Abstract The geopolitical condition in Eastern Europe brings about a new dynamic of governance. The neighbourhood matters for the EU, even more so after the 2000's enlargements. This paper analyses the Europeanisation dynamics in the Republic of Moldova as a case for a critical view of the EU's modern external governance to the Eastern borders.

Resumo O objetivo geral do artigo é mapear eventos que revelam a importância da participação de indivíduos e de movimentos ativistas transnacionais na reformulação de normas e instituições internacionais. Indivíduos e movimentos sociais transnacionais exerceram papéis decisivos, tanto na origem da ideia de proteção de indivíduos por instituições internacionais, independentemente da representação estatal, quanto na ação e estratégia de interferência de redes transnacionais de advocacia pública para a institucionalização de mecanismos de defesa do indivíduo e grupos sociais no contexto da política internacional. A hipótese é que o indivíduo não apenas pode ser visto como objeto de proteção de normas internacionais, mas tem emergido como agente que interfere nas mudanças de regras e criação de instituições internacionais, mesmo sem instrumentos tradicionais de intervenção política, representação ou participação. Uma excursão histórico-analítica sobre motivadores e obstáculos à ação do indivíduo como sujeito interveniente na política internacional não leva à conclusão de que os Estados deixam de ser atores privilegiados, mas sugere que a consideração do papel de redes transnacionais de advocacia pública e do indivíduo como demandantes de mudanças políticas impacta nas relações internacionais.

Abstract The overall goal of this article is to map events that reveal the relevance of the participation of individuals and transnational activist movements in reshaping international norms and institutions. Individuals and transnational social movements have played decisive roles in both the origin of the idea of protecting the individual from international institutions, regardless of state representation, and in the action and strategy of interference transnational public advocacy networks in the institutionalization of defense mechanisms of the individual and social groups in the context of international politics. The hypothesis is that the individual can be seen not only as an object of protection of international law, but has emerged as an agent that interferes with the rule changes and the creation of international institutions, even without traditional instruments of political intervention, representation or participation. A historical-analytical tour about motivators and barriers to action of the individual as an agent in international politics does not lead to the conclusion that the states are no longer privileged actors, but suggests that consideration of the role of transnational public advocacy networks and the individual plaintiffs can impact international relations.

This paper aims to explore the consequences of institutionalization in regional integration processes. More specifically, it explores the creation of representative regional institutions which strengthen integration, while at the same time affecting the distribution of sovereign and representative powers among the players involved in the policy-making process within member states. The premise is that institutionalization at a regional level brings gains in strategic actions and more efficient mechanisms of collective international action, on one hand, but on the other, it can have a democratic cost, in terms of a society's participation and control over collective decisions which impact the national decision-making process. In the case of the Latin American integration process, the initiative of setting up a regional parliament for MERCOSUL, the PARLASUL, must be understood within the problematic context of the effects of regional representation on national sovereignty. Thus, although with some limitations, the European experience serves as a parallel to the initiatives of establishing regional parliaments. The paper is divided into three sections: the first is historical and theoretical; it covers the origin and transformations of the modern sovereign state system, along with the changes that have occurred over time from regional integration events and their differences. Some concepts and classic theoretical approaches on the topic are reference sources, such as the contributions of Schmitter (1970), Mattli (1999) and Fawcett and Hurrell (2003), for example. In the second section, one of the characteristics of the new regionalism is explored: institutional innovation (HURRELL, 1995). In this case, the aim is to further verify the impact of regional integration on national politics, the role of the regional parliaments and the purpose of extra-state representation, its different models and its consequences for national sovereignty of states involved in the integration process. The dialogue with different points of view will be fundamental, especially in order to draft analytical dimensions of the impact of the changes that occurred with the emergence of a new form of regional representation (FAWCETT; HURRELL, 2003; MALAMUD; SOUZA, 2005; DRI, 2009; 2010; LINDBERG, 1963). Could an extra form of representation come at a cost of the suppression of less opportunity for participation? In the third section, the relation between representation and sovereignty is evaluated, as well as the role of representative institutions in policy making (KEOHANE; HOFFMANN, 1991; RITTBERGER, 2012; JACOB, 2007). In this section, the experience of the European Parliament will shed light on the analysis of the constitution of a representative institution on a regional level, such as the one expected by the PARLASUL. Finally, the article traces a few conclusions on representation in the context of regional integration processes and the importance of information and social awareness of such processes as a measure of democratic legitimacy.

