Resumen: La presente aportación tiene como objetivo identificar y analizar las políticas, prácticas de integración y protección a migrantes en situación de vulnerabilidad en América Central y El Caribe, específicamente a través de dos casos de estudio: Costa Rica y República Dominicana. A partir de conceptos como ciudades santuarios, hospitalidad y solidaridad, asociadas al movimiento santuario que tuvo origen en Estados Unidos en la década de 1980. Los resultados muestran, por un lado, una baja tasa de aprobación y procesamiento de las solicitudes de asilo, por lo que las prácticas de acogida e integración de la población sujeta a estudio adquieren mayor relevancia. Sin embargo, existe una clara diferencia en la implementación del concepto con respecto al norte global, debido a la complejidad de las categorías migratorias en la región y a que no representan una contraposición o resistencia a las políticas locales, por tratarse de acuerdos intergubernamentales, bajo el alero de los organismos internacionales.

Abstract: The objective of this contribution is to identify and analyze the policies, practices of integration and protection of migrants, asylum seekers and refugees in vulnerable situations in Central America and the Caribbean, specifically through two case studies: Costa Rica and Dominican Republic; based on concepts such as sanctuary cities, hospitality, and solidarity, associated with the sanctuary movement that originated in the United States in the 1980s. The results show, on the one hand, a low rate of approval and processing of asylum applications, so that the practices of reception and integration of the population subject to study acquire greater relevance. However, there is a clear difference in the implementation of the concept with respect to the global north, due to the complexity of the migratory categories in the region and because they do not represent an opposition or resistance to local policies because they are intergovernmental agreements.

RESUMO No Brasil, durante o Estado Novo (1937-1945), o Institute of Inter-American Affairs da Fundação Rockefeller e o Ministério da Educação e Saúde do governo federal inauguraram o Serviço Especial de Saúde Pública como um gabinete que instaurou o Programa de Enfermagem. Enfermeiras dos Estados Unidos atuaram como consultoras em um esforço de retomada da profissionalização que rompeu o padrão de formação profissional vigente, considerado política e ideologicamente inoperante. Ao retraçar o processo histórico, o artigo remonta à atuação de mulheres nas relações internacionais no século XX, em especial Ella Hasenjaeger, cuja trajetória permite-nos vislumbrar os lugares assumidos por enfermeiras em políticas públicas de saúde que se estenderam dos Estados Unidos à América Latina, e no Brasil, a partir da Escola de Enfermagem da Universidade de São Paulo.

ABSTRACT In Brazil, during the New State (1937-1945), the Institute of Inter-American Affairs of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Ministry of Education and Health of Federal Govern inaugurated the Special Public Health Service as an office that established the Nurse Brazil Party. Nurses from United States act as consultants in the endeavor to resumption nursing that broke the current model of professional training, considered politics and ideologically inoperative. By retracing the historical process, the article remounts to the work of women in international relations in the 20th century, particularly Ella Hasenjaeger, whose trajectory allows us to project places taken by nurses in public health policies that have come from the U.S. to Latin America, and in Brazil, from the Nursing School of University of São Paulo.

RESUMEN La faceta diplomática y la participación de Hermila Galindo en las relaciones internacionales de México es un terreno muy poco explorado. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la aportación que tuvo como pionera en la diplomacia y la política exterior de México y la incidencia que esto tuvo en el desarrollo de su pensamiento en materia de política internacional. Con ello se pretende contribuir a la difusión de un aspecto poco conocido de su historia.

ABSTRACT Hermila Galindo’s diplomatic role and involvement in Mexico’s international relations is a somewhat underexplored area. This paper aims to analyze her contributions as a pioneer in Mexican diplomacy and foreign policy, as well as the impact these had on her development of thought regarding international politics. The goal is to help disseminate a relatively unknown aspect of her history.

