despite advancements in this field, quality education in patriotism and morality remains a contemporary challenge and is increasingly gaining priority.

RESUMEN La educación en valores patrióticos y morales es fundamental para el desarrollo integral de las personas y la sostenibilidad de las sociedades democráticas. Si bien la educación patriótica ha enfrentado críticas por su uso potencial como herramienta de propaganda nacionalista, una concepción contemporánea apunta a promover una conciencia cívica crítica que valore la propia cultura y al mismo tiempo respete otras tradiciones en un mundo globalizado. Mientras tanto, la educación moral busca formar individuos capaces de discernir entre el bien y el mal, guiados por la justicia y contribuyendo activamente al bien común y los derechos humanos. A la luz de esto, esta investigación examina el papel del sistema educativo de Azerbaiyán en la configuración de los valores morales y cívicos de las generaciones futuras. El autor aboga por la educación patriótica como un medio para inculcar responsabilidad no sólo como ciudadanos de Azerbaiyán sino también como miembros de una comunidad global interconectada. La investigación destaca la necesidad de adoptar métodos de enseñanza personalizados, interactivos y contextualizados, en lugar de un enfoque único para todos, considerando los antecedentes, las necesidades y los intereses específicos de los estudiantes para su desarrollo de valores. También se destaca el papel fundamental de los docentes en este proceso formativo. Sin embargo, a pesar de los avances en este campo, la educación de calidad en patriotismo y moralidad sigue siendo un desafío contemporáneo y está ganando cada vez más prioridad.

This essay consists of a thorough critical analysis of the dogmatic premises behind Brazilian electoral legislation and the official rhetoric of authorities, conveyed by Electoral Justice through propaganda and legal coercion. Adopting public choice theory as the main methodological paradigm, pragmatic and impartial, the argumentation is developed around the paradox identified by economist Anthony Downs, a corollary of the discrepancy between individual utility of a vote and probability of a vote and its public utility, tethered to the probability of a vote being decisive in an election, a paradox examined in the context of Brazilian democracy. The arguments presented are based on objective data, information theory, statistics and probabilistic calculus, presented in an accessible form, primarily descriptive, regarding the functioning of the electoral system and government communication, concluding with normative considerations.

O presente ensaio consiste de uma minuciosa análise crítica das premissas dogmáticas por trás da legislação eleitoral brasileira a retórica oficial das autoridades, veiculada pela Justiça Eleitoral por meio de propaganda e coerção legal. Valendo-se como principal paradigma metodológico a teoria da escolha pública (public choice theory), pragmática e imparcial, é desenvolvida a argumentação ao redor do paradoxo identificado pelo economista Anthony Downs, corolário da discrepância entre a utilidade individual do voto e utilidade pública, atrelada à probabilidade de um voto decidir uma eleição; paradoxo examinado no contexto da democracia brasileira. Os argumentos apresentados têm por base dados objetivos, princípios da teoria da informação, estatística e cálculo probabilístico, apresentados de forma acessível, primariamente expositiva, acerca do funcionamento do sistema eleitoral e da comunicação governamental, concluindo com considerações normativas.

RESUMO OBJETIVO Descrever e analisar a saudabilidade dos estabelecimentos com venda formal e informal de alimentos em terminais rodoviários da região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro. MÉTODOS Realizou-se auditoria em 156 estabelecimentos formais e 127 pontos informais de venda de alimentos localizados em 14 terminais rodoviários das cinco cidades mais populosas da região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro. Foram calculadas proporções de tipos de estabelecimentos e médias (IC95%) de indicadores de disponibilidade de alimentos nos ambientes formal e informal. Para o ambiente formal, foram descritos preços, proporções das formas de pagamento aceitas, dias e horários de funcionamento e categorias de alimentos com propaganda exposta. RESULTADOS A saudabilidade dos pontos de venda de alimentos nos terminais rodoviários era baixa (inferior a 36%). Em média, estavam disponíveis para compra 250% mais subgrupos de alimentos ultraprocessados do que in natura ou minimamente processados. Adquirir comida nesses locais era conveniente porque diversas formas de pagamento estavam disponíveis e os horários de funcionamento dos estabelecimentos acompanhavam os picos de movimentação. Além disso, 73,3% das propagandas se referiam a bebidas ultraprocessadas e o custo-benefício da compra de alimentos ultraprocessados era melhor que o de alimentos in natura ou minimamente processados. CONCLUSÃO O ambiente alimentar dos terminais rodoviários da região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro promove uma alimentação não saudável. Políticas públicas de regulação devem se concentrar em iniciativas que limitem a ampla disponibilidade e publicidade de alimentos ultraprocessados nesses espaços de grande circulação de pessoas.

