Resumo Analisamos comparativamente informes demográficos de qualidade aceitável acerca dos escravizados nascidos na África para Minas Gerais, São Paulo e Maranhão de 1804 a 1848. As parcelas dos nascidos na África em relação aos escravizados e às razões de sexo de todos os cativos, de acordo com as idades, auxiliaram-nos a remontar a dinâmica retrospectiva da chegada dos africanos às regiões. Supondo certas hipóteses e procedimentos, a partir das coortes etárias, estimamos as proporções de africanos e as razões de sexo da população cativa para os períodos anteriores aos das listas nominativas de habitantes. A dinâmica retrospectiva da introdução de africanos reconstruída mostrou-se bastante correlacionada à história econômica das diferentes regiões estudadas.

Abstract We compare the surviving enslaved people present in demographic censuses of acceptable quality for Minas Gerais, São Paulo and Maranhão from 1804 to 1848. The share of those born in Africa in relation to slaves and the sex ratio of all captives according to their ages helped us find the retrospective dynamics of the arrival of Africans to these regions. When using age cohorts, we estimate, assuming certain hypotheses and procedures, the proportions of Africans and the sex ratios of the captive population for periods prior to those of the nominative lists of inhabitants. The retrospective dynamics of the reconstructed introduction of these Africans proved to be closely correlated with the economic history of the different regions analyzed.

Resumen Analizamos comparativamente a los sobrevivientes esclavizados presentes en los informes demográficos evaluados como de calidad aceptable para Minas Gerais, São Paulo y Maranhão entre 1804 y 1848. La proporción de los nacidos en África en relación con los esclavizados y la proporción de sexos de todos los cautivos, según las edades, nos ayudaron a trazar la dinámica retrospectiva de la llegada de africanos a estas regiones. Utilizando las cohortes de edad, estimamos, asumiendo ciertas hipótesis y procedimientos, las proporciones de africanos y las proporciones de sexos de la población cautiva para períodos anteriores a las listas nominativas de habitantes. La dinámica retrospectiva de la introducción reconstruida de africanos demostró estar altamente correlacionada con la historia económica de las diferentes regiones estudiadas.

O estudo revelou a importância da cafeicultura e que a grande produção cafeeira coexistia com milhares de pequenos e médios produtores também dedicados à cafeicultura. Mostrou também a existência de ampla produção agrícola voltada ao mercado interno, cultivos em grande parte feitos em unidades produtoras de café. A Mogiana era a região agrícola mais importante e o Vale do Paraíba havia perdido importância na agricultura paulista. O estudo também demonstra a alta produtividade das áreas novas. A ampla rede ferroviária existente permitia expandir a agricultura mantendo ou mesmo ampliando a produtividade da agricultura. Com disponibilidade de terras e com uma intensa imigração europeia, apenas o mercado poderia evitar a expansão da cafeicultura. Merece realce a baixa tecnologia adotada. Poucos agricultores, mesmo nas regiões mais dinâmicas, utilizavam arados e outros equipamentos similares ou se serviam de adubos químicos.

This study analyzes the importance of the coffee plantations in São Paulo in 1905 and shows that the major coffee producers coexisted with thousands of small and medium farmers also dedicated to coffee production. This analysis of the agricultural sector also shows the existence of a large sector committed to production for the internal market, in many cases in units dedicated to coffee production. The Mogiana region was the most important agricultural zone in the state, with the Valley of Paraiba having lost its importance by this period. Our study also demonstrates the high productivity of the new agricultural zones. The expansion of the railroad system permitted paulista agriculture to expand production and to maintain its productivity. With land available and an intense European immigration providing labor, it was inevitable that coffee production was expanding. This occurred despite the low level farming technology adopted. Few farmers, even in the most dynamic region, utilized the plow or similar equipment or applied chemical fertilizers.

Este ensaio reconsidera o tema das diferenças comparativas em sistemas escravistas no Novo Mundo. Apesar da rejeição a quaisquer diferenças comparativas de norte-americanos no último quarto de século, pesquisas recentes têm mostrado importantes variações nesses regimes. Essas variações dependem de diferenças entre os mercados de trabalho, nas estruturas demográficas e, sobretudo, nas atitudes face à alforria e à classe de pessoas de cor livres anteriores à emancipação. Apesar de todos os regimes escravistas de plantation terem muito em comum, houve diferenças na participação de escravos e de pessoas de cor livre em ocupações não agrícolas. Isso muitas vezes dependia da disponibilidade de mão-de-obra branca alternativa. Além disso, no século XIX, muitos dos regimes latinoamericanos aumentaram o ritmo das alforria e aprenderam a aceitar os de cor livres como parte fundamental de sua economia , mesmo ao adotar atitudes racistas em relação aos novos libertos. Ao mesmo tempo, os Estados Unidos e alguns dos regimes de plantation do Caribe diminuíram o ritmo de alforria e criaram severas restrições à mobilidade espacial, social, geográfica e econômica a sua pequena classe livre de cor. As causas e consequências dessas diferenças são discutidas neste ensaio.