Resumo Como os acadêmicos brasileiros de RI adaptam as explicações causais em suas pesquisas? A busca por causas se tornou fundamental para o esforço científico nas ciências sociais e, nos últimos anos, o léxico da causalidade passou a ser examinado, com muitos acadêmicos revisando as abordagens padrão humeanas e da lei de cobertura da causa. Longe de serem consensuais, os debates filosóficos e metateóricos atuais em RI revelam um quadro bastante caleidoscópico da causalidade. No entanto, os acadêmicos brasileiros de RI parecem não estar familiarizados com o que significa apresentar alegações causais. Neste artigo, tenho um objetivo duplo: avançar o discurso causal ensaiando debates metateóricos recentes sobre causalidade; e examinar as maneiras pelas quais os acadêmicos brasileiros de RI no subcampo da análise da política externa brasileira adaptam as explicações causais. Para alcançar o último objetivo, realizo uma cartografia dos artigos publicados em cinco revistas brasileiras de primeira linha na disciplina - Brazilian Political Science Review, Dados, Contexto Internacional, Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais e Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional - de 2018 a 2022. Concluo que a pesquisa da ABPF está fundamentada principalmente em entendimentos não humeanos de causalidade, mas os pesquisadores brasileiros podem se beneficiar de uma maior conscientização sobre os vários significados da explicação causal.

Abstract How do Brazilian IR scholars tailor causal explanations in their research? Searching for causes has become paramount to the scientific endeavour in the social sciences, and in recent years the lexicon of causality has come under scrutiny, with many scholars revising the standard Humean and covering law approaches to cause. Far from being consensual, current philosophical and meta-theoretical debates in IR reveal a rather kaleidoscopical picture of causation. However, Brazilian IR scholars seem to remain unfamiliar about what it means to advance causal claims. In this paper, I have a twofold goal: to advance the causal talk by rehearsing recent meta-theoretical debates on causality; and to examine the ways Brazilian IR scholars in the subfield of Brazilian foreign policy analysis (BFPA) tailor causal explanations. To achieve the latter, I perform a cartography of the articles published in five Brazilian top-tier journals in the discipline – Brazilian Political Science Review, Dados, Contexto Internacional, Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais and Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional – from 2018 through 2022. I conclude that BFPA research is founded primarily in non-Humean understandings of causality, but Brazilian scholars might benefit from further awareness on the various meanings of causal explanation.

Resumo O cenário pandêmico atual trouxe relevância às atividades paradiplomáticas exercidas pelos entes subnacionais, na medida em que desafiou os modelos tradicionais das Relações Internacionais, impulsionando os atores descentralizados a buscarem soluções para os seus problemas por meio de acordos externos. Apesar da sua importância, a produção cientifica sobre o tema encontra-se dispersa. Neste sentido, buscou-se analisar o estado da arte da atual produção científica sobre paradiplomacia, bem como se tal produção se caracteriza por uma tendência de stop and go, tal como se verifica na lógica empírica das atividades internacionais dos entes subnacionais. Para tanto, realizou-se análises bibliométricas e revisão sistemática de literatura com base em 75 trabalhos científicos dispostos na Web of Science (WOS), Scopus e Scientific Electronic Library (Scielo). Os principais resultados, portanto, apontaram para a tendência de stop and go da produção científica sobre a paradiplomacia, que por sua vez, fora impulsionada pela conjuntura imposta pela pandemia de COVID-19 (2021), pela ascensão dos estudos advindos de atividades paradiplomáticas realizadas pelos entes subnacionais chineses (2021 e 2020), canadenses (2019) e, sobretudo, latino-americanos (2018). Por fim, como contribuição à literatura sobre o tema, verifica-se a utilização de uma metodologia pouco utilizada para examinar a atuação dos entes subnacionais nas Relações Internacionais, o que confere, portanto, uma maneira alternativa para se interpretar os resultados e apresentar novos insights sobre o tema.

