Abstract Children, or people under 18 years-old, represent 30% of the world population. While Childhood Studies gained attention in the last decades, in Brazil this topic remains incipient. In 2022 the Group of Studies on Childhoods and International Relations (GEIRI) mapped the open depositories for dissertations of Brazilian universities with IR programmes to understand how children appear as an IR issue. Using the framework of Global IR, this article presents two main contributions by analysing this novel data: a) ontological contribution by understanding Childhood Studies as a Global IR topic and Brazilian practices and interactions to see IR outside of a Western perspective and b) methodological contribution by analysing how students contribute to the IR knowledge production on Children and IR in Brazil mostly as international security and human rights issues. 1 yearsold, yearsold years old, old years-old 30 population decades incipient 202 GEIRI (GEIRI issue data b issues 3 20 2

Abstract In recent years, U.S. government agencies have defined the Chinese presence in Latin America as a challenge, which has organized foreign policy towards the region. Departing from a neo-Gramscian approach, this paper investigates the bibliographical production of U.S. think tanks and seeks to understand the construction of consensus about the Chinese presence in Latin America. The methodology is based on content analysis and we identified two main narratives: in the first, the Chinese presence is presented as a threat to U.S. regional hegemony; in the second, the Chinese adaptation to liberal precepts is sought. There are therefore nuances in how the Chinese power is perceived, although the discourses remain restricted to the promotion of capitalism and neoliberalism under U.S. leadership. years US U S U.S challenge region neoGramscian neo Gramscian approach narratives first hegemony second sought perceived leadership

Abstract The Russia-Ukraine war presented an unintended chance to assess the British strategic posture regarding deep fires. The deployment of guided rocket artillery systems by Ukrainian forces in 2022 altered the land battle dynamics significantly, especially with the modern Western deep fires by the US, UK, and France. This study analyses the evolution of the UK defence policy and land force structure and the impact of deep fires in the first phase of the war, and discusses challenges ahead of Britain due to the ongoing conflict. This perspective might apply to other cases, including Brazil, as we drew upon critiques mainly directed to the over-reliance on technology over combat mass due to the re-emergence of conventional warfare. RussiaUkraine Russia Ukraine 202 significantly US France conflict cases Brazil overreliance reliance reemergence re emergence warfare 20 2

Abstract Does French legislation encourage integration and post-national citizenship? Although French national identity and integration literature reaffirms the exhaustion of the French model and politics for integration, and although traces of economic and social segregation are still observed, data from the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques and the Migrant Integration Policy Index indicate instead a growing care, from 2015 onwards, to include non-nationals into French society. In light of this mismatch between literature and data, this study tests the hypothesis that the legislative acts published by Paris display a propensity towards welcoming and guaranteeing rights regardless of the immigrants’ nationality. To that end, our research design is multi-method. First, we applied content analysis to 40 regulations referring to immigration, nationality, and citizenship in the period from 2001 to 2022. Then, correspondence analysis was used to gauge the correlation between the proposed categories. Corroborating our hypotheses, the results suggest that (i) French laws, decrees, and ordinances have set norms that are more focused on respecting and welcoming immigrants; and that (ii) there is a correlation between the norms that include non-nationals and those that dissociate the guarantee of rights from nationality. In this way, the present study contributes to the literature on migration flows in the 21st century, especially the guarantee of Human Rights and dignity in French society. postnational post observed care 201 onwards nonnationals non nationals society immigrants nationality end multimethod. multimethod multi method. method multi-method First 4 immigration 200 2022 Then categories hypotheses i (i laws decrees ii (ii way st century 20 202 2

Abstract Latin America regional governance is characterized by institutional complexity, largely the consequence of overlapping membership and mandates. The dominant view that overlap in Latin American regional organizations is problematic warrants further investigation. This article explores instances of overlap and parallelism within Latin American regional governance institutions to argue that growing complexity may be associated with normative progress. The article offers a portrait of overlapping regionalism based on data from the Regional Organizations Competencies Dataset (ROCO). The analysis confirms: institutional overlap has increased since 1945; it identifies the critical junctures that catapulted this process which is loosely associated with normative progress. mandates investigation progress ROCO. ROCO . (ROCO) confirms 1945 (ROCO 194 19 1

