RESUMO Este artigo investiga se a previsão do voto secreto em 1932 constitui uma ruptura do modelo adotado na Primeira República, em que os partidos organizavam os eleitores, mobilizando-os e controlando-os no ato de votar. A partir de uma análise dos jornais da época e dos resultados eleitorais da eleição de 1934, constatou-se o exíguo impacto da reforma. Apesar de a lei determinar que o eleitor votasse em um ambiente isolado, ficou mantida a prática da impressão e distribuição das cédulas pelos partidos. Organizando de forma eficiente a preparação e distribuição delas, candidatos e partidos logravam agregar e mobilizar os eleitores nas eleições.

ABSTRACT This article investigates whether the introduction of the secret ballot in 1932 constitutes a change to the model adopted in the First Republic, where parties organized voters, mobilizing and controlling them in the act of voting. Based on an analysis of the newspapers at that time and the electoral results of the 1934 election, I show that the effect of the reform is not significant. Even though voters cast their votes in an isolated environment, ballots were printed and distributed by parties. Candidates and parties managed to bring together and mobilize voters in elections by organizing the preparation and distribution of ballots.

RESUMEN Este artículo investiga si la introducción del voto secreto en 1932 constituye un cambio frente el modelo adoptado en la Primera República, donde los partidos organizaban a los votantes, movilizándolos y controlándolos en el acto de votar. El análisis de los periódicos de la época y del resultado electoral de las elecciones de 1934 mostró el bajo impacto de la reforma. Aunque los cuartos oscuros permitieron la privacidad a la hora de votar, la impresión y distribución de las papeletas electorales era hecho pelos partidos. La preparación y distribución eficiente de los mismos permitió a los candidatos y partidos agregar y movilizar a los votantes en las elecciones.

Nas últimas duas décadas, o conceito de populismo foi alvo de críticas nas ciências sociais brasileiras. Neste artigo, resgatamos sua importância para responder à seguinte pergunta: quão populistas são os presidentes brasileiros? Em linha com a abordagem ideacional, definimos o populismo como uma disputa entre dois grupos homogêneos e antagônicos: um “povo puro” e uma “elite corrupta”. Usando métodos mistos, classificamos 5.823 pronunciamentos oficiais de presidentes de José Sarney a Jair Bolsonaro (1985/2019). Os resultados apontam para a identificação de três presidentes populistas na nova república: Collor, Lula e Bolsonaro. Por fim, discutimos as diferenças entre os três e afirmamos que, no Brasil o populismo não é, por si só, uma ameaça à democracia.

The concept of populism has been criticized in Brazilian social sciences in the last two decades. In this article, we rescue its importance to answer the following question: how populist are Brazilian presidents? In line with the ideational approach, we define populism as a dispute between two homogeneous and antagonistic groups: a “pure people” and a “corrupt elite”. In this context, we used mixed methods to classify 5,823 official statements by presidents from José Sarney to Jair Bolsonaro (1985/2019). The results point to the identification of three populist presidents in the new republic: Collor, Lula and Bolsonaro. Finally, we discuss the differences between the three and affirm that, in Brazil, populism is not, in itself, a threat to democracy.

Au cours des deux dernières décennies, le concept de populisme a été la cible de critiques au sein des sciences sociales brésiliennes. Cet article remet en valeur son importance pour répondre à la question suivante: quel est le degré de populisme des présidents brésiliens ? Dans le sillage de l’approche idéationnelle, le populisme est envisagé comme une dispute entre deux groupes homogènes et opposés: un « peuple pur » et une « élite corrompue ». 5 823 discours officiels des présidents allant de José Sarney à Jair Bolsonaro (1985/2019) ont été classés sur la base de méthodes mixtes. Les résultats identifient trois présidents populistes dans la nouvelle République: Collor, Luis Ignacio da Lula Silva et Bolsonaro. Partant de là, l’analyse de la différence entre les trois montre qu’au Brésil, le populisme n’est pas en soi une menace contre la démocratie.

Resumo Como interpretar o Código Eleitoral de 1932? Ele introduziu medidas consideradas fundamentais para ampliar a participação política e viabilizar a eleição das oposições, adotando voto secreto, representação proporcional, voto feminino, voto obrigatório e Justiça Eleitoral. A literatura costuma apontar o Código como um progresso das instituições brasileiras rumo à democracia. Esse artigo propõe uma interpretação alternativa. Analisando o contexto da concepção dessas regras e o impacto delas nas eleições de 1933 e 1934, argumentamos que o Código Eleitoral de 1932 atendeu aos interesses do governo autoritário que buscava legitimar a Revolução de 1930 nas urnas.