Abstract The current pandemic scenario has brought relevance to the paradiplomatic activities carried out by subnational entities, insofar as it has challenged the traditional models of International Relations, pushing decentralized actors to seek solutions to their problems through external agreements. Despite its importance, scientific production on the subject of paradiplomacy is scattered. In this sense, we sought to analyse the state of the art of current scientific production on paradiplomacy, as well as whether this production is characterized by a stop-and-go trend, as seen in the empirical logic of the international activities of sub-national entities. To this end, bibliometric analysis and a systematic literature review were carried out based on 75 scientific papers available on the Web of Science (WOS), Scopus and the Scientific Electronic Library (Scielo). The main results, therefore, pointed to a stop-and-go trend in scientific production on paradiplomacy, which in turn was driven by the situation imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic (2021), and the rise of studies on paradiplomatic activities carried out by Chinese (2021 and 2020), Canadian (2019) and, above all, Latin American (2018) subnational entities. Finally, as a contribution to the literature on the subject, the use of a little-used methodology to examine the role of subnational entities in International Relations is verified, which therefore provides an alternative way to interpret the results and present new insights on the subject.

RESUMO O contexto atual de conflitos nacionais e internacionais e de instabilidade política requer uma séria reflexão sobre a natureza humana, o papel do Estado e das organizações internacionais. Na Filosofia Política encontramos vários tratados sobre esses assuntos. O propósito desse artigo é demonstrar que T. Hobbes, um clássico do contratualismo moderno, pode ser lido como um teórico das relações internacionais e, pois, um filósofo da paz. Suas obras fornecem sugestivos elementos de interpretação da natureza humana enquanto determinantes para entender a relação entre os Estados. As leis naturais podem ser tidas como princípios orientadores, não só da organização interna dos Estados, mas também, e sobretudo, das relações internacionais. Para demonstrar isso, o texto discute a “guerra de todos contra todos” nas relações entre os Estados; indica as leis naturais como a base dessas relações; caracteriza o contrato social como pacto pela paz e chama a atenção para as dificuldades de efetivação das leis naturais.

ABSTRACT The current context of national and international conflicts and political instability requires a serious reflection on human nature, and the role of the State and international organizations. In Political Philosophy, we find several treatises on these subjects. This article aims to demonstrate that T. Hobbes, a classic of modern contractualism, can be read as a theorist of international relations and, therefore, a philosopher of peace. His works provide suggestive elements of interpretation of human nature as determinants for understanding the relationship between States. Natural laws can be seen as guiding principles, not only for the internal organization of States, but also, and above all, for international relations. To demonstrate this, the text discusses the “war of all against all” in relations between States; indicates natural laws as the basis of these relationships; characterizes the social contract as a pact for peace and draws attention to the difficulties in implementing natural laws.

Die artikel plaas die aard van krygskundige navorsing in Suid-Afrika sedert demokratisering in 1994 onder die soeklig. Dit word gedoen binne die breë konteks van die idee van veiligheid; insluitende sowel die internasionale as die Suid-Afrikaanse veiligheidsproblematiek. Die argument, vanuit 'n internasionale veiligheidsperspektief is dat die 1990's tiperend was van die aard van veiligheidsdenke in ná-oorlogsperiodes. Net soos in die 1920's en die laat 1940's was dit 'n periode van idealistiese denke oor veiligheid. Teen die laat 1990's was daar egter 'n terugkeer na groter realpolitik en 'n meer tradisionele benadering met die klem op die rol van die staat en die veiligheidsinstellings in die nastreef van veiligheid. In Suid-Afrika het die verklaarde klem op 'n algemene mensveiligheid egter voortgeduur; ook wat die fokus en aard van navorsing betref. Dit lei tot vrae oor die mate waartoe akademiese navorsing oor veiligheid belyn is met die veiligheidswerklikhede in Suid-Afrika. Wat krygskundige navorsing betref, was die periode ná 1994 vir die Fakulteit Krygskunde van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch 'n periode van groei en ontwikkeling. Die navorsing ontvou veral in die krygskuns eerder as in die krygswetenskaplike omgewing met 'n fokus op krygsgeskiedenis, strategiese studies en internasionale politiek.

