ABSTRACT Background: This study investigated the self-rated general health, mental health, and work absenteeism among patients with laboratory-confirmed chikungunya. Methods: Telephone interviews were conducted with 63 patients ≥22 months after infection. Results: Patients who reported (N=42) or did not report (N=21) chronic arthralgia, defined by duration ≥90 days, had different frequencies for low scores for general health (68.3% vs. 30.0%, respectively; prevalence ratio, 95% confidence interval: 2.3, 1.1-4.6), symptoms of depression (31.7% vs. 15.0%; 2.1, 0.7-6.6), symptoms of anxiety (43.9% vs. 35.0%; 1.3, 0.6-2.5), and work absenteeism (76.5% and 40.0%; 1.9, 0.9-4.2). Conclusions: Chikungunya chronic arthralgia impacts long-term health and work. Background selfrated self rated laboratoryconfirmed laboratory confirmed chikungunya Methods 6 22 ≥2 infection Results N=42 N42 N 42 (N=42 N=21 N21 21 (N=21 90 ≥9 days 68.3% 683 68 3 (68.3 vs 300 30 0 30.0% respectively ratio 95 interval 23 2 2.3 1.14.6, 1146 1.1 4.6 , 1 4 1.1-4.6) 31.7% 317 31 7 (31.7 15.0% 150 15 2.1 0.76.6, 0766 0.7 6.6 0.7-6.6) 43.9% 439 43 9 (43.9 35.0% 350 35 13 1.3 0.62.5, 0625 0.6 2.5 5 0.6-2.5) 76.5% 765 76 (76.5 40.0% 400 40 19 1.9 0.94.2. 0942 0.9 4.2 . 0.9-4.2) Conclusions longterm long term ≥ N=4 N4 (N=4 N=2 N2 (N=2 68.3 (68. 30.0 2. 14 1.14.6 114 11 1. 46 4. 1.1-4.6 31.7 (31. 15.0 0.76.6 076 07 0. 66 6. 0.7-6.6 43.9 (43. 35.0 62 0.62.5 062 06 25 0.6-2.5 76.5 (76. 40.0 94 0.94.2 094 09 0.9-4.2 N= (N= 68. (68 30. 1.14. 1.1-4. 31. (31 15. 0.76. 0.7-6. 43. (43 35. 0.62. 0.6-2. 76. (76 40. 0.94. 0.9-4. (N (6 1.14 1.1-4 (3 0.76 0.7-6 (4 0.62 0.6-2 (7 0.94 0.9-4 ( 1.1- 0.7- 0.6- 0.9-

RESUMO. Zolpidem é um dos agentes hipnóticos (não benzodiazepínicos) mais prescritos para o manejo dos distúrbios do sono. Recentemente, observou-se um aumento na demanda por esse medicamento, principalmente pela população idosa. Objetivo: Este estudo visa analisar o efeito agudo do zolpidem em relação às alterações cognitivas e de equilíbrio na população idosa. Métodos: Uma busca em quatro bases de informação científica virtual foi feita por dois pesquisadores independentes e incluiu ensaios clínicos randomizados. Os estudos avaliaram o uso de zolpidem em pacientes idosos. Alterações cognitivas e de equilíbrio foram analisadas. Resultados: Seis artigos foram incluídos. A média de idade entre os estudos foi de 69 anos. As seguintes posologias foram analisadas: 5; 6,25; 10; e 12,5 mg. Em relação às alterações cognitivas, comparando-se zolpidem com placebo, não há diferença estatisticamente significativa entre os grupos. Entretanto, no desfecho alterações de equilíbrio, há diferença estatisticamente significativa entre intervenção e comparação, a favor do placebo. Conclusões: Zolpidem, mesmo em doses usuais (5 e 10 mg), mostrou aumentar o risco para alterações de equilíbrio, entretanto, isso não ocorre em relação às alterações cognitivas.