Abstract How to interpret the Brazilian Electoral Code of 1932? It introduced measures considered fundamental to expand political participation and adopted the secret vote, proportional representation, women’s suffrage, mandatory voting, besides creating an Electoral Court. The literature usually points to the Code as a progress made by Brazilian institutions toward democracy. This article proposes an alternative interpretation. Analyzing the context behind the design of these rules and their impact on the 1933 and 1934 elections, we argue that the 1932 Electoral Code served the interests of the authoritarian government that sought to legitimize the 1930 Revolution at the box office.

Resumen ¿Cómo interpretar el Código Electoral de 1932? Este código introdujo medidas consideradas fundamentales para expandir la participación política y permitir la elección de oposiciones, adoptando el voto secreto, la representación proporcional, el voto femenino, el voto obligatorio y la Justicia Electoral. La literatura generalmente apunta al Código como un progreso realizado por las instituciones brasileñas hacia la democracia. Este artículo propone una interpretación alternativa. Analizando el contexto del diseño de estas reglas y su impacto en las elecciones de 1933 y 1934, argumentamos que el Código Electoral de 1932 sirvió a los intereses del gobierno autoritario que buscó legitimar la Revolución de 1930 en las urnas.

INTRODUCTION. The incidence of cancer among residents in sites contaminated by pollutants with a possible health impact is not adequately studied. In Italy, SENTIERI Project (Epidemiological study of residents in National Priority Contaminated Sites, NPCSs) was implemented to study major health outcomes for residents in 44 NPCSs. METHODS. The Italian Association of Cancer Registries (AIRTUM) records cancer incidence in 23 NPCSs. For each NPCSs, the incidence of all malignant cancers combined and 35 cancer sites (coded according to ICD-10), was analysed (1996-2005). The observed cases were compared to the expected based on age (5-year period,18 classes), gender, calendar period (1996-2000; 2001-2005), geographical area (North-Centre and Centre-South) and cancer sites specific rates. Standardized Incidence Ratios (SIR) with 90% Confidence Intervals were computed. RESULTS. In both genders an excess was observed for overall cancer incidence (9% in men and 7% in women) as well as for specific cancer sites (colon and rectum, liver, gallbladder, pancreas, lung, skin melanoma, bladder and Non Hodgkin lymphoma). Deficits were observed for gastric cancer in both genders, chronic lymphoid leukemia (men), malignant thyroid neoplasms, corpus uteri and connective and soft-tissue tumours and sarcomas (women). DISCUSSION. This report is, to our knowledge, the first one on cancer risk of residents in NPCSs. The study, although not aiming to estimate the cancer burden attributable to the environment as compared to occupation or life-style, supports the credibility of an etiologic role of environmental exposures in contaminated sites. Ongoing analyses focus on the interpretation of risk factors for excesses of specific cancer types overall and in specific NPCSs in relation to the presence of carcinogenic pollutants.

Este artigo revisita as práticas eleitorais no Brasil republicano (1891-1930). Partimos da crítica da farsa eleitoral, incômodo consensual na literatura dedicada à historiografia política da época. Através do exame acurado das contestações dirigidas à Câmara Baixa por alguns dos candidatos derrotados nos pleitos realizados para preenchimento das cadeiras desta Casa representativa, veremos que as alegações de fraude se faziam reflexo de um processo mais complexo, sobretudo fruto da competição desencadeada no âmbito subnacional, expressão de embate direto entre facções estaduais rivais. A análise desta rica fonte revela que o estímulo elementar da competição político-partidária nos anos 1900 era a concorrência pelo controle da máquina administrativa das eleições, financiadora inconteste do condicionamento dos resultados dos escrutínios.

This article turns to the electoral practices during the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930). The starting point is a critique of the historiography's malaise with the consensual notion of rampant electoral fraud. Through an in-depth examination of the complaints submitted to the Lower House by defeated candidates, it is possibly to observe that fraud allegations were a reflex of a more complex process and mainly the product of the competition unleashed at the subnational level among rival state factions. The analysis of this rich source reveals that the main incentive to enter political competition in the 1900s was indeed control of the electoral administrative apparatus, undoubtedly the main force behind the conditioning of electoral results.