The article explores the nature and development of military research in South Africa since 1994. Military research always unfolds within the idea and the broader context of security. Similar to the end of the First and Second World Wars, the end of the Cold War introduced a period of relative peace that translated into a liberal outlook on peace and security in the 1990s. Internationally, the so-called Copenhagen school of security studies suggests a deepening and broadening of the debate on security. Increasingly, strategic studies were replaced by security studies; with the debate on security in the 1990s becoming progressively normative and utopian in nature. By the end of the 1990s, especially after the 9/11 attacks, it was quite clear, however, that security still requires a careful attention of conflict, violence, and war; and that the state and the security institutions remain at the core of the idea of security. At the same time, defining security too widely, and including potentially everything that might negatively affect human affairs, the idea of security runs the risk of being too broad to be of any practical value. By the early 2000s, on an international scale, the focus on military force returned to its rightful place in International Relations (IR) as an area of research and study. South Africa in the 1990s embraced the idea of the deepening and broadening of the debate on security; and the notion of human security, in particular. As was the case under the apartheid regime before 1994, the 1996 White Paper on Defence was used to translate the idea of human security into policy. Unlike the era before 1994, however, the policy directive on human security was never really operationalised by means of an explicit national security strategy document. At face value, there was a declaratory focus by government on human security; in reality, however, thefocus shifted to an emphasis on African security under President Thabo Mbeki, regime security under the Jacob Zuma Administration, and the reality of national security under President Cyril Ramaphosa respectively. In the scholarly domain, however, the focus in research and teaching remained almost exclusively on the non-military and non-state dimensions of the idea of human security. Given this state of affairs, questions ought to be asked about the alignment between research on security in South Africa and the realities of insecurity facing the society at large; as well as to what extent the academic fraternity in South Africa is addressing the nuances of the security realities facing society in their research. As far as military research is concerned, the period after 1994 can be viewed as a period of growth and development for the Faculty of Military Science of the University of Stellenbosch at the Military Academy, Saldanha Bay. Whereas prior to 1994 the Faculty was primarily responsible for the undergraduate teaching of military officers, the focus of the institution shifted towards post-graduate teaching and research in the post-1994 era. This was predominantly due to the process of democratisation and developments in the sphere of global communications. It allowed the Faculty of Military Science to escape from its geographical and institutional isolation and to become integrated into the broader academic fraternity both in South Africa and abroad. The Faculty's research unfolded predominantly in the domain of the art of war rather than military science; with an emphasis on military history, strategic studies and international relations (IR).

Abstract During the 1990s, bilateral relations between Chile and Peru underwent revitalization, marked by initiatives such as resolving the pending clauses of the Treaty of Lima and growing economic interdependence. Most of these initiatives were promoted by Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori. A controversial figure both in Peru and abroad, Fujimori's relationship with the Chilean government succeeded in establishing a productive partnership but also unleashed a backlash from part of the Peruvian civil society, which considered this rapprochement an economic Chilean 'invasion' and a loss of national sovereignty. In Chile, despite the close ties between governments, the political class never embraced Fujimorism and, since the self-coup of 1992, distanced themselves from the controversial presidential figure.

Resumen: Durante la década de los noventa, las relaciones bilaterales entre Chile y Perú experimentaron un periodo de revitalización, con iniciativas como la resolución de las cláusulas pendientes del Tratado de Lima y una creciente interdependencia económica. La mayoría de las iniciativas fueron promovidas por el presidente peruano Alberto Fujimori. Figura controvertida dentro y fuera del Perú, logró establecer con el gobierno chileno una relación fructífera, pero también provocó una reacción de una parte de la sociedad peruana en contra lo que se consideraba como una "invasión" económica chilena y una pérdida de soberanía. En Chile, a pesar de la cercanía entre ambos gobiernos, la clase política de este país nunca simpatizó con el Fujimorismo y desde el autogolpe de 1992, mostró su distancia de la controvertida figura presidencial.

