A growing body of literature suggests that the platformization of the public sphere is eroding the public debate, thus potentially leading to the fragmentation of the public sphere. While there exists mounting evidences supporting this perspective there also exists a substantial body of literature that suggests otherwise. Within this realm of mixed evidence, studies on climate change visibility play a prominent role, presenting findings that both weaken and reinforce the fragmentation hypothesis. To investigate this matter in a context conducive for a fragmented public sphere, we collected a longitudinal (2014-2022) and cross-platform (Instagram, Facebook and Twitter) dataset (n=794.281) and correlated it with a secondary database on the press coverage of climate change in Brazil (n=3.490). Our analysis reveals a robust positive correlation between these datasets, indicating that the Brazilian public sphere retains the capacity to interconnect various arenas of visibility. We argue that this finding is particularly significant, given that it emanates from a case characterized by circumstances favoring a high degree of public sphere fragmentation. Consequently, our discovery lends support to a less pessimistic assessment of the influence of platformization on political communication within the deliberative system. debate otherwise evidence role hypothesis 20142022 2014 2022 (2014-2022 crossplatform cross platform Instagram, Instagram (Instagram Twitter n=794.281 n794281 n 794 281 (n=794.281 n=3.490. n3490 n=3.490 . 3 490 (n=3.490) datasets significant Consequently system 2014202 201 202 (2014-202 n=794.28 n79428 79 28 (n=794.28 n349 n=3.49 49 (n=3.490 201420 20 (2014-20 n=794.2 n7942 7 2 (n=794.2 n34 n=3.4 4 (n=3.49 20142 (2014-2 n=794. n794 (n=794. n3 n=3. (n=3.4 (2014- n=794 n79 (n=794 n=3 (n=3. (2014 n=79 n7 (n=79 n= (n=3 (201 n=7 (n=7 (n= (20 (n (2 (

This study offers a comprehensive analysis of how governance capacities in developing countries respond to the challenges that COVID-19 posed. We established a theoretical framework to delve into the multifaceted nature of governance capacities, exploring two distinct aspects of governance: the Weberian one, which focuses on material and organizational capacities, and the Tocquevillian one, which focuses on coordination and associational capacities. We examined these four governance dimensions to illustrate how these distinct skills influence the effectiveness of governance. Our analysis quantifies the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic using such metrics as confirmed cases and deaths. We employ standard and dynamic panel data methodologies to mitigate potential omitted variable bias. Our research findings indicate that countries with robust governance capacities, as assessed by the Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Governance Index, are better equipped to respond effectively to pandemic crises. By applying several models and rigorous robustness tests, we demonstrate efficient resource utilization, the ability to guide and prioritize decision-making within the government, and commitment to cooperation and coordination with other nations and international organizations are the primary drivers of improved outcomes. Our findings remain robust even when controlling for relevant variables and employing estimation techniques that account for potential biases arising from unobservable confounding factors. COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 posed one deaths bias Stiftungs Stiftung s Index crises tests utilization decisionmaking decision making government outcomes factors COVID1 1 COVID-

The sixth IPCC report states that a proper conception of climate justice that can address the complexity of the phenomenon of anthropogenic climate change as a whole requires considering not only one but rather three dimensions of justice today: redistributive, procedural, and recognition dimensions. In this article, my focus is on exploring the latter dimension, drawing special attention to climate policies addressing cultural-identity issues. In the first section, I illustrate how climate policies can be connected to discriminatory practices against minority cultures and their identities. To do so, I take the struggles of Black movements against environmental racism and the struggles of Indigenous peoples against a colonialist cultural heritage as case studies. In the second section, I look into the most advanced normative model to address the dimension of recognition, its advantages, and how it addresses the so-called ‘institutionalization of cultural patterns’ in climate policies: the Nancy Fraser model. Finally, in the third section, I investigate an aspect that remains open. It concerns the matter of how to use institutional authority to ‘deinstitutionalize’ non-ecological cultural patterns, while respecting pluralism and avoiding falling into the risks of institutional paternalism. today redistributive procedural article culturalidentity identity issues section identities so studies advantages socalled called institutionalization patterns Finally open ‘deinstitutionalize deinstitutionalize nonecological non ecological paternalism

Integrationist methodologies to climate justice aim to formulate a conception of justice that encompasses principles of global and intergenerational justice, arguing we should treat climate issues in the light of this general theory. In this article, we contend that there are compelling reasons to pursue a minimal conception of justice, and, within this context, Rawls' late conception of public reason is particularly relevant. We propose that a minimal conception of justice for an integrationist approach need not be bound by specific overarching global principles to govern the global international society. The mechanism of public reason can facilitate agreement between climate issues and other related issues by allowing countries to appeal to reasons that reflect the shared and implicit values of constitutional democracies found in international institutions. Although this approach may introduce more ambiguity, it also results in a less idealized scenario, which in turn can contribute to integrating climate and social justice at a minimal level. In summary, we advocate for a two-fold approach, involving both a far-reaching maximum conception of justice and a flexible minimal conception that prioritizes international deliberation and shared values as the means to address diverse dimensions of justice within the global context. theory article context Rawls relevant society institutions ambiguity scenario level summary twofold two fold farreaching far reaching

It is well known that during times of social unrest, replacing the constitution is one of the first proposals to emerge, at least in Latin America, as if this constitutional shift could resolve any problem. Constitutional substitution is not a new phenomenon in Latin America; it actually began after the region’s redemocratization. However, it is striking that, despite similar conditions of social unrest, many other countries in the region have not undergone such an encompassing constitutional reform. Our main focus here is to analyze the persistence of constitutions in Latin American countries. We thus ask: What conditions lead democratic countries to keep their constitutions? Using a configurational approach, our preliminary results are promising. Together, four pathways explain why some countries have not replaced their constitutions in democratic contexts, with special emphasis on the number of rights enshrined in these fundamental laws. unrest emerge America problem regions s redemocratization However reform ask approach promising Together contexts laws