Este artículo examina las prácticas electorales del Brasil republicano (1891-1930). Partimos de la crítica a la farsa electoral, incomodidad consensuada en la literatura dedicada a la historiografía política de la época. A través del cuidadoso examen de los escritos de oposición que algunos de los candidatos derrotados en las elecciones dirigieron a la Cámara Baja, veremos que las acusaciones de fraude eran el reflejo de un proceso más complejo, fruto, sobretodo, de la competición que se desencadenó en el ámbito subnacional, expresión del enfrentamiento directo entre facciones estaduales rivales. El análisis de esta rica fuente revela que el estímulo elemental de la competencia político-partidaria en los años 1900 era la disputa por el control de la máquina administrativa de las elecciones que, indiscutiblemente, financiaba el condicionamiento de los resultados de los escrutinios.

Dans cet article, on examine les pratiques électorales au Brésil pendant la période 1891-1930. On part de la critique de la farce électorale, une gêne consensuelle présente dans la littérature d'historiographie politique de l'époque. En examinant attentivement les contestations adressées à la Chambre Basse par certains candidats défaits aux élections de cette Chambre, on se rend compte que les allégations de fraude n'étaient que le reflet d'un processus plus complexe, résultant de la compétition déclenchée au niveau régional, reflet des heurts directs entre factions rivales des états brésiliens. L'analyse de cette source importante montre que ce qui stimulait essentiellement la compétition entre les partis dans les années 1900 était le contrôle de l'appareil administratif des élections, incontestable garant des résultats des scrutins.

O presente artigo revisita a Primeira República brasileira (1894-1930) para elucidar a dinâmica político-partidária do contencioso eleitoral numa fase anterior à consagração da magistratura enquanto órgão proclamador da verdade das urnas, prerrogativa instituída somente com o Código de 1932. Recorremos à crítica dos protestos eleitorais e de suas refutações, quando existentes, apresentados por adversários políticos frente aos resultados dos escrutínios para a Câmara Federal - fontes ainda inéditas, disponíveis nos Diários e Anais da própria Casa legislativa. Os dados levantados mostram que, ao contrário da visão disseminada pela literatura, a degola das oposições não era usual, mas restrita a anos críticos, quando o situacionismo local não conseguia coordenar as disputas regionais pelo poder. Na maioria dos casos, o parlamento, que arbitrava sobre o reconhecimento dos seus diplomados, tendia a ratificar as escolhas adotadas ao nível subnacional. Desta forma, o caso brasileiro alerta para o fato de não se poder ler a adoção de tribunais independentes como mera resposta à solução do contencioso político que ocorria no parlamento, bem limitado. Tal achado nos permite pensar, antes, o advento da Justiça Eleitoral dentro de um projeto de reforma política mais ampla, incluindo a defesa de mecanismos democráticos para as eleições e que antecedem a validação dos votos.

This article revisits the process of certification of election results by the National Congress during the Brazilian First Republic (1894-1930) before the Electoral Code of 1932 was created. We analyzed data on electoral protests and counter-protests submitted by political opponents to challenge electoral results of the Chamber of Deputies - unpublished sources available in Diaries and Annals of Deputies itself. Contrary to the widespread view in the literature we show that the practice kown as 'degola' ('beheading') whereby electoral results were altered by Congress, was not usual, but restricted to critical years, during moment of political uncertainty at state level. In most cases the Chamber of Deputies ratified the decision taken at the subnational level. Thus, the Brazilian case alert us to the fact that the adoption of independent courts is not just a mere response of how to solve electoral disputes that occurred in the parliament during the certification process. This finding allows us to think about the introduction of Electoral Justice as part of a broader project of political reform, including resolution mechanisms for the administration of elections.

A Medida Provisória (MP) brasileira é um dos instrumentos legislativos mais poderosos nas mãos do Presidente da República para alterar unilateralmente o status quo. Apesar de o judiciário ter reconhecido a competência dos governadores para instituir e adotar a MP, esta existe apenas em seis estados. O artigo procura explicar a não adoção deste instrumento legislativo pela maioria dos estados. Enfatiza-se a escassa ou marginal relevância que é dada à MP pelo governador nos seis casos que a adotaram. Defende-se, aqui, que os governadores, diferentemente dos presidentes, não necessitam de mais um instrumento legislativo ou da ampliação da delegação de prerrogativas legislativas para garantir sua agenda frente a seus respectivos legislativos, já que com ou sem poder de decreto estadual os governadores controlariam a já limitada agenda decisória nos estados.