ABSTRACT PURPOSE To describe and analyze the healthiness of formal and informal food establishments in bus terminals of the metropolitan region of the state of Rio de Janeiro. METHOD An audit was conducted in 156 formal and 127 informal food establishments located in 14 bus terminals of the five most populous cities of the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro. Proportions of types of establishments and means (95%CI) of food availability indicators in formal and informal settings were calculated. For the formal setting, prices, proportions of accepted payment methods, days and hours of operation, and food categories with displayed advertising were described. RESULTS The healthiness of food establishments in bus terminals was low (less than 36%). On average, ultra-processed food subgroups were 250% more available for purchase than fresh or minimally processed food. Purchasing food at these places was convenient because several forms of payment were available, and the opening hours of the establishments followed the peaks of movement. In addition, 73.3% of the advertising referred to ultra-processed drinks, and the cost-benefit of buying ultra-processed food was better than fresh or minimally processed food. CONCLUSION The food environment of bus terminals in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro promotes unhealthy eating. Regulatory public policies should focus on initiatives to limit the wide availability and advertising of ultra-processed food in spaces of great circulation of people.

RESUMEN Se estimaron las tendencias en la prevalencia de la obesidad y el sobrepeso en estudiantes chilenos de educación primaria y secundaria, antes y después de las regulaciones introducidas en Chile en el 2016 sobre la comercialización y disponibilidad de productos hipercalóricos, con un alto contenido de azúcares, sodio o grasas saturadas. Se utilizaron datos del Mapa Nutricional de Chile, una encuesta en la que se midió el índice de masa corporal (IMC) de la población estudiantil de las escuelas públicas. Tomando los umbrales de IMC definidos por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, se calculó la prevalencia del sobrepeso y la obesidad para cada año entre el 2013 y el 2019 en estudiantes de jardín de infancia (4 años), preescolar (5 años), primer grado (6 años) y noveno grado (14 años). En los estudiantes de noveno grado, la prevalencia del sobrepeso y la obesidad aumentó en 2 puntos porcentuales durante los 3 años posteriores a la introducción de las regulaciones del 2016. En el caso de los grupos de jardín de infancia, preescolar y primer grado, el sobrepeso y la obesidad disminuyeron entre 1 y 3 puntos porcentuales un año después de la introducción de las regulaciones, pero al año siguiente volvieron a los niveles anteriores. La introducción de las regulaciones alimentarias de Chile no estuvo seguida de una disminución continua de la obesidad en la población estudiantil de primaria y secundaria. En las investigaciones futuras se deberá examinar si la población infantil de Chile y otros países mantiene niveles altos de sobrepeso y obesidad a pesar de las regulaciones alimentarias diseñadas para reducir el consumo de productos y bebidas obesogénicos, así como las características específicas que adopta este problema de salud.

ABSTRACT We estimated trends in the prevalence of obesity and overweight among Chilean primary and secondary students before and after Chile’s 2016 regulations on the marketing and availability of foods high in energy, total sugars, sodium, or saturated fat. We used data from Chile’s Survey of Nutrition, which measured the body mass index (BMI) of students in government-funded schools. Using BMI thresholds defined by the World Health Organization, we calculated the prevalence of overweight and obesity for each year from 2013 to 2019 among students attending pre-kindergarten (age 4 years), kindergarten (age 5 years), first grade (6 years), and ninth grade (14 years). In ninth grade students, overweight and obesity prevalence rose by 2 percentage points over the 3 years after introduction of the 2016 regulations. In pre-kindergarten, kindergarten, and first grade, overweight and obesity fell 1 to 3 percentage points 1 year after the regulations were introduced, but rebounded to previous levels the next year. Chile’s food regulations were not followed by a sustained decline in obesity in primary- and secondary-school students. Future research should examine whether and how children in Chile and other countries maintain high levels of overweight and obesity despite food regulations designed to reduce consumption of obesogenic foods and beverages.