Ressumo Introdução: este artigo identifica o processo de construção do Estatuto Migratório Andino, fazendo ênfase na participação dos atores societais. Este estatuto é uma política regional que ocorre num processo de difusão bottom-up de longo prazo, onde a intenção governamental de convergência normativa regional converge com a necessidade de uma mudança da abordagem migratória, trazida pelos atores societais. Objetivo: mostrar as limitações na convergência regional da gestão migratória. Metodologia: esta investigação é qualitativa e desenvolve um caso de estudo ao redor da configuração do Estatuto Migratório Andino; baseada nos documentos oficiais da Comunidade Andina e outros estudos especializados na matéria. O marco teórico é a governança migratória sul-americana e a difusão de políticas públicas. Conclusões: o Estatuto da Migração Andina incorpora o enfoque na garantia de direitos aos residentes andinos, alinhada com a governação global sobre uma migração ordenada e segura. Embora isto, negligência a resolução de outros problemas de migração regional, como os fluxos migratórios irregulares e a emigração. É necessário discutir a governança regional da migração para centrar a atenção nos problemas comuns não resolvidos.

Abstract Introduction: This article identifies the process of construction of the Andean Migration Statute, with emphasis on the participation of non-governmental actors. The Andean Migration Statute is a regional policy that occurs with a long-term bottom-up diffusion process, where the government's intention of regional normative convergence and the need for a change in approach brought about by social actors come together. Objective: it shows the limitations of the regional convergence on migration management. Methodology: this is qualitative research and develops a case study on the configuration of the Andean Migration Statute. It is based on the official documents of the Andean Community and other specialized studies. The theoretical framework is the South America migration governance and the diffusion process of public policy. Conclusions: the Andean Migration Statute incorporated a focus on guaranteeing rights for Andean residents, aligned with global governance on orderly and safe migration. Although this neglects to resolve other regional migration problems such as irregular migration flows and emigration. It is necessary to discuss regional migration governance to refocus attention on unresolved common problems.

Resumen Introducción: este artículo identifica el proceso de construcción del Estatuto Migratorio Andino, con especial énfasis en la participación de los actores no gubernamentales. Este estatuto es una política regional que se produjo con un proceso de difusión bottom-up de largo plazo, donde confluye la intención gubernamental de la convergencia normativa regional y la necesidad de un cambio de enfoque, propiciado por los actores sociales regionales. Objetivo: mostrar el proceso de difusión del Estatuto y las limitaciones que existen en la convergencia regional sobre la gestión migratoria. Metodología: esta es una investigación cualitativa, que desarrolla un estudio de caso sobre la configuración del Estatuto Migratorio Andino, basado en los documentos oficiales de la Comunidad Andina y los estudios académicos al respecto; su marco teórico está en la gobernanza migratoria sudamericana y el proceso de difusión de políticas públicas. Conclusiones: el Estatuto Migratorio Andino incorporó un enfoque de garantía de derechos para los residentes andinos, alineado a la gobernanza global sobre migración ordenada y segura. Aunque descuida resolver otros problemas migratorios regionales como los flujos migratorios irregulares y la emigración. Es preciso discutir la gobernanza regional migratoria para enfocar la atención a los problemas comunes irresueltos.

Abstract The study of international society dates back centuries, but the emergence of International Relations as a scientific discipline is relatively recent. Despite this, its development has been very accelerated. Nevertheless, there are different levels of production, which is why a review of what has been produced allows for a more precise overview of specific topics. For this reason, the aim of this research was to describe the state of the art in and on Paraguay in the field of International Relations studies during the period 1989-2023. For this purpose, bibliographic-documentary research was designed, with a qualitative and descriptive approach. Among the main results, a low level of production in the field at both the domestic and international level was noted, which leads to the fact that the case has multiple theoretical gaps.

