Abstract The objective of this study is to analyze the evolution of Brazilian competitiveness and its main competitors in the global lemon market for the period from 2002 to 2022. To this end, the Revealed Comparative Advantage (VCR), Relative Market Position (PRM), Coverage Rate (TC) and the Constant Market Share (CMS) model. The VCR, PRM and TC results are positive, showing competitiveness and relevance, being a strong point product. Meanwhile, in 2022, the results were below those found for Mexico, South Africa, Spain, Turkey and Argentina, with South Africa having greater competitiveness and Mexico having greater importance. The CMS indicates, in Brazil and South Africa, that the source of export growth was mainly due to the competitiveness effect, with South Africa being the biggest beneficiary of this effect, while for Mexico it was the destination effect. of exports and for Spain and Argentina, global growth.

Resumo O objetivo deste estudo é analisar a evolução da competitividade brasileira e de seus principais competidores no mercado mundial de limões para o período de 2002 a 2022. Para tal, aplicou-se os índices de Vantagem Comparativa Revelada (VCR), Posição Relativa de Mercado (PRM), Taxa de Cobertura (TC) e o modelo de Constant Market Share (CMS). Os resultados de VCR, PRM e TC são positivos, evidenciando competitividade e relevância, sendo um produto ponto forte. Entrementes, em 2022, os resultados ficaram abaixo dos encontrados para o México, a África do Sul, a Espanha, a Turquia e a Argentina, sendo a África do Sul detentora de maior competitividade e o México de maior importância. O CMS indica, no Brasil e na África do Sul, que a fonte de crescimento das exportações ocorreu majoritarimente em virtude do efeito competitividade, sendo que a África do Sul foi a maior beneficiária desse efeito, ao passo que para o México foi o efeito destino das exportações e para a Espanha e a Argentina, crescimento mundial.

Resumo O texto discute a trajetória da indústria farmacêutica global na direção de tornar-se o que se denomina atualmente de Big Pharma. Apresenta a configuração do Complexo Industrial da Saúde e expõe suas dimensões econômicas e políticas. Sugere como determinantes essenciais da transformação da indústria farmacêutica global na Big Pharma o processo de financeirização da economia política mundial e a harmonização do regime de propriedade intelectual realizado pela Organização Mundial do Comércio através do acordo TRIPS. Além disso discute as mudanças microeconômicas ocorridas no processo produtivo das empresas. Finalmente aponta que essa trajetória se inscreve no processo de fragilização da representação multilateral construída no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial durante a década de 1990.

Resumen El texto analiza la trayectoria de la industria farmacéutica global hacia convertirse en lo que actualmente se llama Big Pharma. Presenta la configuración del Complejo Industrial de la Salud y expone sus dimensiones económicas y políticas. Sugiere como determinantes esenciales de la transformación de la industria farmacéutica global en Big Pharma el proceso de financiarización de la economía política global y la armonización del régimen de propiedad intelectual llevado a cabo por la Organización Mundial del Comercio a través del acuerdo ADPIC. Además, se analizan los cambios microeconómicos que se han producido en el proceso productivo de las empresas. Finalmente, señala que esta trayectoria es parte del proceso de debilitamiento de la representación multilateral construida después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial durante la década de 1990.

Abstract The text discusses the trajectory of the global pharmaceutical industry towards becoming what is currently called Big Pharma. Also presents the configuration of the Health Industrial Complex and exposes its economic and political dimensions. It suggests as essential determinants of the transformation of the global pharmaceutical industry into Big Pharma the processes of financialization of the global political economy and the harmonization of the intellectual property regime carried out by the World Trade Organization through the TRIPS agreement. Furthermore, it discusses the microeconomic changes that have occurred in the companies’ production process. Finally, it points out that this trajectory is part of the process of weakening multilateral representation built after the Second World War during the 1990s.