ABSTRACT. Zolpidem is one of the most widely prescribed hypnotic (non-benzodiazepine) agents for sleep disorder. Recently, an increase in the demand for this drug has been observed, mainly in the elderly population. Objective: This study aims to analyze the acute effect of zolpidem on cognitive and balance dysfunctions in the elderly population. Methods: A study was conducted by two independent researchers in four virtual scientific information bases and included randomized controlled trials. The studies evaluated elderly patients using zolpidem. Cognitive and balance dysfunctions were analyzed. Results: Six articles were included. The mean age of the participants in the studies was 69 years. The following zolpidem dosages were evaluated: 5, 6.25, 10, and 12.5 mg. Comparing zolpidem and placebo, relating to the cognitive dysfunctions, there is no statistically significant difference between the groups. However, in relation to balance dysfunctions, there is a statistically significant difference between the intervention and the comparison, favoring placebo. Conclusions: Zolpidem, even in usual doses (5 mg and 10 mg), has shown to increase the risk for balance dysfunctions. However, this does not occur in relation to cognitive changes.

ABSTRACT Purpose To evaluate the biomechanical properties of a novel total hip replacement femoral stem. Methods Eight pairs of femurs from dog cadavers were used. The femurs were separated into different groups. A novel femoral stem with a convex proximal portion (Stem B) was biomechanically evaluated and compared to awell-known veterinary collared stem (Stem A). Femoral stems were inserted into the contralateral femurs from the same dog, forming 16 constructs. A flexo-compression load was applied on the axial axis of each sample. Maximum strength, deflection, stiffness, and energy absorption were analysed. Results Group B constructs showed significantly higher values (p ? 0.05) for the variables, except stiffness. The mean maximum strength was 1,347 ± 357 N for Group A and 1,805 ± 123 N for Group B (p ? 0.0069). The mean deflection was5.54 ± 2.63 mm for Group A and 10.03 ± 3.99 mm for Group B (p ? 0.0056). For the energy variable, the force was 6,203 ± 3,488 N/mm for Group A and 12,885 ± 5,056 N/mm for Group B (p ? 0.0054). Stem B had greater maximum strength, deflection, and energy. Conclusions The new stem was effective in neutralizing the impact of axial flexion-compression stresses during biomechanical tests in cadaveric models.

Resumo Pretende-se avaliar a fortuna crítica do conceito de cidadania regulada, formulado por Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos, no intuito de apontar como esse se tornou categoria central nos esforços do pensamento político brasileiro em entender a ordem política e social posterior à Revolução de 1930. Por um lado, esse conceito permitiu identificar algumas ambiguidades da chamada Era Vargas e continuidades e rupturas entre esse período e a ditadura militar (1964-85), além de dilemas e possibilidades da redemocratização do Brasil, por outro, tendeu a idealizar certos casos nacionais de modernização, quando comparados aos países de modernização mais tardia.

Abstract It is intended here to evaluate the critical fortune of the concept of regulated citizenship, formulated by Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos, in order to point out how this became a central category in the efforts of Brazilian political thought in understanding the political and social order after the Revolution 1930. On the one hand, this concept allowed to identify some ambiguities of the so-called Vargas Era and continuities and ruptures between that period and the military dictatorship (1964-85), in addition to dilemmas and possibilities for the redemocratization of Brazil, although, on the other hand, it tends to idealize certain national cases of modernization, when compared to countries of later modernization.

Resumen Se pretende aquí evaluar la fortuna crítica del concepto de ciudadanía regulada, formulado por Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos, con el fin de señalar cómo éste se convirtió en una categoría central en los esfuerzos del pensamiento político brasileño por comprender el orden político y social posterior a la Revolución de 1930. Por un lado, este concepto permitió identificar algunas ambigüedades de la llamada Era Vargas y continuidades y rupturas entre ese período y la dictadura militar (1964-85), además de dilemas y posibilidades para la redemocratización de Brasil, aunque, por otro, tiende tendió a idealizar ciertos casos nacionales de modernización, en comparación con países de modernización posterior.

Between the absolutisms of the 17th and 18th centuries and the democratic variants identified after World War II, there remains a conceptual haze that hinders an understanding of the period's political and institutional history. With the oligarchy viewed sometimes as the seed of democracy and other times as a vestige of autocracy, the period remains vulnerable to subjectivisms. The current article presents a different, trans-locally valid analytical model for the oligarchic system and attempts to demonstrate how the history of the Second Empire and First Republic of Brazil would appear in a preliminary approach using the general model.

