RESUMEN Este artículo plantea un análisis sobre la importancia de la contrarrevolución emprendida por el virrey José de la Serna desde el Cuzco frente a la situación política del Perú entre los años de 1821 y 1824. En primer lugar, se realizará una explicación sobre los motivos que llevaron a los realistas a abandonar Lima, capital virreinal desde el siglo XVI, y replegarse al sur andino. Como segundo punto, se pasará al estudio de las necesidades logísticas del gobierno virreinal del Cuzco para la consolidación del control territorial en el sur andino y las posteriores incursiones sobre Lima. A continuación, se analizarán los efectos del fin del Trienio Liberal (1820-1823) poniendo énfasis en la sublevación del general Olañeta en el Alto Perú y cómo esto generó un efecto dominó que terminó por dividir al ejército realista meses antes del desarrollo de las batallas de Junín y Ayacucho. En ese sentido, argumentamos que el éxito contrarrevolucionario durante los años de Gobierno del virrey La Serna se debió no solo a la articulación de capital humano y recursos que proporcionaron los Andes centrales y del sur, sino también a la inestabilidad interna del gobierno independentista en la costa peruana. Sin embargo, este éxito se vio truncado por las acciones de Olañeta, las cuales fueron aprovechadas por Bolívar para obtener las victorias decisivas en 1824.

ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of the importance of the counterrevolution undertaken by Viceroy José de la Serna from Cuzco in the face of the political situation in Peru between the years of 1821 and 1824. First, we will attempt an explanation about the reasons that led the royalists to abandon Lima, viceregal capital since the 16th century, and retreat to the southern Andes. Then, we will move on to the study of the logistical needs of the Viceregal government of Cuzco for the consolidation of territorial control in the southern Andean region and the subsequent incursions into Lima. Next, the effects of the end of the Liberal Triennium (1820-1823) will be analyzed, emphasizing the uprising of General Olañeta in Upper Peru and how this generated a domino effect that ended up dividing the royalist army months before the development of the battles of Junin and Ayacucho. In that sense, we argue that the counterrevolutionary success during the years of Viceroy La Serna’s government was due not only to the articulation of human capital and resources that the central and southern Andes provided, but also to the internal instability of the independent government in the Peruvian coast. However, this success ended by Olañeta’s actions, which Bolívar took advantage of to obtain decisive victories in 1824.

Resumen En este artículo se plantea una aproximación al pensamiento contrarrevolucionario durante el periodo del Primer Imperio Mexicano a partir de las obras impresas de Juan José Fernández de Lara y Arellano, cura de Tepeyanco. Su actividad como polemista en 1822 permite reparar en los principales temas que enfrentaron a liberales y serviles tras la independencia. Revela las expectativas que los conservadores depositaron en el nuevo país y las frustraciones que afrontaron al no materializarse sus demandas. Este estudio atiende asimismo a la dimensión profética y escatológica del religioso, quien participaba de una interpretación pesimista de la realidad. Se propone observar la reacción mexicana como parte integral y constitutiva del proceso revolucionario hispánico. A ambos lados del Atlántico, los antiliberales comprendieron que los tiempos estaban cambiando y que, necesariamente, se requerían combinar viejos y nuevos repertorios de actuación para seguir en la brecha.

Abstract In this article we propose an approach to counter-revolutionary thought during the period of the First Mexican Empire based on the writings of Juan José Fernández de Lara y Arellano, priest of Tepeyanco. His activity as a polemicist in 1822 shows the main issues that confronted liberals and reactionaries after independence. It reveals the expectations that conservatives placed in the new country and the frustrations they faced when their demands did not materialize. The priest had a pessimistic interpretation of reality and resorted to prophecies. We propose to approach the Mexican reaction as an integral and constitutive part of the Hispanic revolutionary process. On both sides of the Atlantic, the anti-liberals understood that times were changing and that, necessarily, it was necessary to combine old and new repertoires of action to be in the thick of things.