RESUMO Foram estimadas tendências de prevalência da obesidade e do sobrepeso em alunos chilenos do ensino fundamental e médio antes e depois da regulamentação de 2016 da propaganda e disponibilidade de alimentos com alto teor calórico ou ricos em açúcares totais, sódio ou gorduras saturadas no Chile. Foram utilizados dados obtidos da Pesquisa em Nutrição do Chile, que aferiu o índice de massa corporal (IMC) de escolares da rede pública. Com base nos limiares de IMC definidos pela Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS), calculou-se a prevalência anual de sobrepeso e obesidade em crianças na pré-escola (4 anos), no jardim da infância (5 anos), no primeiro ano (6 anos) e no nono ano (14 anos) em cada ano no período entre 2013 e 2019. Entre os alunos do nono ano, a prevalência de sobrepeso e obesidade aumentou 2 pontos percentuais nos 3 anos que se seguiram à introdução da regulamentação de 2016. Entre os alunos da pré-escola, do jardim de infância e do primeiro ano, ocorreu uma redução de 1 a 3 pontos percentuais na prevalência de sobrepeso e obesidade um ano após a introdução da regulamentação, mas os níveis voltaram a subir no ano seguinte. A regulamentação de alimentos não resultou em um declínio sustentado da obesidade nos alunos do ensino fundamental e médio do Chile. Pesquisas futuras devem ser realizadas para avaliar se, e como, a prevalência de sobrepeso e obesidade nas crianças chilenas e de outros países se mantém alta a despeito da regulamentação de alimentos visando à redução do consumo de alimentos e bebidas obesogênicos.

This article studies the Islamic State's only remaining periodical, Al-Naba, identifying the most common tropes and patterns in the periodical's Sub-Saharan Africa coverage, and on Mozambique in particular. The Islamic State's increasingly important coverage of Africa focuses on terror attacks, military campaigns and on the fight against Christianity. However, it also employs more traditional anti-colonial arguments that have been used by other, more accepted, political actors during the struggle for decolonisation. Al-Naba also functions as a 'shamer' of non-African Muslims, to get them to join jihad by pointing to the African successes of the organisation and set these successes up as examples to be followed. In this sense, the article illustrates how African jihadist branches can have global agency.

Resumo O presente artigo analisa o conceito de educação eugênica no Boletim de Eugenia (1929-1933), o maior periódico especializado na ciência do melhoramento racial e principal meio de disseminação do racismo científico no Brasil. Editado no Rio de Janeiro pelo médico e farmacêutico Renato Ferraz Kehl entre 1929 e 1931, sua direção foi assumida a partir de 1932 pelos professores da Escola Superior de Agricultura “Luiz de Queiroz” (ESALQ) Octavio Domingues e Salvador de Toledo Piza Júnior. Além de alterarem as características do periódico, perdendo o aspecto de jornal de propaganda e assumindo o formato de revista científica, os dois renomados geneticistas de Piracicaba respaldaram cientificamente a eugenia mendeliana de Kehl, garantindo a continuidade e a radicalização de seu projeto. Tomando como aporte teórico-metodológico uma pesquisa documental em diálogo com a Teoria Crítica, investigamos a mobilização e a inter-relação entre os conceitos de consciência e esclarecimento nos artigos publicados no Boletim de Eugenia. Constatamos que o conceito de educação eugênica se apresentou de forma ambígua e contraditória nesses textos, refletindo o sentido amplo no qual o termo foi estruturado por Francis Galton, mas também a maneira particular como as noções de esclarecimento e consciência eugênica foram interpretadas pelos diretores do periódico. Concluímos que o termo educação eugênica, empregado de forma generalizante na historiografia da eugenia, é insuficiente para uma compreensão crítica dos sentidos restrito e amplo da educação desenvolvidos desde Galton até aos membros mais radicais do movimento eugenista brasileiro.

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the concept of eugenic education in the Boletim de Eugenia (1929-1933), the biggest specialized newspaper in the science of racial improvement and the main means of scientific racism's dissemination in Brazil. Edited in Rio de Janeiro by the doctor and pharmacist Renato Kehl between 1929 and 1931, its direction was assumed from 1932 by the professors of the Escola Superior de Agricultura “Luiz de Queiroz” (ESALQ) Octavio Domingues and Salvador de Toledo Piza Júnior. Besides changing the periodical's characteristics, losing the aspect of a propaganda newspaper, and assuming the format of a scientific journal, the two renowned geneticists from Piracicaba scientifically supported Kehl's Mendelian eugenics, ensuring the continuity and radicalization of his project. Taking as a theoretical-methodological framework documentary research in dialogue with Critical Theory, we investigate the mobilization and the interrelation between the concepts of consciousness and enlightenment in the articles published in the Boletim de Eugenia. We found that the concept of eugenic education was presented in an ambiguous and contradictory way in these texts, reflecting the broad sense in which the term was structured by Francis Galton, but also how the notions of enlightenment and eugenic consciousness were interpreted by the journal's directors. We conclude that the term eugenic education, used in a generalizing form in the historiography of eugenics, is insufficient for a critical understanding of the narrow and broad meanings of education developed from Galton to the most radical members of the Brazilian eugenic movement.

