It is well known that during times of social unrest, replacing the constitution is one of the first proposals to emerge, at least in Latin America, as if this constitutional shift could resolve any problem. Constitutional substitution is not a new phenomenon in Latin America; it actually began after the region’s redemocratization. However, it is striking that, despite similar conditions of social unrest, many other countries in the region have not undergone such an encompassing constitutional reform. Our main focus here is to analyze the persistence of constitutions in Latin American countries. We thus ask: What conditions lead democratic countries to keep their constitutions? Using a configurational approach, our preliminary results are promising. Together, four pathways explain why some countries have not replaced their constitutions in democratic contexts, with special emphasis on the number of rights enshrined in these fundamental laws. unrest emerge America problem regions s redemocratization However reform ask approach promising Together contexts laws

Integrationist methodologies to climate justice aim to formulate a conception of justice that encompasses principles of global and intergenerational justice, arguing we should treat climate issues in the light of this general theory. In this article, we contend that there are compelling reasons to pursue a minimal conception of justice, and, within this context, Rawls' late conception of public reason is particularly relevant. We propose that a minimal conception of justice for an integrationist approach need not be bound by specific overarching global principles to govern the global international society. The mechanism of public reason can facilitate agreement between climate issues and other related issues by allowing countries to appeal to reasons that reflect the shared and implicit values of constitutional democracies found in international institutions. Although this approach may introduce more ambiguity, it also results in a less idealized scenario, which in turn can contribute to integrating climate and social justice at a minimal level. In summary, we advocate for a two-fold approach, involving both a far-reaching maximum conception of justice and a flexible minimal conception that prioritizes international deliberation and shared values as the means to address diverse dimensions of justice within the global context. theory article context Rawls relevant society institutions ambiguity scenario level summary twofold two fold farreaching far reaching

The sixth IPCC report states that a proper conception of climate justice that can address the complexity of the phenomenon of anthropogenic climate change as a whole requires considering not only one but rather three dimensions of justice today: redistributive, procedural, and recognition dimensions. In this article, my focus is on exploring the latter dimension, drawing special attention to climate policies addressing cultural-identity issues. In the first section, I illustrate how climate policies can be connected to discriminatory practices against minority cultures and their identities. To do so, I take the struggles of Black movements against environmental racism and the struggles of Indigenous peoples against a colonialist cultural heritage as case studies. In the second section, I look into the most advanced normative model to address the dimension of recognition, its advantages, and how it addresses the so-called ‘institutionalization of cultural patterns’ in climate policies: the Nancy Fraser model. Finally, in the third section, I investigate an aspect that remains open. It concerns the matter of how to use institutional authority to ‘deinstitutionalize’ non-ecological cultural patterns, while respecting pluralism and avoiding falling into the risks of institutional paternalism. today redistributive procedural article culturalidentity identity issues section identities so studies advantages socalled called institutionalization patterns Finally open ‘deinstitutionalize deinstitutionalize nonecological non ecological paternalism

This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI. justice (UBI fronts First interconnected flawed imperative socialecological social ecological thinking nondomination non challenges postproductivist post productivist relations occupations Additionally Maricá Brazil

This study offers a comprehensive analysis of how governance capacities in developing countries respond to the challenges that COVID-19 posed. We established a theoretical framework to delve into the multifaceted nature of governance capacities, exploring two distinct aspects of governance: the Weberian one, which focuses on material and organizational capacities, and the Tocquevillian one, which focuses on coordination and associational capacities. We examined these four governance dimensions to illustrate how these distinct skills influence the effectiveness of governance. Our analysis quantifies the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic using such metrics as confirmed cases and deaths. We employ standard and dynamic panel data methodologies to mitigate potential omitted variable bias. Our research findings indicate that countries with robust governance capacities, as assessed by the Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Governance Index, are better equipped to respond effectively to pandemic crises. By applying several models and rigorous robustness tests, we demonstrate efficient resource utilization, the ability to guide and prioritize decision-making within the government, and commitment to cooperation and coordination with other nations and international organizations are the primary drivers of improved outcomes. Our findings remain robust even when controlling for relevant variables and employing estimation techniques that account for potential biases arising from unobservable confounding factors. COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 posed one deaths bias Stiftungs Stiftung s Index crises tests utilization decisionmaking decision making government outcomes factors COVID1 1 COVID-

A growing body of literature suggests that the platformization of the public sphere is eroding the public debate, thus potentially leading to the fragmentation of the public sphere. While there exists mounting evidences supporting this perspective there also exists a substantial body of literature that suggests otherwise. Within this realm of mixed evidence, studies on climate change visibility play a prominent role, presenting findings that both weaken and reinforce the fragmentation hypothesis. To investigate this matter in a context conducive for a fragmented public sphere, we collected a longitudinal (2014-2022) and cross-platform (Instagram, Facebook and Twitter) dataset (n=794.281) and correlated it with a secondary database on the press coverage of climate change in Brazil (n=3.490). Our analysis reveals a robust positive correlation between these datasets, indicating that the Brazilian public sphere retains the capacity to interconnect various arenas of visibility. We argue that this finding is particularly significant, given that it emanates from a case characterized by circumstances favoring a high degree of public sphere fragmentation. Consequently, our discovery lends support to a less pessimistic assessment of the influence of platformization on political communication within the deliberative system. debate otherwise evidence role hypothesis 20142022 2014 2022 (2014-2022 crossplatform cross platform Instagram, Instagram (Instagram Twitter n=794.281 n794281 n 794 281 (n=794.281 n=3.490. n3490 n=3.490 . 3 490 (n=3.490) datasets significant Consequently system 2014202 201 202 (2014-202 n=794.28 n79428 79 28 (n=794.28 n349 n=3.49 49 (n=3.490 201420 20 (2014-20 n=794.2 n7942 7 2 (n=794.2 n34 n=3.4 4 (n=3.49 20142 (2014-2 n=794. n794 (n=794. n3 n=3. (n=3.4 (2014- n=794 n79 (n=794 n=3 (n=3. (2014 n=79 n7 (n=79 n= (n=3 (201 n=7 (n=7 (n= (20 (n (2 (