Entre les absolutismes des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, d'une part, et les variantes démocratiques repérées après la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, d'autre part, demeure un brouillard conceptuel gênant la compréhension de l'histoire politico-institutionnelle de cette période. L'oligarchie, traitée soit comme germe de démocratie soit comme vestige autocratique, reste une période soumise à la subjectivité. On présente un modèle analytique différent de ce que serait un système oligarchique, à la validité trans-locale, en cherchant à montrer la façon dont l'histoire du Second Empire et de la Première République apparaitrait au moyen d'une approche préalable utilisant le modèle général.

The author revisits the themes proposed by Jairo Nicolau in a previous article (Dados, vol. 47, nº 1, 2004) concerning coalition votes in Brazil. Using election tables from the Superior Electoral Court and tables amended by Nicolau, the author evaluates whether the data studied by Nicolau support the thesis that he significantly modified the original Electoral Court data and thereby invalidated current hypotheses on variations in party votes from 1946 to 1962 in relation to the degree of nationalization in the Brazilian party system and fractionation rates, both during the same period. The author concludes that Nicolau's theses are invalid, including the use he makes of the concept of "effective number of parties".

Dans cet article, l'auteur reprend les sujets proposés par Jairo Nicolau dans un article précédent (Dados, vol. 47, nº 1, 2004) traitant des votes des coalitions. Par le moyen de résultats électoraux présentés par le Tribunal Électoral Supérieur et des mêmes corrigés par Nicolau, on cherche à savoir si les données analysées par Nicolau suffisent à soutenir la thèse de sur ce qui aurait modifié de façon significative les données originelles du Tribunal Électoral Supérieur et, par là même, invalidé des hypothèses courantes sur des variations concernant les votes des partis dans la période 1946-1962, quant au degré de nationalisation du système des partis et aux indicateurs de répartition proportionnelle, tous les deux pendant la même période. En conclusion, on considère comme non soutenables les thèses de Nicolau, y compris l'usage qu'il fait de la notion de "nombre réel de partis".

Organizações políticas democráticas são fenômenos recentes na história política, mesmo se observarmos sua definição minimalista: eleições regulares com garantia de respeito aos resultados e direito de voto universal, com requisito mínimo de idade. Tendo por origem concepção especial do valor do indivíduo, os sistemas democráticos contemporâneos não só ainda não resolveram, como procuram ocultar um problema fundamental: a autonomia dos irredentos. O poder democrático também é ameaça constante à liberdade.

Democratic suffrage with minimal age requirement organizations are recent phenomena in political history, even if we consider its minimalist definition: regular elections with the warranty of respect to the results, and universal suffrage with minimal age requirement. Having its origin in a spatial conception of individual worth, the contemporary democratic systems not only have not solved but also try to conceal a fundamental problem: the irredentists' autonomy. The democratic power is also a constant threaten to liberty.

Les organisations politiques démocratiques sont un phénomène récent dans l'histoire politique, même si l'on considère sa définition minimaliste: des élections regulaires avec la garantie de respect envers les résultats et suffrage universel, avec l'exigeance d'un âge minimum. Ayant pour origine une conception spatiale de la valeur de l'individu, les systèmes démocratiques contemporains non seulement n'ont pas résolu, mais en plus cherchent à cacher un problème fondamental: l'autonomie des irrédentistes. Le pouvoir democratique est aussi une ménace constante à la liberté.

The article takes issue with positions that reduce representative systems to democratic linearity, considering how the latter is restricted to variations in forms of government and electoral systems that do not correspond to the growing complexity of national organizations. It is proposed that a third dimension be added to Robert Dahl’s bidimensional model that is, eligibility from which it is possible to derive minimalist yet strict definitions of authoritarian systems, of representative systems in general, and of their oligarchical and polyarchical variations.

L’article remet en question l’étroitesse de la linéarité démocratique des systèmes de gouvernement représentatifs, linéarité qui se limite aux variations des façons de gouverner et aux systèmes électoraux et qui, selon l’auteur, ne correspond pas à la complexité croissante des institutions brésiliennes. Il suggère donc d’ajouter une troisième dimension, celle de l’éligibilité, au modèle bidimensionnel de Robert Dahl, d’où résulteront des définitions, minimalistes mais exactes, des systèmes autoritaires, des systèmes représentatifs en général ainsi que de leurs variables oligarchiques et polyarchiques.