The Brazilian Provisional Measure (MP) is one of the most powerful legislative instruments in the hands of the President to unilaterally change the status quo. Although the judiciary (STF) has recognized the competence of Governors to establish and adopt the MP only six states attribute the prerogative to edit MP until 2010. This article seeks to explain the non-adoption of this legislative instrument by most states emphasizing the low or marginal relevance that is given to the MP by the Governor in the six cases that adopted it. It is argued here that the Governors, unlike Presidents, do not require another legislative instrument or expanding the delegation of legislative powers to ensure their legislative agenda forward their respective State Legislative Assemblies, because with or without decree power the State Governors would control the limited decisional agenda in the states.

Este artigo analisa o volume e a dinamica da produção legislativa em 12 assembléias legislativas estaduais brasileiras durante duas legislaturas, 1999-2002 e 2002-2006. Em primeiro lugar, constatamos que a dinâmica legislativa das assembléias estaduais depende dos recursos institucionais conferidos constitucionalmente aos atores políticos pela Carta de 1988 que restringe a legislação proposta pelos deputados estaduais e limita a autonomia legislativa do Governador. Apesar de indícios claros da existência de uma dinâmica partidária relevante e um jogo efetivo entre governo e oposição nas assembléias que explica as variações encontradas entre os estados. Em segundo lugar, sinalizamos uma dinâmica legislativa estadual diversificada que não se restringe ao predomínio do poder executivo. O volume de propostas apresentadas pelos deputados estaduais que não distribuem benefícios concentrados sinaliza para uma agenda pelo menos "desejada", principalmente direcionada a definir normas e diretrizes das políticas públicas estaduais. Por outro lado, é evidente que o sucesso legislativo dos deputados estaduais é elevado se comparado ao dos deputados federais, mas basicamente restrito a uma categoria de norma: a concessão de benefícios concentrados, destacando-se a categoria das declarações de utilidades públicas. O esforço de pesquisa aqui empreendido e os dados apresentados chamam a atenção para a necessidade de futuras pesquisas sobre as assembléias estaduais em busca de uma melhor compreensão do funcionamento das instituições brasileiras no âmbito subnacional.

This article analyzes the legislative process and performance in 12 Brazilian state legislative assemblies during two legislative periods (1999-2002 and 2002-2006). Our initial goal was to provide a perspective on the volume and dynamics of legislative production through identification of determining aspects of decision-making processes and analysis of certain indicators, such as the volume of the projects presented and the success rate of bills and vetoes. We also look at the content of the proposals presented by governors and state representatives, using this variation to problematize the state legislative process. As a result, some interpretative considerations can be made. Thus, in the first place we see that the legislative dynamic of state assemblies depends on the institutional resources that are constitutionally conferred upon political actors by the Federal Constitution, which in turn restricts the legislation that state representatives are able to propose and limits governor's legislative autonomy. Yet this does not annul the differentiation process that springs from different political party perspectives. Rather, we have a clear indication that political party dynamics and effective interaction between government and opposition within assemblies explain the variation encountered between states. In the second place, our data show that there is a diversified state legislative dynamic that is not annulled by Executive power. The volume of proposals presented by state representatives that do not distribute concentrated benefits are an indication of a "desired" agenda, geared primarily toward defining norms and directives of state public policy.. Yet at the same time, we see that although the legislative success of state representatives is high when compared to that of federal representatives, it is basically limited to one type of norm: concession of concentrated benefits, among which public utility declarations stand out. Our research efforts and the data presented here should call attention to the need for future research on state assemblies, seeking a better understanding of the way Brazilian institutions work within the sub-national ambit.