Resumen Este artículo analiza el concepto de educación eugenésica en el Boletim de Eugenia (1929-1933), el mayor periódico especializado en la ciencia del mejoramiento racial y el principal medio de difusión del racismo científico en Brasil. Editado en Río de Janeiro por el médico y farmacéutico Renato Ferraz Kehl entre 1929 y 1931, su dirección fue asumida a partir de 1932 por los profesores de la Escola Superior de Agricultura “Luiz de Queiroz” (ESALQ) Octavio Domingues y Salvador de Toledo Piza Júnior. Cambiando las características del periódico, perdiendo el aspecto periodístico de propaganda y asumiendo el formato de revista científica, los dos reconocidos genetistas de Piracicaba apoyaron científicamente la eugenesia mendeliana de Kehl, garantizando la continuidad y radicalización de su proyecto. Utilizando la investigación documental en diálogo con la Teoría Crítica como aporte teórico-metodológico, analizamos la movilización y la interrelación entre los conceptos de conciencia y esclarecimiento en los artículos publicados en el Boletim de Eugenia. Demostramos que el concepto de educación eugenésica se presentó de manera ambigua y contradictoria en estos textos, reflejando el sentido amplio en que el término fue estructurado por Francis Galton, pero también la forma particular en que se interpretaran las nociones de esclarecimiento y conciencia eugenésica por los directores de la revista. Concluimos que el término educación eugenésica, utilizado de manera general en la historiografía de la eugenesia, es insuficiente para una comprensión crítica de los significados estrechos y amplios de la educación desarrollada desde Galton hasta los miembros más radicales del movimiento eugenésico brasileño.

Resumo Neste artigo, destaco o uso da imagem do útero como uma metáfora visual poderosa no ativismo artístico, chamando a atenção para as formas como este pode ser mobilizado “com o objetivo de alcançar uma mudança social e/ou política” (Serafini, 2018, p. 3). Este artigo, concentra-se no potencial transformador dos cartoons políticos, com ênfase na iniciativa Wombastic. Esta iniciativa foi criada no Tumblr pelo coletivo espanhol Autoras de Cómic, com o objetivo de contestar um projeto de lei restritivo sobre o aborto aprovado pelo Partido Popular espanhol, a 20 de dezembro de 2013. Enquanto os legisladores de direita tentaram impor normas de género heteropatriarcais usando os corpos das mulheres como campo de batalha, as intervenções gráficas feministas recuperaram o corpo como um local de resistência para desafiar a propaganda neoconservadora. Estudando o contexto sociopolítico em que foi lançado, este artigo sublinha a ligação entre a “repolitização da vida social espanhola” (Herrero, 2019, p. 127) e o ressurgimento de um poderoso ativismo feminista, centrado nos direitos reprodutivos. Mergulhado no clima social pós-11M, este estudo revela o poder discursivo dos cartoons políticos num momento de renovada politização do corpo, aumento das mobilizações sociais e poderoso ativismo feminista. A banda desenhada e os cartoons socialmente empenhados, como os que foram carregados no Wombastic, revelam uma agência feminista que reclama a criatividade das mulheres e a propriedade da sua própria sexualidade e escolhas reprodutivas.