Resumen Este artículo expone la diversidad de manifestaciones y propuestas políticas de la contrarrevolución en la Audiencia de Quito entre 1809 y 1822. Se demuestra que las respuestas a la revolución fueron diversas y cambiantes según los contextos, con una gran capacidad de movilización social. La unidad inicial frente a la crisis de 1808 muy pronto se quebró para dar lugar a un escenario político fragmentado. Con sus tensiones internas, los realistas quiteños hicieron frente a los desafíos que supusieron la insurgencia y el liberalismo gaditano. La élite indígena también fue crítica con la Constitución de 1812 para mantener sus antiguos privilegios. La estabilidad anunciada con la restauración absolutista de Fernando VII fue sólo un espejismo pasajero. En adelante, la revolución española de 1820 constituyó un nuevo desafío que algunos afrontaron tomando partido por la opción independentista.

Abstract This article studies the diversity of manifestations and political proposals of the counter-revolution in the Audiencia of Quito between 1809 and 1822. It shows that the responses to the revolution were diverse and changed according to the contexts, with a great capacity for social mobilisation. The initial unity in the face of the 1808 crisis soon broke down to give way to a fragmented political scenario. With their internal tensions, Quito’s royalists faced the challenges posed by the insurgency and Cadiz liberalism. The indigenous elite were also critical of the 1812 Constitution for maintaining their old privileges. The stability heralded by the absolutist restoration of Ferdinand VII was only a passing mirage. Henceforth, the Spanish revolution of 1820 constituted a new challenge that some faced by taking the pro-independence option.

ABSTRACT This article examines how the loyalist exiles of the Spanish American revolutions drew upon their experiences to debate the best ways to preserve imperial rule in the remaining colonies. Delving on the stories of José Domingo Díaz and Miguel Tacón-Intendant of Puerto Rico in the 1820s and Captain General of Cuba in the 1830s, respectively-it traces how they advocated an imperial project rooted in unrestricted obedience to colonial officers, the consolidation of the Captain General’s power, and the opposition to local autonomies. To this end, they weaponized their experiences on the continent and in the Caribbean, claiming that the Spanish Empire should learn from royalists’ mistakes in order to halt the advance of revolution and the emergence of the racial war. For them, the diagnosis was simple: the constitutional rule undermined the royalist cause, thwarting its attempts to preserve racial hierarchies and political stability. Therefore, the solution also seemed straightforward: the Spanish Empire should adopt a new colonial order in which the monarchy unapologetically decided to reinforce its power and racial hierarchies in the Spanish Antilles. Díaz and Tacón’s stories shed light on the impact of the mainland’s independence on the transformations experienced by the Spanish Empire during the Age of Revolution.

Resumen Hasta la segunda década del siglo XIX el espacio al sur del río Salado (Argentina) era territorio indígena. Veinticinco años más tarde comenzaron a llegar inmigrantes a aldeas como Tandil, conformando lo que luego sería la provincia de Buenos Aires. Los especialistas en indígenas e inmigrantes han avanzado en la comprensión de estos campos desde el comienzo de los años 1980. Sin embargo, mientras unos necesitaron atomizar el objeto de estudio por nacionalidad e incluso regionalismos, otros pusieron un énfasis mayormente antropológico en estudiar cacicatos importantes mientras avanzaban en categorías que permitieron desenmarañar un mundo indígena que se creía heterogéneo. Un tercer grupo analizó y discutió ideas sobre los criollos, descubriendo que el gaucho fue un personaje casi exótico y que se hablaba del mismo sin adentrarse en su distancia abismal entre la élite local y los pobres, privados de toda posibilidad hasta 1880. La mirada era binaria: indígenas y criollos, mientras los extranjeros se movían en el escenario cual actores protagónicos a los que acompañaba la luz de un reflector. Nos proponemos avanzar en una mirada holística, tomando el caso vasco como testigo, que tenga en cuenta la historicidad y que revise la documentación en busca de dinamizar el conjunto. También buscamos recuperar la relación sustancial con un medio ambiente que se presentó hasta hace tiempo como una escenografía sugerente, salvo excepciones sobre el mundo indígena.