Resumen El estudio de la sociedad internacional data de siglos atrás, sin embargo, el surgimiento de Relaciones Internacionales como disciplina científica es relativamente reciente. A pesar de esto, su desarrollo ha sido muy acelerado. No obstante, se aprecian distintos caudales de producción, por lo cual una revisión de lo elaborado permite tener un panorama más preciso en torno a temas específicos. Por ello, en esta investigación se planteó como objetivo describir el estado del arte en y sobre Paraguay en materia de estudios sobre Relaciones Internacionales durante el periodo 1989-2023. Con este propósito se diseñó una investigación bibliográfica-documental, de enfoque cualitativo y nivel descriptivo. Entre los principales resultados, pudo notarse un bajo nivel de producción en la materia tanto a nivel doméstico como internacional, lo que conduce a que el caso posea múltiples vacancias teóricas.

Abstract This article aims to examine the evolution of China’s foreign policy from the adoption of the “peaceful rise” policy to the present one which stems from the concept of the “Chinese dream” presented by Xi Jinping. The analysis is carried out in the light of major traditional international relations theories and introduces the doctrine underpinning the “Chinese dream” known as Tianxia. It finds that western traditional doctrine lacks rigorous consideration of Asian historical and cultural singularities that prevent them from fully explaining the international actions of the People’s Republic of China. In particular, China’s increasing assertiveness in its international relations along with its economic, military and technological advances, as well as the military conflicts in Ukraine and Israel, have exacerbated differences with the West. It is imperative to provide diplomacy with tools to assess the international context and the opposing positions of the West and the PRC that considers a theoretical framework that incorporates elements such as Tianxia, not as a substitute for Western tradition frameworks of analysis, but to enrich them. This is particularly true for the defense and projection of the interests of developing countries, which will require extensive diplomatic skills to navigate this complex context effectively as proactive players rather than bystanders in the international arena.

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar la evolución de la política exterior china desde la adopción de la política del “ascenso pacífico” hasta la actual, basada en el concepto del “sueño chino” expuesto por Xi Jinping. El análisis se lleva a cabo a la luz de las principales teorías de relaciones internacionales tradicionales e introduce la doctrina que sustenta al “sueño chino” conocida como Tianxia. Se encuentra que la doctrina occidental tradicional carece de una consideración rigurosa de las aristas históricas y culturales asiáticas y esto le impide explicar plenamente el comportamiento internacional de la República Popular China (RPC). En particular, la creciente asertividad de China en sus relaciones internacionales junto a sus avances económicos, militares y tecnológicos, así como los conflictos militares en Ucrania e Israel, han exacerbado las diferencias con Occidente. Es imperativo dotar a la diplomacia de herramientas que permitan valorar el contexto internacional y las posiciones contrapuestas entre Occidente y la RPC a partir de un marco teórico que incorpore elementos como el Tianxia, no en sustitución de los esquemas de análisis de tradición occidental, sino en adhesión, para enriquecerlos. Esto es particularmente cierto, para la defensa y proyección de los intereses de los países en desarrollo, los cuales requerirán de amplias destrezas diplomáticas para navegar este complejo contexto de manera efectiva, como actores proactivos y no espectadores en la arena internacional.

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to contribute some ideas to the debate on the origin of the International Relations discipline. The argumentative line of the essay is that, due to the enormous impact of the First World War, the discipline of International Relations emerged formally, independently, and with its own identity, starting in 1919. In this sense, the essay states that the revisionists have not taken into account, with the necessary depth, the effect that this conflict had on establishing that date as the official appearance of this discipline. The text is divided into four parts. The first seeks to clarify the difference between the terms international relations and International Relations. The second part discusses the first studies linked to global affairs before 1919. The third part discusses the formal emergence of the discipline. The last section of the text explains the development and consolidation of the discipline after the Second World War.