Abstract In the face of growing restrictions against Huawei in much of ‘the West’ because of the US’ efforts to portray its 5G roll out as a security threat, most of the developing world has resisted such efforts. By drawing on Balzacq’s analytical framework - centred on the degree of congruence between the audience, the securitizing agent’s ability to construct a convincing frame of reference, the role of contextual factors, and securitization counterclaims - it is argued that 5G securitization failed in Brazil and South Africa (2019-2022). Although the contextual factors in both cases were similar (economic interests with China, Huawei’s established role and access to Covid vaccines), in South Africa, narratives of development and cost/benefit considerations overshadowed perceptions of security risk. In Brazil in contrast, some factions within the Bolsonaro government agreed to the US’ securitization frame, whilst others, citing the risk of damaging relations with Beijing and the sheer costs of replacing Huawei infrastructure, disagreed. In both cases, the contextual factors diminished Huawei as a source of risk, especially in the Brazilian case, tipping the scale in support of those seeking to maintain good relations with Beijing. West US G threat Balzacqs Balzacq s audience agents agent reference 20192022. 20192022 2019 2022 . (2019-2022) economic China Huaweis vaccines, vaccines , vaccines) costbenefit cost benefit contrast others infrastructure disagreed case 2019202 201 202 (2019-2022 201920 20 (2019-202 20192 2 (2019-20 (2019-2 (2019- (2019 (201 (20 (2 (

Abstract The article discusses Mearsheimer’s interpretation of Russia’s use of force against Ukraine based on concepts and categories of Offensive Realism. It is argued that external balancing lost its place during unipolarity. However, Russian internal balancing is one of the factors that enabled the current conflict, and Russia’s rapprochement with China diminishes the prospects for conflict in Asia, allowing Russian military efforts to be concentrated in the European theater. Additionally, the decision to use force will be analyzed in its strategic dimension. It is concluded that Russia’s activities against Ukraine are entirely consistent with Offensive Realism, despite of Mearsheimer’s allegations contrarywise. Mearsheimers Mearsheimer s Russias Russia Realism unipolarity However Asia theater Additionally dimension contrarywise

Abstract Motivated by the growing phenomenon of Local Investment Promotion Agencies (IPA) and their paradiplomatic involvement in international negotiations, this paper aims to analyze the role that these agencies have been playing in Brazil and the governance model they adopt. Through the case of InvestSP, the most mature Brazilian IPA, this study examines the topic based on primary documentation and the perspective of various government representatives. As main results, a theoretical framework was proposed to help map the logic of operation of a subnational IPA, its structure, and motivators. Additionally, it was evidenced that paradiplomatic actions have advanced independently by local powers, without effective coordination from the federal government, characterizing a process of (dis) diplomatic governance and institutional inertia. IPA (IPA negotiations adopt InvestSP representatives results structure motivators Additionally powers dis (dis inertia

Abstract This article explores the relations between Brazil and the United States during the 1910s and revisits Brazil’s participation at the 1919 Peace Conference. It argues that the Brazilian delegation would not have succeeded as it did in Paris had it not been for the construction of close and respectful diplomatic relations between Brazil and the United States over the decade of the 1910s, a rapprochement to which Domício da Gama, the Brazilian ambassador to Washington between 1912 and 1918, contributed decisively. s Brazils 191 Conference Gama 1918 decisively 19 1

Abstract In this paper, we argue that a right-wing populist leader’s support of regional organizations depends on how domestic supporters are affected by populist engagement with them. If the regional organization does not affect groups of the populist project, then the leader enjoys latitude to question the regional institution. However, whenever undermining the regional organization damage a group, the leader does not target the regional organization, and assumes an ambivalent approach. We use the case of Bolsonaro’s Brazil engaging two regional organizations: MERCOSUR and PAHO to test our argument. Our findings reveal that right-wing populist leaders are aware of domestic costs. paper rightwing right wing s them project institution However group approach Bolsonaros Bolsonaro argument costs