This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI. justice (UBI fronts First interconnected flawed imperative socialecological social ecological thinking nondomination non challenges postproductivist post productivist relations occupations Additionally Maricá Brazil

What motivates voters to support candidates with backgrounds in public security for Brazil’s National Congress, the so-called Law & Order (L&O) politicians? The 2018 elections witnessed a surge in parliamentarians from police and military backgrounds and the election of a president closely aligned with this agenda. We explore whether this trend correlates with municipal-level violence indicators and the presence of municipal capacity in the security sector, employing various regression models that account for socioeconomic, demographic, political, and geographic factors. Our findings from the additive model reveal a negative association between the level of violence and votes for L&O candidates. This suggests a potential disconnection between fear, victimization, and support for repressive policies, while also indicating that local capacity in the security sector tend to enhance L&O candidates’ performance. However, our model incorporating the interaction between both variables uncovers that violence exacerbates the negative impact on L&O voting when the city has capacity in the security sector. This may reflect a municipal-level preference for preventive measures, particularly in more violent areas, which contrasts with the generally repressive stance of L&O candidates. Brazils Brazil s Congress socalled so called LO L O (L&O politicians 201 agenda municipallevel socioeconomic demographic political factors fear victimization policies performance However measures areas 20 2

In multiparty presidential regimes, the head of the Executive manages a heterogeneous political base through a series of instruments. Among these tools, the use of patronage in appointments for governmental positions and the deployment of pork barrel to please congressional representatives have been highlighted by the literature as the glue that holds together multiparty coalitions. However, current studies neglect the role of politicians as active actors in multiparty presidential regimes in channeling resources to their constituencies and parties when holding a cabinet position. This paper contributes to the literature by merging these two tools of coalition maintenance. We analyze a complimentary strategy that benefits party leaders in the coalition by studying the relation of top-level cabinet appointments and grant transfers to subnational governments. Using data from Brazil, a paradigmatic case of multiparty presidential regime, we intend to answer the following question: Are ministries in Brazil being used to please ministers’ constituency and party allies? Using social networking analysis and econometrics for the period between 2011 and 2014, we provide evidence that ministers use their position to transfer funding to districts governed by fellow party members and not to their own political strongholds following a partisan pattern instead of a personal one. instruments coalitions However maintenance toplevel top level governments regime question allies 201 2014 one 20 2

This article delves into Environmental Politics studies, which has emerged as a burgeoning field within Political Science since the 1990s, aiming to explore the intersection of environmentalism and politics, with a particular focus on examining the roles of the State and environmental movements in shaping this dynamic. In this proposal, we revisit a portion of the existing literature to highlight three crucial dimensions in understanding these studies: Firstly, we explore how environmentalism has shaped environmental policy and certain political practices, with a particular emphasis on the State's influence in this process. Secondly, we analyze the role of environmental social movements, both within and outside the State's structures, examining the mechanisms through which they exert influence in these arenas and drive political and cultural changes. Finally, we discuss how the interactional dynamics among political actors engaged in environmentalism have spurred demands for greater democratization in environmental policies. By addressing these issues, we seek to demonstrate their interconnection and relevance for a comprehensive understanding of environmental politics. studies 1990s s politics dynamic proposal Firstly practices States process Secondly structures changes Finally policies issues

The article examines the relationship between victimization, fear of crime, and democratic legitimacy in Latin America, considering both the causal mechanisms and contextual effects involved in this process. Fear of crime and victimization are regarded as distinct (yet interconnected) phenomena, each potentially operating through different causal mechanisms. Democratic legitimacy is understood from a multidimensional perspective. The hypotheses consider country-level contextual factors and are tested using multilevel analysis, based on data from the 2016 and 2018 Americas Barometer. The findings underscore the detrimental impacts of victimization and fear of crime on democratic legitimacy in Latin America, with a particular emphasis on the intensified negative effect of victimization in countries with high homicide rates. America process yet interconnected phenomena perspective countrylevel country level analysis 201 Barometer rates 20 2

How does the election of far-right populist leaders contribute to the environmental crisis? We delved into this question by conducting an in-depth case study on the impact of Jair Bolsonaro's government (2019-2022) on the rise of deforestation rates in the Legal Amazon. Our focus was on forest deforestation oversight, the main tool for enforcing Brazilian environmental policy against deforestation, particularly in the short term. Since 2019, deforestation rates in the Amazon have surged to concerning levels, identified as the primary driver of greenhouse gas emissions in Brazil. Consequently, controlling deforestation poses a significant challenge for the country to meet its international climate goals and agreements. Our research is grounded in four theoretical approaches: state capacities; populism and public administration; political discourse and populism; and dismantling of public policies. We used process tracing, a case study method designed to make detailed inferences about the existence of a causal mechanism. Formulating empirical propositions and gathering account, trace, and pattern evidence, we hypothesized and tested a mechanism consisting of three parts: discourse, dismantling, and reduction of policy outputs. farright far right crisis indepth depth Bolsonaros Bolsonaro s 20192022 2019 2022 (2019-2022 oversight term levels Brazil Consequently agreements approaches capacities administration policies tracing account trace evidence parts outputs 2019202 201 202 (2019-202 201920 20 (2019-20 20192 2 (2019-2 (2019- (2019 (201 (20 (2 (