This article systematically investigates, in a comparative perspective, the support for new extreme right-wing political parties (ERPs) in national elections across the Western European Union countries (WEU). The objective of the research is not to explain why or how the ERPs platforms can be convincing and persuasive, but to describe conditions that contribute to identify when this has occurred. Since the reactionary nature of ERP discourse met the spreading phenomenon of Euroskepticism, a vote for ERP candidates and platforms is considered Euroskeptic voting behavior. Our hypothesis is that the greater the political power a member state enjoys in European Union institutions, the fewer the incentives for voters to support ERPs. To test this hypothesis, a great amount of data was organized and a set of econometric exercises was established using panel data with fixed effects. Given the intertemporal variation captured by the panel data with fixed effects, it is possible to assess the political conditions for the growth of electoral support for ERPs across the WEU as a function of three classes of variables: representative variables, economic variables, and variables of perception. The findings suggest that representation in European institutions has greater impact on ERP support than economic circumstances. investigates perspective rightwing right wing (ERPs WEU. . (WEU) persuasive occurred Euroskepticism behavior effects perception circumstances (WEU

The article contends that Euroscepticism is a fundamental variable for a good understanding of the support for new extreme right-wing party platforms in national elections among all Western European countries. Based on voting data for parties aligned with the new far right in European national elections, the article maps the growth of extreme right parties and tests the correlation between the support for intolerance and variables pertaining to economic and social issues, perceptions, and representations. The findings provide empirical evidence to confirm that the preference for intolerance is not based on material or economic dissatisfaction, since identity is the main focus of concerns and claims in the new political cleavage that supports the new extreme right.

Dans cet article, on affirme que l'attitude euro-sceptique est une variable fondamentale pour la réflexion sur la préférence que les électeurs européens occidentaux montrent envers des programmes de partis d'extrême droite lors de leurs élections nationales. À partir des données recueillies concernant les votes en faveur des partis qui suivent la nouvelle idéologie d'extrême droite lors des élections nationales européennes, on dresse la carte de la croissance des partis d'extrême droite sur ce continent et on pose la corrélation entre le soutien donné à l'intolérance, d'une part, et les variables économiques et sociales, de perception et de représentation, de l'autre. Les résultats viennent confirmer empiriquement que la préférence pour l'intolérance ne se fonde pas sur des insatisfactions de nature matérielle et économique, puisque la principale source d'inquiétude et de revendications issue du nouveau clivage politique sur lequel s'appuie la nouvelle extrême droite c'est l'identité.

The article contends that Euroscepticism is a fundamental variable for a good understanding of the support for new extreme right-wing party platforms in national elections among all Western European countries. Based on voting data for parties aligned with the new far right in European national elections, the article maps the growth of extreme right parties and tests the correlation between the support for intolerance and variables pertaining to economic and social issues, perception, and representation. The findings provide empirical evidence to confirm that the preference for intolerance is not based on material or economic dissatisfaction, since identity is the main focus of concerns and claims in the new political cleavage that supports the new extreme right.

Dans cet article, on affirme que l'attitude euro-sceptique est une variable fondamentale pour la réflexion sur la préférence que les électeurs européens occidentaux montrent envers des programmes de partis d'extrême droite lors de leurs élections nationales. À partir des données recueillies concernant les votes en faveur des partis qui suivent la nouvelle idéologie d'extrême droite lors des élections nationales européennes, on dresse la carte de la croissance des partis d'extrême droite sur ce continent et on pose la corrélation entre le soutien donné à l'intolérance, d'une part, et les variables économiques et sociales, de perception et de représentation, de l'autre. Les résultats viennent confirmer empiriquement que la préférence pour l'intolérance ne se fonde pas sur des insatisfactions de nature matérielle et économique, puisque la principale source d'inquiétude et de revendications issue du nouveau clivage politique sur lequel s'appuie la nouvelle extrême droite c'est l'identité.

O artigo tem o objetivo de demonstrar a relação entre o aumento da sociedade civil global e o Direito internacional público, por um lado e, por outro, a importância dos regimes internacionais para a perspectiva da participação de atores não-estatais nas relações internacionais. O debate na literatura sobre regimes internacionais aponta para a necessidade de realizarem-se mais pesquisas empíricas sobre os condicionantes do sucesso dos regimes internacionais, porém já é possível destacar evidências a respeito de um importante papel que vem sendo ocupado por atores não-soberanos na formação de regimes: o papel de especialistas. O artigo é uma reflexão sobre o conceito de "regime internacional" e seus limites e apresenta uma nota preliminar de pesquisa sobre as possibilidades da influência de atores da sociedade civil na busca da formação de um regime internacional de meio ambiente, com destaque na participação do Brasil no processo de formulação de um regime de biosseguranca.

The goal of this article is to demonstrate the relationship between the growth of global civil society and international public Law, on the one hand, and on the other, the importance of international regimes from the perspective of non-State actors´ participation in international relations. Debates in the literature on international regimes point to the need for the realization of more empirical research on the factors that condition the success of international regimes, although it is already possible to present evidence regarding one important role that has been occupied by non-sovereign actors in regime formation: the role of specialists. This article is a reflection on the concept if "international regime" and its boundaries. It presents a preliminary note for research on the possibilities that civil society actors have for influencing the formation of an international regime for the environment, emphasizing Brazil´s participation in the process of formulation of a regime of bio-security.