Abstract Until the second decade of the 19th century, the space south of the Salado River was indigenous territory. Twenty-five years later, immigrants began to arrive in villages like Tandil, forming what would later become the province of Buenos Aires. Specialists on indigenous people and immigrants have advanced in the understanding of these fields since the early 1980s. However, while some needed to atomize the object of study by nationality and even regionalisms, the others placed a largely anthropological emphasis on studying important chiefdoms while They advanced in categories that allowed us to unravel an indigenous world that was believed to be heterogeneous. A third group analyzed and discussed ideas about the Creoles, discovering that the gaucho was an almost exotic character and that they talked about him without delving into his abysmal distance between the local elite and the poor, deprived of all possibilities until 1880. The look was binary: indigenous and Creole, while the foreigners moved on stage like leading actors accompanied by the light of a spotlight. We propose to advance a holistic view, taking the Basque case as a witness, taking into account historicity and reviewing the documentation in search of energizing the whole. Also, recover the substantial relationship with an environment that was presented until some time ago as a suggestive scenography, with exceptions regarding the indigenous world.

Resumo O texto discute o avanço das iniciativas digitais na pesquisa em história, dando particular relevo para o incremento no número de grandes repositórios e conjuntos arquivísticos, tomados aqui como parte de uma tendência de big data que precisa ser discutida na disciplina. São apresentados alguns casos de projetos com forte apelo empirísta (como o Transkribus e o Time Machine) e como estas iniciativas andam pari passu com discussões sobre uma suposta irrelevância da teoria. O artigo aponta ideias para o debate, indicando a capacitação digital como uma necessidade na formação de historiadores, diante de um mar de incertezas e algorítimos.

Abstract The text discusses the rise of digital initiatives in historical research, particularly emphasizing the increase in the number of large repositories and archival collections. This proliferation is seen as part of the “big data” trend that needs to be debated in the discipline. Some examples of projects with a strong empirical approach are presented (such asTranskribusandTime Machine), and how these initiatives are associated with discussions about the supposed irrelevance of theory. The article proposes ideas for debate, indicating digital training as a necessity in preparing historians in the face of a sea of uncertainties and algorithms.

Resumo Nas últimas quatro décadas, no que tange à historiografia do comércio de escravos realizado pelos portugueses entre o Brasil e a Costa da Mina (África Ocidental), tem prevalecido uma ênfase no papel do tabaco como principal item de troca. O que poucos estudos têm apontado mais recentemente é que o ouro teve relevância, no mínimo, igual como moeda de troca nas relações dos portugueses com agentes europeus e africanos na aquisição de trabalhadores escravizados. Este artigo contribui com esta última corrente, procurando demonstrar, com base em registros de negócios da Royal African Company em Uidá (Costa da Mina), o papel do ouro brasileiro nas relações mercantis entre ingleses e portugueses, que se adensaram bastante na primeira metade do século XVIII. Além disso, argumenta-se que o ouro foi fator fundamental no êxito do comércio luso-brasileiro naquela região, apontando para o caráter transimperial dos investimentos nesse ramo. Por fim, indica uma possível contribuição para avaliar as características das relações mercantis entre os agentes envolvidos.

Abstract In the last four decades, regarding the historiography of the slave trade carried out by the Portuguese between Brazil and the Slave Coast (West Africa coast), the role of tobacco stood out as the chief item of exchanging. A small number of researchers have pointed out more recently that Brazilian gold was, at least, as important as exchange currency in the relations of Portuguese with European and African agents in procuring African enslaved workers. This article contributes to this last current in trying to demonstrate, based on Royal African Company trade records in Uidá (Slave Coast), the role of Brazilian gold in the trade relations involving Portuguese and British merchants, which became quite intense in the earlier half of the eighteenth century. It also argues that gold was a fundamental factor for the success of Luso-Brazilian commerce in that region, also pointing the trans-imperial character of the investments in this branch of trade. At last, the article suggests one possible contribution to assess the features of the trade relationship between the involved agents.

