ABSTRACT BACKGROUND: The World Health Organization (WHO) 2017 Global Conference in Montevideo, Uruguay, was dedicated to promoting successful cases and best practices in fighting and preventing noncommunicable disease (NCDs). The global effort undertaken by WHO aims to reduce road traffic deaths in order to meet goal number 3.4 of the sustainable development goals. OBJECTIVES: To describe two Brazilian road safety prevention programs, presented at the WHO 2017 Global Conference: São Paulo Traffic Safety Movement (Movimento Paulista de Segurança no Trânsito) and Safe Life Program of Brasília (Programa Brasília Vida Segura), along with their governance structures, models and results. DESIGN AND SETTING: This was a descriptive case study conducted in São Paulo and Brasilia from 2015 to 2018. These programs aimed to reduce the number of deaths caused by road accidents to 8.3 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants in São Paulo by 2020 and in Brasília by 2016; and to reduce harmful use of alcohol by 10% by 2020. METHODS: These two initiatives were designed, managed and operated to bring together government and civil society, i.e. industry, academia, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), etc., around the common goal of saving lives. They were collaborative and guided by sharing of best practices, learning and information, thereby making it possible to attain more and better results. Their format enables reproduction in cities across all Brazilian regions. RESULTS: The results attest to the efficacy of the programs implemented in these two cities. In Brasília, the initiative helped reduce the number of traffic-related deaths by 35% (2017). In the same year in the state of São Paulo, 7,600 deaths were avoided. CONCLUSION: Both programs are innovative public policies that deal with health issues caused by the external agents that ultimately account for the rapid increase in days lost to disability. Prevention of external causes of deaths and injuries, such as traffic violence, strongly correlates with changes in habits and actions, especially excessive consumption of alcohol, and with NCDs in Brazil.

This article analyzes the Brazilian political system from the local perspective. Following Cox (1997), we review the problems with electoral coordination that emerge from a given institutional framework. Due to the characteristics of the Brazilian Federal system and its electoral rules, linkage between the three levels of government is not guaranteed a priori, but demands a coordinating effort by the parties' leadership. According to our hypothesis, the parties are capable of coordinating their election strategies at different levels in the party system. Regression models based on two-stage least squares (2SLS) and TOBIT, analyzing a panel of Brazilian municipalities with data from the 1994 and 2000 elections, show that the proportion of votes received by a party in a given election correlates closely with its previous votes in majoritarian elections. Despite institutional incentives, the Brazilian party system shows evidence that it is organized nationally to the extent that it links the competition for votes at the three levels of government (National, State, and Municipal).

Dans cet article, on examine le système politique du point de vue local. Selon l'exemple de Cox (1997), on considère les problèmes de coordination électorale qui surgissent à partir d'un cadre institutionnel donné. Compte tenu des caractéristiques de la fédération brésilienne et de ses règles électorales, l'articulation entre les trois sphères du gouvernement n'est pas assurée et demande un effort de coordination de la part des leaders des partis. On part de l'hypothèse que les partis sont capables de coordonner leurs stratégies électorales à divers niveaux du système. Les estimations des modèles de régression à deux stades (2SLS) et par TOBIT, prenant pour base un panel de municipalités brésiliennes comprenant les données des élections de 1994 et 2000, montrent que la proportion des votes reçus par un parti lors d'une élection est étroitement liée aux votes reçus précédemment aux élections majoritaires. Malgré les aides institutionnelles, le système brésilien de partis semble organisé nationalement dans la mesure où il articule la compétition électorale aux trois niveaux de gouvernement.

Este artigo aborda a questão democrática enfocando a dinâmica da política local no Brasil. À luz das evidências políticas que embasaram o importante papel do município como alicerce da democracia, estabelecida pelo modelo federativo resultante da Constituição de 1988, como a dinâmica de transferência de recursos e o desenho das políticas sociais, o trabalho analisa de forma geral o mapa de valores e opiniões de elites e lideranças locais com relação a atribuições e competências de diferentes níveis de governo. Os dados analisados provêm da pesquisa Democracia e governo local, realizada com 450 lideranças de municípios brasileiros.

This article analyses the democratic question in Brazil, focusing on the dinamycs of the local politics. Based on the evidences that show the main role of the municipality in the democraic process, as it was established in the federative model of the 1988 Constitution, for instance, the model of resources distribution and the model of social policies, this work analyses in a general way the map of values and opinions of the local elites and leaderships in what refers to the competences of different levels of government. The data were produced in the research Democracy and local government, with 450 interviews conducted with Brazilian local leaderships.

The purpose of this article is to describe the conceptual bases and methods used in the ACTIVA multicenter study, as well as the process employed in the different stages of the research. General information is given on the approach, design, and methods that were applied in the cities that participated in the study: San Salvador, El Salvador; San José, Costa Rica; Cali, Colombia; Caracas, Venezuela; Salvador, Bahia, Brazil; Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; Santiago, Chile; and Madrid, Spain. The objectives of the study were to: (1) analyze and compare among cities the prevalence of verbal and physical aggressive behaviors toward children, the spouse or other partner, and persons outside the family; and (2) identify personal, environmental, and socioeconomic factors associated with these violent behaviors. The purpose of the ACTIVA project was to generate information to help guide violence-prevention policies and programs in the cities and to provide criteria for decision-making, as well as to obtain baseline data to use in evaluating prevention policies and programs. To achieve the proposed objectives, a single, common questionnaire was prepared and validated. The questionnaire was used in face-to-face interviews with residents of private urban homes who were between 18 and 70 years old. The sample was selected in each city through stratified multistage sampling of clusters proportionate to the socioeconomic strata of the general population and without any substitutions. The final sample consisted of 10 821 people. In general, the response rates were within the established limits. Exceptions included San José, Rio de Janeiro, and Madrid, where the size of the final sample was slightly smaller than anticipated. More young men of higher socioeconomic strata declined to participate, so that the samples had an overrepresentation of women from medium and lower strata. The article concludes with a description of the scope and limitations of the study, in terms of both the approach and methods. With their comparative analyses, studies of this type can contribute to identifying the differences and similarities between cities. The article shows that with this method it is possible to analyze how violent behaviors are associated with different risk factors and individuals’ characteristics, at a point in time. However, this design is limited in terms of establishing causal relationships, and it did not allow an evaluation of the context of every specific instance of violence.