Cet article cherche à analyser le processus et la performance législative dans 12 assemblées législatives régionales brésiliennes pendant deux législatures (1999-2002 et 2002-2006). Notre objectif initial, c'était de dimensionner le volume et la dynamique de la production législative par l'identification des aspects déterminants du processus de décision et l'analyse de certains indicateurs, comme le volume des projets présentés, le taux de réussite des propositions et vétos. Nous abordons également le problème concernant le contenu des propositions présentées par les gouverneurs et députés régionaux, ce qui complique le processus législatif régional à partir de cette variation. Comme résultat, certaines considérations interprétatives peuvent être faites. Premièrement, la dynamique législative des assemblées régionales dépend des ressources institutionnelles accordées constitutionnellement aux acteurs politiques par la Constitution Fédérale, qui restreignent la législation proposée par les députés régionaux et limitent l'autonomie législative du Gouverneur. Toutefois, cela ne signifie pas l'annulation du processus de distinction qui a lieu sous une perspective partidaire, ayant des indices clairs de l'existence d'une dynamique partidaire pertinente et un jeu effectif entre le gouvernement et l'opposition dans les assemblées, ce qui explique les variations retrouvées entre les régions. Deuxièmement, les données montrent qu'il y a une dynamique législative régionale diversifiée qui n'est pas restreinte à la prédominance du pouvoir Exécutif. Le volume de propositions présentées par les députés régionaux qui ne distribuent pas des bénéfices concentrés signale un agenda «souhaité», au moins, orienté principalement à définir des normes et directives des politiques publiques régionales. D'un autre côté, il est évident que la réussite législative des députés régionaux est élevée si on la compare à celle des députés fédéraux, mais fondamentalement restreinte à une catégorie de norme: la concession de bénéfices concentrés, soulignant la catégorie des déclarations d'utilité publique. L'effort de recherche ici entrepris et les données présentées attirent l'attention à la nécessité de futures recherches sur les assemblées régionales en quête d'une meilleure compréhension du fonctionnement des institutions brésiliennes dans le contexte sous-national.

Objectives: To evaluate the urodynamic changes when a severe cystocele is correct by a vaginal valve to identify occult urinary incontinence. Method: Prospective study in 70 women at the Urogynecology and Vaginal Surgery Unit, in Clínica Las Condes. Inclusion Criteria: Symptomatic cystocele degree III or IV. Exclusion criteria: antecedent of incontinence and/o genital prolapse surgery; presence of urinary incontinence symptoms. In all patients the urethra retroresistance pressure was measured by a non-multichannel urodynamic test with and without cystocele reduction by a vaginal Bresky valve. Additionally a cystometry was realized. Results: In all patients the URP was normal when the severe cystocele was not reduced. When the severe cystocele was reduced in 50 (71.4%) women the URP was altered. The cystometry identify asymptomatic overactive detrusor in 8 women. Occult urinary incontinence in the 50 women was: Type I in 1, type II in 27, type III in 1, type II+III in 21. Conclusion: When a severe cystocele is reduced by a vaginal valve, urodynamic changes can be detected and women with occult urinary incontinence may be identified. These women may express symptoms of urinary incontinence when a prolapse surgery is realized.

Objetivo: Evaluar los cambios urodinámicos al corregir el cistocele severo mediante una valva vaginal, para identificar incontinencia de orina oculta. Método: Estudio prospectivo de 70 mujeres ingresadas a la Unidad de Uroginecología y Cirugía Vaginal de Clínica Las Condes. Criterio de inclusión: Cistocele grado III o IV sintomático. Criterio de exclusión: antecedente de cirugía por incontinencia de orina y/o prolapso genital; presencia de incontinencia de orina clínica. A todas se les realizó medición de la presión de retroresistencia uretral, mediante urodinamia monocanal sin y con reducción del cistocele severo, por medio del reposicionamiento mecánico de la vejiga por una valva vaginal de Bresky. Además se realizó medición complementaria de cistometría. Resultado: Sin corrección del cistocele severo la presión de retro-resistencia uretral fue normal en las 70 pacientes. Al reducir el cistocele severo en 50 (71,4%) mujeres, se encontró alteración de la presión de retroresistencia uretral. La cistometría identificó detrusor hiperactivo asintomático en 8 mujeres. La incontinencia de orina oculta en las 50 mujeres fue: Tipo I en 1, tipo II en 27, tipo III en 1, tipo II+III en 21. Conclusión: Al realizar corrección del cistocele severo mediante valva vaginal, se pueden detectar cambios urodinámicos, que permiten identificar mujeres con incontinencia de orina oculta, que potencialmente pueden expresarla al realizar una restauración quirúrgica del prolapso.