RESUMO Neste artigo, são abordados alguns aspectos do processo de emigração política, resultantes da dinâmica entre revolução e contrarrevolução, em Portugal, nas décadas de 1820 e 1830. Ainda que os sentidos e as direções dos exílios variem de acordo com o resultado das sucessivas disputas que se travaram no país entre realistas e liberais, será quando D. Miguel ascende ao poder, em 1828, que um número estimado em quase uma dezena de milhar de pessoas, acusadas de “acérrimas liberais”, é obrigado a deixar o país. Buscando ressaltar a natureza transnacional e transcontinental desse fenômeno migratório, apontamos as condições nas quais se encontravam esses emigrados, assim como os diferentes destinos que tomaram, incluindo, entre eles, o Rio de Janeiro e outras províncias do Brasil.

ABSTRACT This article discusses some aspects of the process of political emigration resulting from the dynamics between revolution and counterrevolution in Portugal in the 1820s and 1830s. Although the direction of the exiles varied according to the outcome of the successive disputes that took place in the country between royalists and liberals, it was when D. Miguel came to power in 1828 that an estimated ten thousand people, accused of being fierce liberals, were forced to leave the country. Seeking to emphasize the transnational and transcontinental nature of this migratory phenomenon, we point out the conditions in which those emigrants found themselves, as well as the different destinations they took, including, among some of them, Rio de Janeiro and other provinces of Brazil.

Resumen La idea de nación - y nacionalismo - ha sido largamente discutida. Algunas propuestas coinciden en destacar que esta noción es históricamente cambiante y conflictiva. En este marco, su construcción y reactualización precisa de dispositivos que determinen qué elementos (materiales y simbólicos) y sujetos se incluyen en esta noción. En este sentido podemos entender a las celebraciones y conmemoraciones como tales dispositivos que nos posibilitan indagar en las nociones que se visibilizan y reproducen sobre un país. En Argentina durante el año 2010 se celebró el Bicentenario de la Revolución de Mayo. Una serie de políticas públicas y fondos fueron destinadas para dicho fin a escala nacional, mientras otras emergieron desde los estados provinciales y municipales. En este contexto, nos interesa analizar qué tipos de acciones, eventos, se organizaron en esas otras escalas, qué elementos, narrativas, se configuraron para articular lo local con lo nacional y cómo se reproduce la noción de una Argentina “blanca y europea” a pesar de las nuevas lecturas que buscan tensionar desde diferentes espacios y actores. Para ello, proponemos como estudio de caso el partido de Exaltación de la Cruz (provincia de Buenos Aires), a partir de examinar los eventos efectuados en su ciudad cabecera que en la década de 1990 su centro histórico fue reconocido como patrimonio nacional.

Abstract The idea of nation -and nationalism- has been long discussed. Some authors coincide in emphasizing that the notion of nation is historically changing and conflictive. In this framework, the construction and updating of the idea of nation requires devices that determine which elements (material and symbolic), as well as subjects are included in it. In this sense, we can understand celebrations and commemorations as such devices that allow us to investigate the construction of nation and how it is reproduced and who is included. In Argentina during the year 2010 the bicentennial of the May revolution was celebrated. A series of public policies and funds were allocated for this purpose on a national scale while others emerged from the provincial and municipal states. In this context, we are interested in analyzing what types of actions and events were organized at these other scales and what elements and narratives were configured to articulate the local with the national and how it is reproduced and in what terms the notion of a “white and European” nation despite the new readings that from different spaces and actors seek to stress. To do this, we propose as a case study the Exaltación de la Cruz district (Buenos Aires province), based on examining the events that took place in its main city that in the 1990s its historic center was recognized as national Heritage.