El propósito de este artículo es describir las bases conceptuales y los métodos empleados en el estudio multicéntrico ACTIVA, así como el proceso que se cumplió en las diferentes etapas de la investigación. Se brinda información general sobre el enfoque, diseño y métodos que se aplicaron en las ciudades que participaron en el estudio: San Salvador, El Salvador; San José, Costa Rica; Cali, Colombia; Caracas, Venezuela; Salvador de Bahía y Río de Janeiro, Brasil; Santiago, Chile y Madrid, España. Los objetivos del estudio fueron: 1) analizar y comparar entre ciudades la prevalencia de conductas agresivas verbales y físicas hacia los niños, la pareja y personas que no son miembros de la familia; y 2) identificar factores personales, ambientales y socioeconómicos asociados con estas conductas violentas. El propósito del proyecto ACTIVA fue generar información que ayudara a orientar políticas y programas para la prevención de la violencia en las ciudades y brindar criterios para la toma de decisiones, así como recabar información que sirviera de base para evaluar políticas y programas de prevención. Para cumplir con los objetivos propuestos se procedió a elaborar y validar un cuestionario común, que se aplicó, mediante el método de entrevista cara-cara, a los residentes de hogares particulares urbanos entre los 18 y 70 años de edad. La muestra fue seleccionada en cada ciudad mediante un muestreo multietápico, estratificado y por conglomerados, y proporcionada según los estratos socioeconómicos y la densidad de la población y sin reemplazo o sustitución. La muestra final estuvo compuesta por 10821 personas. En general, los porcentajes de respuesta se encontraron comprendidos entre los límites establecidos, salvo algunas excepciones. En San José, Río de Janeiro y Madrid el tamaño de la muestra final fue ligeramente menor del esperado. Se registraron mayores rechazos en varones jóvenes adultos de los estratos altos, por lo cual en las muestras se observó una sobrerrepresentación de mujeres con predominio de los estratos medio y bajo. A manera de conclusiones se exponen los alcances y limitaciones, tanto del enfoque como de los métodos del estudio. Se destacan las aportaciones que brindan los estudios de este tipo cuando se efectúan análisis comparativos que permiten identificar las diferencias y semejanzas que se expresan en diferentes centros urbanos. Se indica que con el método propuesto es posible analizar la asociación entre las conductas violentas y diferentes factores de riesgo y atributos a nivel individual en un momento particular en el tiempo. Sin embargo, se advierte que este diseño tiene limitaciones a la hora de establecer relaciones causales y que no permitió evaluar el contexto en que se manifiesta y desarrolla la violencia en cada situación particular.

The article contends that Brazil’s "Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral" (under which parties are granted free airtime for political campaign advertisements) can be contrasted with the Brazilian electoral system’s tendency to produce purely individualistic legislative campaigns. The central hypothesis is that the way in which Brazilian political parties organize their candidates’ participation in these time slots has substantial consequences both for their public image as well as for their poll performance. The first section of the article defines the more general characteristics of political representation in Brazil within the framework of traditional political science interpretations. The second section underscores the growing importance of studies on election campaigns and party presence in the media. Within this context, the evolution of the HGPE’s historical importance as a campaign space is examined. The third section presents our model of analysis of the HGPE, highlighting its effects on relations between parties, on the one hand, and their candidates and potential voters, on the other. Rio de Janeiro’s proportional elections of 1994 and 1996 are taken as a case study. The article concludes that the HGPE acts as a tool for informally ranking party lists in Brazil.

Dans cet article on affirme que le HGPE peut contrecarrer la tendance du système électoral brésilien à produire des campagnes législatives purement individualistes. L’hypothèse principale est que la façon selon laquelle les partis politiques organisent la participation de leurs candidats aux programmes électoraux a des conséquences significatives non seulement pour leur image publique mais aussi pour leur résultats aux élections. Dans la première section, on définit les caractéristiques générales de la représentation politique au Brésil, à la lumière des interprétations traditionnelles en sciences politiques. Dans la deuxième section, on fait remarquer l’importance grandissante des études concernant les campagnes électorales et la présence des partis dans les moyens de communication. On y reconstitue l’évolution de l’importance historique du HGPE comme espace de campagne. Dans la troisième partie, on présente notre modèle d’analyse du HGPE, soulignant les effets que celui-ci produit sur les relations des différents partis avec leurs candidats et leurs électeurs potentiels, prenant appui sur l’étude de cas des élections proportionnelles de 1994 et 1996 à Rio de Janeiro. On conclut que le HGPE joue le rôle de mécanisme d’agencement informel des listes de partis au Brésil.