Objectives: To review the effectiveness and security of the TVT-Secur system in the surgical treatment of stress urinary incontinence (SUI). Methods: Prospective analysis of 110 patients undergoing SUI surgical treatment in the Urogynecology and Vaginal Surgery Unit of Clínica Las Condes, between January 2007 and May 2008. The patients must have stress urinary incontinence over one year or more. They must not have history of a previous surgery for urinary incontinence or prolapse. They must not have mixed urinary incontinence or urge incontinence, only SUI demonstrated by clinical symptoms and non-multichannel urodynamic study. Results: Mean surgical time was 8 minutes (6 to 16 mi-nutes). The observational period was between 2 months (4 cases) and 19 months, mean 8 months. During the intraoperative time 2 cases of bladder perforation were registered. In the immediate postoperative time 2 cases of obstruction were observed. In 97 (88,2%) of the 110 patients some concomitant gynecological surgery was performed. In 105 (95,5%) of the 110 cases cure of the SUI was registered. In 4 (3,6%) cases improvement was observed and 1 (0,9%) case was a failure. In 2 (1,8%) patients de novo urge incontinence was registered. Conclusions: The TVT-Secur system corresponds to a third generation tape effective and safe in the surgical treatment of stress urinary incontinence. This technique has potential advantages when compared with the preceding operations. Only the long time follow-up and incorporation of new patients will allow to determine the permanence of these good results in the time.

Objetivo: Revisar la eficacia y seguridad del sistema TVT-Secur en el tratamiento quirúrgico de la incontinencia de orina de esfuerzo. Método: Análisis prospectivo de 110 mujeres ingresadas a la Unidad de Uroginecología y Cirugía Vaginal, de Clínica Las Condes, para corrección de la incontinencia de orina de esfuerzo, entre enero del 2007 y mayo del 2008. Debían tener incontinencia de orina por al menos un año y de carácter permanente. No debían tener antecedente de alguna cirugía para corrección de la incontinencia de orina de esfuerzo ni prolapso genital. No debían tener incontinencia mixta, ni urgeincontinencia, sólo incontinencia de orina de esfuerzo clínica y objetivada por urodinamia monocanal. Resultado: El tiempo operatorio del TVT-Secur fluctuó entre 6 y 16 minutos, media de 8 minutos. Se completó un período de observación entre 2 meses (4 casos) y 19 meses, con una media de 8 meses. Durante el período intraoperatorio se registraron 2 casos de perforación vesical. En el postoperatorio se reajustaron 2 cintas por subobstrucción, detectadas por síntomas y residuos post-miccionales vesicales altos. En 97 (88,2%) de las 110 pacientes se realizó concomitantemente alguna cirugía ginecológica. En 105 (95,5%) de los 110 casos se registró cura de la IOE, que se mantuvo durante el período de observación. En 4 (3,6%) casos se observó mejoría y en 1 (0,9%) falla. En 2 (1,8%) se registró la aparición de urgencia miccional de novo. Conclusiones: El TVT-Secur corresponde a una cinta de tercera generación, eficaz y segura en el tratamiento quirúrgico de la incontinencia de orina de esfuerzo. Se trata de una técnica con potenciales ventajas al compararla con las cirugías antecesoras. La mantención de los buenos resultados en el tiempo, deberá evaluarse con el seguimiento e incorporación de nuevas pacientes a través de los años a este protocolo de trabajo.

OBJECTIVE: The present work describes our experience in surgical correction of stress urinary incontinence, comparing both the TVT and the TVT-O techniques. METHOD: Between October 2001 and March 2004, 76 patients underwent the TVT procedure. Between January 2004 and January 2005, 98 surgical corrections of urinary incontinence were carried out using the TVT-O technique. RESULTS: Median operative time was 28 minutes for TVT and 7 minutes for TVT-O. Intraoperative complications for TVT occurred in 4 patients (6.6%): urinary bladder perforation in 3 patients (5%, p = 0.0228) and parietal peritoneum perforation in 1 case (1.6%). No intraoperative complications took place during TVT-O. Immediate postoperative complications: transient urinary retention in TVT, 2 cases (2.6%) and overcorrection in TVT-O (1%) which was readjusted within 24 hours. There were no late complications after TVT. There were 2 cases (2.04%) with late complications in TVT-O. TVT and TVT-O resulted in correction of incontinence in 100% of the patients. CONCLUSION: TVT and TVT-O are two effective techniques for the correction of stress urinary incontinence. TVT-O would seem to be a technique much easier to perform resulting in less intraoperative complications.