Abstract Drawing attention to the ways in which art activism can be mobilized “with the objective of achieving social and or political change” (Serafini, 2018, p. 3), in this article, I attend especially to the image of the womb as a powerful visual metaphor for political intervention. Analyzing the transformative potential of an embodied medium such as political cartoons, the present article focuses on Wombastic, a Tumblr-based initiative organized by the Spanish collective Autoras de Cómic in response to the restrictive abortion bill that the Spanish right-wing Partido Popular approved in the Council of Ministers on December 20, 2013. While right-wing legislators have turned women’s bodies into battlefields in their attempt to reinstate heteropatriarchal gender norms, feminist graphic interventions reclaim the body as a site of resistance to disrupt neoconservative propaganda. Studying the sociopolitical context in which it was launched, this article underlines the connection between the “repoliticization of Spanish social life” (Herrero, 2019, p. 127), and the resurgence of powerful feminist activism, centering on reproductive rights. Steeped in the post 11M social climate, this study reveals the discursive power of political cartoons at a time of renewed politicization of the body, increased social mobilizations, and powerful feminist activism. Socially engaged comics and cartoons such as the ones uploaded to Wombastic display feminist agency, reclaiming women’s creativity and ownership of their own sexuality and reproductive choices.

Resumen El lulismo, en cuanto amplio fenómeno de adhesión a la figura política de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, se fundamenta también en la aprobación de la imagen de “hombre del pueblo”, movilizada en las elecciones de 2002 y evocada continuamente contra el Partido Socialdemócrata Brasileño. En este artículo analizamos las estrategias de propaganda electoral del Partido de los Trabajadores en un momento en que su mayor líder fue encarcelado y sus principales opositores eran otros: los gigantes del antipetismo. Partiendo de que la televisión sigue siendo importante en el juego electoral brasileño, el corpus del análisis es el calendario electoral televisivo del Partido de los Trabajadores durante la primera y la segunda vuelta. En la metodología utilizada se combinan la observación de los tipos de anuncio con el análisis del discurso de matriz francesa, basado principalmente en las contribuciones de Charaudeau y Orlandi. Como categorías se observan el ethos y el antiethos, los interdiscursos, las formaciones discursivas, las formaciones ideológicas y las condiciones sociales de producción. Se concluye que el lulismo se movilizó para luchar contra el gobierno de Temer y el Partido Socialdemócrata Brasileño, molinos de viento que no eran en realidad rivales peligrosos, sin embargo, no logró construir una narrativa contra los gigantes del antipetismo que cuestionaban no solo el juego electoral brasileño, sino el propio régimen democrático.

Abstract Lulismo, as a broad phenomenon of adhesion to the political figure of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, is also based on the approval of the image of “man of the people,” which was mobilized in the 2002 elections and continuously evoked against the Brazilian Social Democratic Party. In this article, we analyze the electoral propaganda strategies of the Workers’ Party at a time when its major leader was imprisoned and its main opponents were others: the “dragons” of anti-petismo. Based on the fact that television continues to be important in the Brazilian electoral game, the corpus of the analysis is the electoral television calendar of the Workers’ Party during the first and second rounds. The methodology used combines the observation of the types of ads with the analysis of the French matrix discourse, based mainly on the contributions of Charaudeau and Orlandi. As categories, ethos and antiethos, interdiscourses, discursive formations, ideological formations, and social conditions of production are observed. It is concluded that Lulismo was mobilized to fight against the Temer government and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party, which were not dangerous rivals; however, it failed to build a narrative against the “dragons” of anti-petismo that questioned not only the Brazilian electoral game, but the democratic regime itself.

RESUMEN Durante el primer peronismo el Estado articuló, a través del cine de propaganda, un discurso social promotor de la democratización del acceso de nuevos sectores a los beneficios de la modernización y una mirada reguladora del proceso. En este sentido, el presente artículo indaga sobre la manera en que se representó esa transformación en dos películas documentales de propaganda durante el periodo, con énfasis en la “cuestión de la vivienda”: Nuestro Hogar y La ciudad frente al río. La hipótesis del trabajo es que el cine buscó instalar un imaginario social de modernización desde una visión utópica de este proceso y que fue clave para promover nuevos valores a un público diverso, que no siempre se disponía a recibir los mensajes de manera favorable. Si bien el tema de estos documentales institucionales que difundían la vivienda era unívoco, los discursos empleados eran opuestos, a nivel estético y narrativo, y esto habla de públicos divididos.

ABSTRACT During the first Peronism the State articulated, through propaganda cinema, a social discourse promoting the democratization of the access of new sectors to the benefits of modernization and a regulatory look at the process. In this sense, the present article inquires about the way in which this transformation was represented in two documentary propaganda films during the period, with emphasis on the “question of housing”: Our Home and The city in front of the river. The hypothesis of this article is that the cinema sought to install a social imaginary of modernization from a utopian vision of this process and was key to promote new values to a diverse audience that was not always ready to receive messages favorably. Although the theme of these institutional documentaries that spread housing was unambiguous, the discourses were opposite, at an aesthetic and narrative level, and this speaks of divided audiences.