L'objectif de cet article est de présenter, d'une part, le rapport entre l'élargissement de la société civile globale et le Droit international public, et d'autre part, l'importance des régimes internationaux vis-à-vis la participation d'acteurs non liés à l'état dans les relations internationales. Le débat dans la littérature sur les régimes internationaux indique qu'il faut mener davantage de recherches empiriques sur les conditions du succès des régimes internationaux. Toutefois, il est déjà possible de souligner le rôle important joué de plus en plus par les acteurs non-souverains dans la formation de régimes: le rôle de spécialistes. L'article est une réflexion sur le concept de « régime international » et ses limites et il présente une note initiale de recherche sur les possibilités de l'influence d'acteurs de la société civile dans la quête de formation d'un régime international de l'environnement, et il souligne également la participation du Brésil dans le processus de la formulation d'un régime de biosécurité.

This article explores the reasons behind the fact that European institutions have decided to establish a new Constitutional treaty, while portions of the national societies have shown signs of resistance to it. The hypothesis is that causes similar to those involved in previous crises, like Maastricht, also help explain the current crisis, and that problems of supranational legitimization should also be elucidated by the analysis of transnational articulations in the region. By verifying distortions in the social perception of the role of institutions and the Constitution and the growth of the extreme right in Europe, interpreted in the historical context of integration, we highlight the importance of identity and the relationship between the lack of social unity and the movements against integration, calling for a change in the current dimensions of European politics.

Dans cet article, on examine les raisons qui font que des institutions européennes ont décidé de rédiger un nouveau traité constitutionnel tandis que quelques-unes des sociétés nationales lui opposent une résistance. On part de l'hypothèse que des causes semblables à celles de crises précédentes, comme ce fut le cas de Maastricht, expliquent aussi la crise actuelle, et que les questions de la légitimité supranationale doivent être précisées par l'analyse des rapprochements transnationaux dans la région. En cherchant à vérifier les distorsions de la perception sociale sur le rôle des institutions et de la constitution, ainsi que sur le renforcement de l'extrême droite dans la région, interprétés dans le contexte historique de l'intégration, on a conclu sur l'importance de l'identité et la relation du manque d'unité sociale avec les mouvements de résistance à l'intégration qui présentent un changement nécessaire dans le cadre de la politique européenne actuelle.

O objetivo deste artigo é mostrar os pontos de tensão, as hipóteses fortes e as teses otimistas e/ou pessimistas que perpassam os vínculos entre o modelo westphaliano internacional de soberania, a democratização do sistema internacional e a sociedade civil internacional. O artigo contém quatro partes: na primeira, recupera-se a discussão clássica sobre democracia e relações internacionais; na segunda, trata-se das relações entre globalização e democracia; na terceira, as tensões entre democracia (transnacional) e as novas noções de representação; finalmente, mostram-se os pontos críticos da visão celebratória da sociedade civil internacional pregada pelas teorias cosmopolitas da democracia.

This paper intends to show the points of tension, strong hypothesis, and optimistic and/or pessimistic thesis which go through the connections between the Westphalian international model of sovereignty, the democratization of the international system, and the international civil society. This article has four parts. First, we review the classical debate about democratization and international relations. Second, we address the relations between globalization and democracy. The third part is dedicated to the tensions between transnational democracy and new notions of representation. Finally, we pin-point the critical aspects of the celebratory vision of the international civil society, as advocated by the cosmopolitan theories of democracy.

Diante do surgimento de uma nova sociedade civil global, muitos debates se abrem sobre o "envelhecimento do Estado moderno" e sua possível superação. No entanto, os novos movimentos sociais pretendem destruir as bases do Estado, questionam o modelo burocrático moderno de poder ou apresentam alternativas democráticas efetivamente viáveis? Por mais que seja possível e defensável a idéia de que os Estados estão perdendo seu tradicional poder para as grandes ou pequenas organizações econômicas, políticas e societárias que se formam em torno de interesses transnacionais; a pergunta que se coloca é: por que os Estados persistem? São os Estados mais resistentes a mudanças e concertos internacionais e transnacionais do que se imaginava no início do processo de intensificação da globalização?

Out of rising of a new global civil society, many debates have been opened about the "aging of the modern State" and its possible supersiding. Yet, do the new social movements intend to destroy the State's foundations, or to challenge the State's bureaucratic model? Or do they present feasible democratic alternatives to it? However possible and defensible is the idea that the States are loosing ground to great or small economic, political and societal organizations, which grow out of transnational interests, the question remains: why do the States persist? Are the States more resistant to changes, and international and transnational arrangements, than it was supposed when the globalization process have started its new development?