OBJECTIVES: To review intraoperative and postoperative complications associated to the correction of cystocele and rectocele with polypropylene mesh macropore monofilament (Gynemesh PS) using transvaginal free tension technique. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Prospective study of patients that have been submitted to correction of cystocele and/or rectocele between November 2004 and August 2005 in the Urogynecology and Vaginal Surgery Unit of Gynecology and Obstetrics Department, Las Condes Clinic. Mesh was used in 31 patients: 9 for cystocele, 11 for rectocele, and 11 for concomitant meshes. Total mesh used 42. Media age 55 years old, weight 64 kilograms. In 7 patients we used a third mesh for correction of urinary incontinence by TVT-O technique. RESULTS: They did not present intraoperative complications, neither in immediate or delayed postoperative time. We did not observe hematoma, infection, erosion or exposition mesh. Healing of cystocele and rectocele was obtained in 100% of patients, with a pursuit between 1 and 8 months. DISCUSSION: The use of prosthetic polypropylene monofilament macropore mesh in the correction of cystocele and/or rectocele, by transvaginal route with tension free technique seems to be a safe and effective surgery procedure.

The aim of this article is to show how the reforms adopted by Italy in the 1990s resulted from decades of experience during the country’s Republican period (1946-2005). The article focuses on the successful electoral and regimental reforms in order to "unveil" the underlying logic in the reform dynamics during the period under study. Having acknowledged the prevailing intent of reforming in order to strengthen the government’s position, I tackle the problem of finding empirical evidence for demonstrating the degree to which the various reforms point in this direction. Despite the efforts and results, the article shows that the Italian transition is still apparently unfinished, due to the inconsistency with which the reforms were pursued in the electoral and Parliamentary arenas.

Dans cet article, on cherche à montrer comment les réformes adoptées en Italie dans les années 1990 sont le fruit d'un long chemin parcouru pendant la période républicaine (1946-2005). D'un côté, on étudie les réformes électorales et réglementaires réussies afin de "découvrir" la logique sous-jacente au dynamisme réformateur de cette période. Une fois reconnue l'intention prédominante de réformer pour renforcer la position du gouvernement, on recherche des évidences empiriques confirmant comment les réformes implantées vont dans ce sens. On verra que, malgré les efforts poursuivis et les résultats obtenus, la transition italienne semble encore inachevée à cause de l'incohérence qui a marqué leur implantation dans l'arène électorale et dans l'arène parlementaire au long des années.

Esse artigo estuda a função legislativa da Comissão de Agricultura e Política Rural, assim como a nomeação dos membros desta comissão. Primeiramente, analisou-se o processo legislativo, com respeito ao tempo de tramitação, tipos de parecer, partidos proponentes e conteúdo das propostas. Observou-se que os projetos são examinados pela comissão, mas há um número significativo de pareceres negativos aprovados. Em seguida, verificou-se se os membros da comissão têm reduto eleitoral em áreas rurais ou não. Os dados sugerem que eles não provêm de municípios rurais, e que a tese informacional explica melhor a lógica de nomeação dos membros do que a tese distributiva.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the legislative performance of the Agriculture Committee and the logics behind its members' appointments. In the first part it analyses the legislative process with regards to time, Committee reports, party initiative, and content of bills. Committees generally debate on bills, but it is significant the number of rejection reports. In the second part it analyzed whether the committee members are supported by voters from rural areas or not. The data suggests that they do not come from agricultural towns and that the informational theory explains the logics of nomination better than the distributional theory.

Cet article étudie la fonction législative de la Commission d'Agriculture et de Politique Rurale, ainsi que la nomination des membres de cette commission. Nous avons, tout d'abord, analysé le processus législatif, en respectant le temps de renvoi aux commissions, les genres d'avis, de quels partis partent les propositions et leur contenu. Nous avons, ainsi, observé que les projets sont examinés par la commission, mais il existe un nombre significatif d'avis contraires approuvés. Ensuite, nous avons examiné si les membres de la commission ont un réduit électoral dans des zones rurales ou pas. Les données suggèrent qu'ils ne sont pas issus de communes rurales et que la thèse informationnelle explique mieux la logique de la nomination des membres que la thèse distributive.