This essay reconsiders the theme of the comparative differences in slave systems in the New World. Despite the rejection, by North American scholars over the past quarter century, of any comparative differences, recent research has shown important variations in the slave regimes. These variations depended on differences in labor markets, in demographic structures and above all in attitudes towards manumission and the class of free colored persons prior to emancipation. Although all slave plantation regimes shared much in common, there were differences in the participation of slaves and free colored in non-agricultural and non-plantation occupations. This often depended on the availability of alternative white labor. Moreover in the 19th century many of the Latin American regimes increased the pace of manumission and learned to accept the free colored as a fundamental part of their free economy even while adopting racist attitudes toward them. At the same time the United States and some of the Caribbean plantation regimes slowed the pace of manumission and created severe restrictions on the social, geographic and economic space and mobility of their small free colored class. The causes and consequences of these differences are discussed in this essay.

A utilização do trabalho escravo na América esteve associada com a agricultura para exportação. Entretanto, não houve regime escravista no qual os escravos foram utilizados somente naqueles cultivos; mesmo nas áreas mais orientadas para a exportação, houve produção de gêneros alimentícios para consumo próprio e abastecimento do mercado local. Porém, em poucos casos essa atividade foi tão marcante como na economia escravista no Brasil, em especial nas áreas pioneiras da cafeicultura em São Paulo, na primeira metade do século 19. A análise desse processo de produção é o objetivo deste artigo.

The utilization of slave labor in America was associated with export agriculture, although there was no slave regime which used slaves exclusively in such cultivation. Even in the areas most oriented toward exports, there was slave production of foodstuffs for subsistence and local market sales. But in few cases was this activity as important as in the slave economy in Brazil particularly in the pioneer areas of coffee production in São Paulo in the first half of the 19th century. The analysis of this process of foodstuffs production is the object of this article.

Gesualdo A. Constanzo, probably was not exaggerating when he wrote that the monetary experience of the Bolivian national revolution was "one of the most fascinating chapters of economic history in modern times".<A HREF="#_ftn2">_ftn2</A><A NAME="_ftnref2">1</A> An account of the monetary and fiscal history of the revolutionary period suggests that it is not enough for the authorities to know what the most advisable policies to achieve economic stability are, nor that they have the firm purpose to adopt such policies; history insinuates that stability can only be achieved if the government is backed up by enough political, social and financial support to implement the appropriate measures. The dilemma between monetary stability and economic growth -one of the most polemic topics about Latin American development- conditioned the monetary and fiscal policies applied in those years and determined the institutional changes which were operated at the Central Bank of Bolivia [Banco Central de Bolivia (BCB)]. This essay, which is divided into four parts, starts with a discussion of the Law of reorganization of the Central Bank promulgated on December 20th of 1945, which was designed as a legal framework for fiscal austerity and restrictive credit policies undertaken by the government of Gualberto Villarroel in January of 1944. This background is crucial to understand the attitudes of key political actors and of the most important economic authorities in the decade of the 1950’s. In the second part, it is shown that the stabilizing intentions manifested by the economic authorities after the triumph of 1952, as well as the attempt to re-establish institutional independence of the Central Bank, had to be abandoned in view of the impetus of the revolutionary agenda imposed by popular pressure. Financing of the growing fiscal deficit with inorganic issue of money, allied to a commotion of the productive system caused by reforms, generated a formidable inflationary outbreak which could not be restrained by the stabilizing attempts of May 1953 and July 1956. In the third part, the internal circumstances and the external forces that determined the establishment of the National Council of Monetary Stabilization [Consejo Nacional de Estabilización Monetaria - CNEM], in August 1956, and the consequent subordination of the Central Bank to the Council of Stabilization, are considered. This intervention uncovered political interference in which the Bank had been put down during the previous four years and unveiled administrative deficiencies and failures in accounting procedures. The exposition continues with an analysis of the gestation and application of the stabilization plan of December 1956, which was based upon a severe policy of fiscal austerity and entailed the adoption of free market rules referring to internal prices, foreign currency and external trade. In this section, a reform proposal for the Central Bank, which was discussed and approved at the Stabilization Council, but was not put into practice, is also analyzed. The third part concludes with an evaluation of political costs and economic effects of the stabilizing measures. In the last part, a brief recapitulation is attempted.