Abstract This article focuses on anti-communist practices conducted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the first half of the 20th century. We believe that anti-communism was fostered by Itamaraty’s conservative and aristocratic ethos, playing an important role in Brazilian foreign policy from Rio Branco’s administration (1902-1912) to the Vargas Era (1930 – 1945). This helped shape the authoritarian foreign policy adopted during the Military Dictatorship twenty years later (1964 – 1985). Therefore, the foreign policy of the dictatorship, rather than a “step out of cadence,” is rather a continuity of practices established long before the Cold War. anticommunist anti communist th century anticommunism communism Itamaratys Itamaraty s ethos Brancos Branco 19021912 1902 1912 (1902-1912 1930 (193 1945. 1945 . 1945) 1964 (196 1985. 1985 1985) Therefore dictatorship step cadence, cadence War 1902191 190 191 (1902-191 193 (19 194 196 198 190219 19 (1902-19 (1 19021 1 (1902-1 ( (1902- (1902 (190

Abstract Why do some agreements take longer to be approved by national legislatures than others? This question motivates this research, which aims to understand how the nature of coalitions influences the time for the approval of international agreements. To this end, the analysis covers all agreements signed within Mercosur between 1995 and 2019 and the internalisation processes in four member states. This study provides insights into which variables define motivation when voting regionalism bills, concluding that the government-opposition cleavage drives the parliamentarians’ behaviour on this topic, with the size of the president’s party being the decisive factor in parliamentary procedures. others research end 199 201 states bills governmentopposition government opposition parliamentarians topic presidents president s procedures 19 20 1 2

Abstract Based on the literature on rising powers, we contend that India has historically perceived itself as a civilizational entity and benefited from the loopholes opened by power transition periods to connect its material capabilities with its normative ambition. Our methodology compares how India behaved after the Cold War (from 1991) with China’s emergence (2008 onwards) through three variables: (i) the acquisition of economic and military power, (ii) the quest for globalized authority, and (iii) the deliberate pursuit of international leadership. We conclude that if the first was already present after the Cold War, the other two only followed more recently, when India employed a deliberate strategy to shape global issues. powers ambition 1991 Chinas China s 2008 (200 onwards variables i (i ii (ii authority iii (iii leadership recently issues 199 200 (20 19 20 (2 1 2 (

Abstract In 2022 the South African Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) released the National Interest Framework, formally setting out what South Africa’s national interest is. According to DIRCO this aimed at providing an understanding of, and predictability in South Africa’s international relations. As the latest document in guiding foreign policy the framework reflects a continuation in the rhetoric of foreign policy principles; yet for all its effort in identifying the country’s foreign policy priorities, questions remain concerning the interests it reflects. Indeed, although there has been centralisation of decision-making, this has not translated into presenting a singular foreign policy or national interest position. Rather, South Africa’s national interest reflects a negotiated outcome of different positions among the political elites in government and the ruling party (African National Congress). Using Wight’s national interest taxonomy, the article highlights the presence of multiple positions evident in South Africa’s national interest framework before considering what the implications are for the implementation of foreign policy. This draws on a critical review of foreign policy documents, supported by semi-structured interviews with practitioners, academics, think tanks, and NGOs. The article argues that the national interest framework is not a reflection of one, but an amalgamation of what Wight identifies as realist, revolutionist, and rationalist doctrines. This has left the framework a broad document without specific aims in achieving the national interest. It also goes some way towards accounting for the limited application to date of the national interest framework in facilitating an understanding of South Africa’s international relations. 202 (DIRCO Framework Africas Africa s relations principles countrys country priorities Indeed decisionmaking, decisionmaking decision making, making decision-making position Rather Congress. Congress . Congress) Wights taxonomy documents semistructured semi structured practitioners academics tanks NGOs one realist revolutionist doctrines 20 2

Abstract This article proposes a framework that captures the logic of status seeking and reassesses the influence of one of its key drivers: nationalism. Inspired by Bourdieu’s logic of distinction, the article conceptualises status as a form of social distinction and argues that nationalism influences status seeking based on variations in its external dimension. By examining the case of German nationalism, we illustrate how status-seeking practices such as overseas expansion, involvement with the League of Nations, and participation in European integration were determined by the interplay between a state’s position, national habitus and rules of status politics. drivers Bourdieus Bourdieu s dimension statusseeking expansion Nations states state position politics