RESUMEN El sismo que afectó a San Juan el 15 de enero de 1944 resultó decisivo en la historia urbana de la ciudad capital y sus alrededores, pues los destruyó completamente lo que conllevó a su reconstrucción. En este contexto de crisis, la vivienda se transformó en un tema central para el Gobierno Provincial y Nacional, ya que debió solucionar el albergue de casi la totalidad de los/as ciudadanos/as. Así, se parte de la hipótesis de que por medio de estrategias retóricas diversas la habitación popular fue empleada como un elemento altamente simbólico en algunas publicaciones, tanto de propaganda como de contrapropaganda de la época. Por ello, el objetivo es analizar el empleo político en distintos medios de difusión durante el período de la reconstrucción en la década posterior al terremoto.

ABSTRACT The earthquake that struck San Juan on January 15, 1944, resulted decisive for the urban history of the capital city and its surroundings, because it completely destroyed them and led to their reconstruction. In this context of crisis, housing became a central issue for Provincial and National Goverment, since shelters had to be provided for almost all the citizens. Thereby, the hypothesis is that through various discursive and rhetorical strategies, housing was used as a highly symbolic element in some publications, both in propaganda as in contrapropaganda of those times. The aim is to analyze the politics used for housing in different media during the period of the reconstruction of San Juan the decade after the earthquake.

Abstract This article discusses how denialism of the civil-military dictatorship constitutes a pivotal element in the political propaganda of Jair Bolsonaro and the Brazilian far right. We aim to understand the connections between, on the one hand, the disavowal of our last dictatorship and state terrorism and, on the other, political attempts to undermine the legitimacy of human rights and social movements during the New Republic (1985-2020). We posit that Bolsonaro’s vision for consolidating power entails a reimagining of the republic’s foundations. Crucially, this endeavor involves an attempt to reshape the hegemonic memory regime first established during the redemocratization process. In this sense, the central hypothesis of this article is that historical negationism constitutes a fundamental and structuring axis in the power project of the renewed far right, emerging in a moment of crisis in the modern regime of historicity alongside the rise of presentism. In this regard, the political use of the recent past by the Bolsonaro government hinges on authoritarian political culture, anticommunism, and the purported crusade against corruption. These uses intend to undermine any rights-based agenda, thereby paving the way for the consecration of the neoliberal model.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é promover uma reflexão sobre o negacionismo da ditadura civil-militar como parte da ação política de Jair Bolsonaro e da extrema direita brasileira na criminalização dos movimentos sociais. Busca-se compreender como a negação do terrorismo de Estado promovido pela ditadura está relacionada à tentativa política de esvaziar a legitimidade dos direitos humanos e dos movimentos sociais na Nova República (1985-2020). Propomos que o projeto de poder de Bolsonaro inclui uma refundação das bases republicanas, sendo fundamental nesse processo alterar o regime de memória hegemônico construído a partir do processo de redemocratização. Nesse sentido, a hipótese deste artigo é de que o negacionismo histórico é um eixo estruturante no projeto de poder da extrema direita renovada e ocorre em um momento de crise do regime moderno de historicidade e de emergência do presentismo no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o uso político do passado recente pelo governo Bolsonaro se apoia na cultura política autoritária, no anticomunismo e no suposto combate à corrupção. Esses usos pretendem esvaziar qualquer agenda de direitos, favorecendo a consagração do modelo neoliberal.

Abstract: The use of imagem strategies in medical socieal networks is increasingly widespread, meeting the ethical limit established by the CEM. Knowing this, the present study sought to understand the problem of patient exposure in medical social networks. For this, a literature review was carried out from the Scientific Electronic Library Online (Scielo), Pubmed, UpToDate, LILACS databases, articles in English, Spanish and Portuguese published from 2018 onwards were included. Thus, a tendency was noticed in some cities to create laws to regulate this exposure, given that the use of images has become routine in medical advertising, as a way to demonstrate results. However, this practice is greatly accompanied by ethical failures as recommended by the CFM.