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es aportar algunas reflexiones en torno al debate sobre el origen de las Relaciones Internacionales. La línea argumentativa del texto es que, debido al enorme impacto que tuvo la Primera Guerra Mundial, la disciplina de Relaciones Internacionales surgió de manera formal, independiente y con identidad propia, a partir de 1919. En este sentido, el ensayo plantea que los revisionistas no han considerado, con la debida profundidad, el efecto que tuvo ese conflicto para su aparición oficial. El texto está dividido en cuatro partes. La primera busca aclarar la diferencia de los términos relaciones internacionales y Relaciones Internacionales. La segunda parte abona sobre los primeros estudios vinculados a los asuntos globales antes de 1919. La tercera parte discute el surgimiento formal de la disciplina. La última sección del texto explica el desarrollo y consolidación de las Relaciones Internacionales después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Resumo Este artigo analisa as influências políticas no funcionamento da Interpol, a principal instituição de policiamento internacional, no período inicial da Guerra Fria, entre 1946 e meados da década de 1960. No primeiro momento, tentamos entender as origens das relações entre polícias nacionais e suas consequentes influências na criação da organização da Comissão Internacional de Polícia Criminal, em 1923, e sua recomposição após 1945, já como Interpol. Analisamos depois o papel da Interpol como organização internacional a partir do final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, agora no contexto da Guerra Fria. Este trabalho explora como a instituição se desenvolve como centro de cooperação policial voltado para interesses do Ocidente. A noção de compromisso político de seus membros principais refletiu-se no funcionamento cotidiano da Interpol, permitindo compreender como esta organização era utilizada com propósitos de ganho de influência política por potências do bloco capitalista.

Abstract This article analyzes the political influences on the functioning of Interpol, the main institution of international policing, in the beginning of the Cold War, between 1946 and the mid-1960s. Initially, we seek to understand the origins of the relationships between national police forces and their subsequent influences on the establishment of the International Criminal Police Commission in 1923, as well as its reorganization after 1945, now known as Interpol. We then analyze the role of Interpol as an international organization from the end of the Second World War, in the context of the Cold War. This work explores how the institution develops as a center of police cooperation focused on Western interests. The notion of political commitment of its main members was reflected in the daily functioning of Interpol, allowing us to understand how this organization was used for purposes of political influence by powers of the capitalist bloc.

Resumo Com base na crítica de Cynthia Enloe (2004) aos pressupostos normativos subjacentes às teorias ortodoxas das Relações Internacionais (RI), este artigo examina os fundamentos epistemológicos e ontológicos destas teorias no contexto da revolta do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) após a implementação do Acordo de Comércio Livre da América do Norte (NAFTA). Ao integrar perspetivas da teoria crítica, o artigo investiga a forma como a valorização das epistemologias no âmbito das RI ortodoxas e a perceção da imutabilidade das dinâmicas centro-periféricas contribuem para a invisibilidade política imposta aos atores periféricos. O artigo contextualiza a relação entre o NAFTA e o Zapatismo, demonstrando como as políticas neoliberais incorporadas no NAFTA exacerbaram a marginalização indígena, catalisando assim a revolta do EZLN. Empregando a avaliação de Enloe do estudo de caso do EZLN, juntamente com os trabalhos de teóricos críticos adjacentes, demonstra como a teoria crítica pode desafiar os pressupostos ontológicos e epistemológicos das teorias de resolução de problemas. Conclui que estes pressupostos se sintetizam para impor invisibilidade política aos atores periféricos, o que, se for devidamente explorado, pode paradoxalmente emancipar esses atores.

Abstract Building upon Cynthia Enloe’s critique (2004) of the normative assumptions underlying orthodox International Relations (IR) theories, this article examines the epistemological and ontological foundations of these theories in the context of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) uprising following the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). By integrating critical theory perspectives, it investigates how the valuation of epistemologies within orthodox IR and the perceived immutability of cen tral-peripheral dynamics contribute to political invisibility imposed on peripheral actors. The article contextualizes the relationship between NAFTA and Zapatismo, demonstrating how the neoliberal policies embodied in NAFTA exacerbated Indigenous marginalization, thereby catalyzing the EZLN uprising. Employing Enloe’s evaluation of the EZLN case study, alongside the works of adjacent critical theorists, it demonstrates how critical theory can challenge problem-solving theories’ ontological and epistemological assumptions. It concludes that these assumptions synthesize to impose political invisibility onto peripheral actors, which, if exploited properly, can paradoxically emancipate these actors.