What motivates voters to support candidates with backgrounds in public security for Brazil’s National Congress, the so-called Law & Order (L&O) politicians? The 2018 elections witnessed a surge in parliamentarians from police and military backgrounds and the election of a president closely aligned with this agenda. We explore whether this trend correlates with municipal-level violence indicators and the presence of municipal capacity in the security sector, employing various regression models that account for socioeconomic, demographic, political, and geographic factors. Our findings from the additive model reveal a negative association between the level of violence and votes for L&O candidates. This suggests a potential disconnection between fear, victimization, and support for repressive policies, while also indicating that local capacity in the security sector tend to enhance L&O candidates’ performance. However, our model incorporating the interaction between both variables uncovers that violence exacerbates the negative impact on L&O voting when the city has capacity in the security sector. This may reflect a municipal-level preference for preventive measures, particularly in more violent areas, which contrasts with the generally repressive stance of L&O candidates. Brazils Brazil s Congress socalled so called LO L O (L&O politicians 201 agenda municipallevel socioeconomic demographic political factors fear victimization policies performance However measures areas 20 2

In multiparty presidential regimes, the head of the Executive manages a heterogeneous political base through a series of instruments. Among these tools, the use of patronage in appointments for governmental positions and the deployment of pork barrel to please congressional representatives have been highlighted by the literature as the glue that holds together multiparty coalitions. However, current studies neglect the role of politicians as active actors in multiparty presidential regimes in channeling resources to their constituencies and parties when holding a cabinet position. This paper contributes to the literature by merging these two tools of coalition maintenance. We analyze a complimentary strategy that benefits party leaders in the coalition by studying the relation of top-level cabinet appointments and grant transfers to subnational governments. Using data from Brazil, a paradigmatic case of multiparty presidential regime, we intend to answer the following question: Are ministries in Brazil being used to please ministers’ constituency and party allies? Using social networking analysis and econometrics for the period between 2011 and 2014, we provide evidence that ministers use their position to transfer funding to districts governed by fellow party members and not to their own political strongholds following a partisan pattern instead of a personal one. instruments coalitions However maintenance toplevel top level governments regime question allies 201 2014 one 20 2

This paper advances our understanding of the Brazilian IR scholarship by exploring the topics addressed and the geographic scope adopted by its authors, tracing their evolution over time. We utilize data from 2417 master’s theses and doctoral dissertations from all IR graduate programs in the country, spanning the years 1987 to 2018. By employing a structural topic model, we identify latent topics present in the abstracts of these documents. This analysis not only allows us to trace a thematic profile of the Brazilian IR scholarship but also provides evidence that the expansion of the Brazilian IR scholarship in the 2000s has led to 01. an increased diversity of topics explored by researchers, and 02. analyses with a broader geographic scope, extending beyond the immediate region. Therefore, as the Brazilian IR scholarship has consolidated, there has been a transition from a policy-oriented approach to a more active involvement in international debates across different subjects and regions. authors time 241 masters master s country 198 2018 model documents 01 researchers 02 region Therefore consolidated policyoriented policy oriented regions 24 19 201 0 2 1 20

Climate change is on its way to significantly impact the world economy and people’s wellbeing. It is one of the most unequal problems faced by humankind, where those who caused the problem (richer people) are much better protected from its impacts, while those at greatest risk are the poor people who contributed least to climate change. Solutions to the problem have been negotiated by countries under the UNFCCC, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which has proven incapable of addressing the problem at the required speed. Alternative arrangements are discussed where focus should be on a much narrower set of countries responsible for the problem and capable of financing worldwide solutions. peoples s wellbeing humankind richer impacts UNFCCC Change speed solutions

This paper proposes an analytical and empirical shift to identify the meanings that state actors mobilize regarding social participation. It innovates by focusing on the perceptions of bureaucrats about participatory institutions and by proposing the dialogue between two sets of literature: the approaches of Participatory Institutions (PI) and of the Sociology of Public Action (SPA). From the former, it takes up the debate on the meanings of participation, while from the latter it takes on an understanding of bureaucrats as actors who mediate between the state and society and of the role of interaction in defining state action. It carries out a case study in the middle-echelon bureaucracy of the National Secretariat for Social Assistance, covering the period of political-institutional changes after the presidential impeachment. The main technique is qualitative and content analysis of 44 semi-structured interviews with DAS 04 and 05 bureaucrats. It concludes that there are multiple meanings of social participation among bureaucrats, influenced by attributes such as professional and management links, subnational experiences in politics and PIs, and academic background. It identifies a gradual decrease in the relevance of non-state actors for decision-making and the redefinition of participation as listening, which becomes both formal and uninterested. literature PI (PI SPA. SPA . (SPA) former action middleechelon middle echelon Assistance politicalinstitutional political institutional impeachment 4 semistructured semi structured 0 links PIs background nonstate non decisionmaking decision making listening uninterested (SPA