Resumen: El uso de estrategias de imagen en las redes sociales médicas está cada vez más extendido, cumpliendo el límite ético establecido por el CEM. Sabiendo esto, el presente estudio buscó comprender el problema de la exposición de los pacientes en las redes sociales médicas. Para ello, se realizó una revisión bibliográfica a partir de las bases Scientific Electronic Library Online (Scielo), PubMED, UpToDate, LILACS, incluyendo artículos en inglés, español y portugués publicados a partir de 2018. Así, se percibió en algunas ciudades la tendencia a crear leyes para regular esta exposición, dado que el uso de imágenes se ha vuelto rutinario en la publicidad médica, como una forma de demostrar resultados. Sin embargo, esta práctica está muy acompañada de faltas éticas como recomienda el CFM.

Resumo: A utilização das estratégias de imagem nas redes sociais médicas está cada vez mais disseminada, encontrando-se no limite ético estabelecido pelo CEM. Sabendo disso, o presente estudo buscou entender a problemática da exposição do paciente nas redes sociais médicas. Para isso, foi feita uma revisão da literatura a partir das bases Scientific Eletronic Library Online (Scielo), PubMED, UpToDate, LILACS, foram incluídos artigos em inglês, espanhol e português publicados a partir de 2018. Assim, percebeu-se em algumas cidades a tendência de criar leis para regular essa exposição, haja vista que a utilização de imagens tornou-se rotineira na propaganda médica, como forma demonstrar resultados. Todavia, tal prática vem acompanhada grandemente de falhas éticas segundo o preconizado pelo CFM.

Resumo A análise dos dispositivos de propaganda no que diz respeito de uma campanha de eleição do poder executivo ocorre de forma subsidiária ao reconhecimento da relação que determina a Arte e a Política. Sujeito a uma estratégia de comunicação política, o estudo do caso aqui apresentado em relação às imagens fixas e às imagens em movimento difundidas pela coalição de Cambiemos (Mudemos) em 2015 recupera a proximidade ins-tituida entre a arte visual e audiovisual. A partir da seleção de um conjunto de imagens e amostras de observação, se reconhecerá a regra de conformação de produções proselitistas cujo contrato de leitura, ao mesmo tempo que estabelece uma ordem política, tem recor-rido a um processo de constituição artístico e ficcional. Esta dualidade não tem sido alheia à tentativa de escamotear seu sujeito de sua enunciação em razão da suposta exposição do REAL sem mediações. Se a arte tem deixado de ser um procedimento de criação nomeada-mente estético e situa-se nas fronteiras da ação política, consequentemente a prédica dos governos tem criado uma área de indiferenciação a respeito da arte e suas proclamações de comunicação partidária e eleitoral.

Abstract The analysis of the propaganda devices concerning an executive power electoral campaign is subsidiary of the recognition of the relation between Art and Politics. The proposed case study of the still and in motion images displayed by Cambiemos coalition in 2015 recaptures the contiguity between visual / audiovisual art, subject to an electoral communication strategy. Based on the selection of a number of images / samples, there will be an identification of the rule for forming canvassing operations whose reading con-tract establishes a political consideration, which has, however, drawn on a process of art and fiction production. This duality has not been exempted from concealing the subject from his enunciation in view of the presumed exhibition of the real thing without inter-mediaries. If art is no longer an eminently aesthetic creation, and is situated on the thresh-old of political action, in the same way, the governments preaching has created an indis-tinct zone in relation to art and its proclamation of party and electoral communication.

Resumen El examen de los dispositivos de propaganda concernientes a una campaña de elección ejecutiva ocurre de modo subsidiario al reconocimiento de la relación que determina el Arte y la Política. El estudio de caso que se presenta acerca de las imágenes fijas y las imágenes en movimiento difundidas por la coalición Cambiemos en el año 2015 recupera la contigüidad instituida entre el arte visual / audiovisual, sujeto a una estrategia de comunicación política. A partir de la selección de un acumulado de imágenes / muestras de observación, se reconocerá la regla de conformación de producciones proselitistas cuyo contrato de lectura establece un orden político, pero que sin embargo ha recurrido a un proceso de constitución artístico y ficcional. Esta dualidad no ha sido ajena a la ocultación del sujeto de su enunciación, en razón de la presunta exposición de lo real sin mediaciones. Si el arte ha dejado de ser un procedimiento de creación eminentemente estético y se sitúa en el umbral de la acción política, asimismo la prédica de los gobiernos ha creado una zona de indistinción con respecto al arte y a sus proclamas de comunicación partida-ria y electoral.