Resumo Este artigo analisa como a hierarquia racial, elaborada por filósofos e anatomistas, prestou-se não somente a defender a escravidão e a condução dos africanos à civilização, mas também a combater o tráfico de almas e incentivar a abolição do cativeiro. De facto, as teorias raciais reforçaram os argumentos escravistas e antiescravistas. O artigo examinou vários letrados brasileiros, mas particularmente os escritos do naturalista Frederico Burlamaque, do político Adolfo Bezerra de Menezes, dos romancistas Joaquim Manuel de Macedo e José de Alencar. Entre 1820 e 1870, eles recorreram à teoria do clima, à monogenia, poligenia, frenologia e fisiognomia para descrever os escravizados e seus descendentes. Assim, enumeravam os males da escravidão ou a contribuição incontornável dos escravizados para a construção do Brasil. Esses letrados defendiam pontos de vista opostos, mas, como parte da elite, não divergiam em relação à supremacia da raça branca. racial anatomistas prestouse prestou se civilização cativeiro facto antiescravistas brasileiros Burlamaque Menezes Alencar 182 1870 clima monogenia poligenia descendentes Assim Brasil opostos elite branca 18 187 1

Abstract This essay analyzes how the racial hierarchy elaborated by philosophers and anatomists served not only to defend slavery and lead Africans to civilization, but also to combat the slave trade and encourage abolition. Indeed, racial theories reinforced both proslavery and antislavery arguments. The article examined several Brazilian scholars, particularly the writings of naturalist Frederico Burlamaque, politician Adolfo Bezerra de Menezes, and novelists Joaquim Manuel de Macedo and José de Alencar. Between 1820 and 1870, they used climate theory, monogeny, polygeny, phrenology, and physiognomy to describe enslaved people and their descendants, thus listing the evils of slavery or the significant contribution of the enslaved population to the construction of Brazil. Despite holding opposing views, as part of the elite, this literati did not doubt the supremacy of the white race. civilization abolition Indeed arguments scholars Burlamaque Menezes Alencar 182 1870 theory monogeny polygeny phrenology descendants Brazil views elite race 18 187 1

Resumo O objetivo do texto consistiu em analisar a participação dos negociantes e traficantes de escravos do Rio de Janeiro nos “Donativos gratuitos, para as urgencias do Estado desde 31 de março até 18 de abril de 1817”, e a relação de reciprocidade entre a Corte e a classe mercantil, particularmente envolvendo a defesa dos interesses dos traficantes de escravos com a Convenção de 1817, conhecida com a Convenção Adicional ao Tratado de 22 de Janeiro de 1815, assinada entre o rei D. João VI do Reino Unido Portugal, Brasil e Algarves e Jorge III do Reino Unido da Grã Bretanha e Irlanda. Vitoriosos na sua ação, os negociantes de grosso trato e traficantes de escravos organizaram a Praça do Comércio do Rio de Janeiro, espaço de sociabilidade, de representação e de poder, em 1820, com o patrocínio da Corte e financiamento do Banco do Brasil, e tendo D. João VI como patrono. Donativos gratuitos 3 1 1817 , 1817” mercantil 2 1815 D Portugal Irlanda ação sociabilidade poder 1820 patrono 181 182

Abstract The aim of the paper was to analyze the participation of Rio de Janeiro’s wholesale traders and slave traders in the “ Donativos gratuitos, para as urgencias do Estado desde 31 de março até 18 de abril de 1817”, and the relationship of reciprocity between the Court and the mercantile class, particularly involving the defense of the interests of slave traders with the Convention of 1817, known as the Additional Convention to the Treaty of 22 January 1815, signed between King John VI of the United Kingdom Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves and George III of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Victorious in their action, the wholesale traders and slave traders organized the “Praça do Comércio do Rio de Janeiro”, a space of sociability, representation, and power, in 1820, with the sponsorship of the Court and financing of Banco do Brasil, and with D. João VI as patron Janeiros Janeiro s gratuitos 3 1 1817 , 1817” class 2 1815 Portugal Ireland action Praça Janeiro, Janeiro” sociability representation power 1820 Brasil D 181 182