Resumen A principios del siglo XVII, agentes holandeses llevaron a cabo actividades comerciales a lo largo de los ríos de la Amazonía portuguesa, actividades que no servían a los intereses geopolíticos de las autoridades españolas y portuguesas en la región. En la documentación portuguesa, los holandeses son descritos como “piratas”, “contrabandistas” y “herejes”. Sin embargo, muchos de los que viajaron a los confines más remotos de la selva eran comerciantes respetados en Europa que vieron una oportunidad de lucro en las regiones periféricas del Imperio hispánico. El sistema de puestos comerciales no se utilizó solo para exportar productos amazónicos a los mercados mundiales, sino que también conectó a los indígenas de Maranhão y Grão-Pará con los circuitos financieros de las ciudades holandesas. El objetivo de este texto es examinar los intercambios entre los nativos amazónicos y las redes comerciales del norte de Europa durante la unión ibérica, un periodo que a menudo se refiere en la historiografía brasileña como el “Brasil holandés”.

Abstract In the early 17th century, Dutch agents carried out commercial activities along the rivers of the Portuguese Amazon, which did not align with the geopolitical interests of the Spanish and Portuguese authorities in the region. In Portuguese documentation, the Dutch were portrayed as “pirates,” “smugglers,” and “heretics.” However, many of those who traveled to the farthest reaches of the rainforest were respected merchants in Europe who saw an opportunity for profit in the peripheral regions of the Hispanic Empire. The trading post system was not only used to bring Amazonian products to world markets but also connected the Indians of Maranhão and Grão-Pará with the financial circuits of Dutch cities. The objective of this text is to examine the exchanges between Amazon Indians and northern European commercial networks during the Iberian union, a period often referred to as “Dutch Brazil.”

Resumo No início do século XVII, agentes holandeses realizavam atividades comerciais ao longo dos rios da Amazônia portuguesa que não serviam aos interesses geopolíticos das autoridades espanholas e portuguesas na região. Na documentação portuguesa, os holandeses são apresentados como “piratas”, “contrabandistas” e “hereges”. No entanto, muitos dos que viajaram para os confins da selva eram comerciantes respeitados na Europa que viam uma oportunidade de lucro nas regiões periféricas do Império espanhol. O sistema de entrepostos comerciais não foi usado apenas para levar produtos amazônicos aos mercados mundiais; também colocou os indígenas do Maranhão e do Grão-Pará em contato com os circuitos financeiros das cidades holandesas. O objetivo do texto é examinar as trocas entre os nativos da Amazônia e as redes comerciais do norte da Europa durante a União Ibérica, período frequentemente referido na historiografia brasileira como o do “Brasil holandês”.

Abstract In the context of the international political economy, the human rights protection regime and the foreign investor regime are in tension because of a legal architecture that privileges freedom of capital. A content analysis of the Escazú Agreement would reveal, with respect to access to justice in environmental matters, that individuals and civil society have access to judicial and administrative instances contemplated in national legislation, while foreign investors under bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and free trade agreements (FTAs) have access to justice through international arbitration tribunals that are not always independent, impartial and that privilege the interests of the market. This legal architecture conditions the actions of States in relation to society and its rights. The conclusions point out that the Escazú Agreement faces legal challenges in terms of the investor protection regime, where economic guarantees limit concrete actions to address the climate crisis, protect the environment or enforce human rights.

Resumen En el contexto de la economía política internacional, el régimen de protección de derechos humanos y el régimen de inversores extranjeros atraviesan tensiones como resultado de una arquitectura jurídica que privilegia la libertad de capitales. Un análisis de contenido del Acuerdo de Escazú revelaría, respecto al acceso a la justicia en temas ambientales, que las personas y la sociedad civil acceden a instancias judiciales y administrativas contempladas en la legislación nacional de cada país, mientras que los inversores extranjeros, bajo la figura de los tratados bilaterales de inversión (TBI) y libre comercio (TLC), recurren a la justicia mediante tribunales de arbitraje internacional que no siempre son independientes, imparciales y que privilegian los intereses del mercado. Esta arquitectura jurídica condiciona el accionar de los Estados frente a la sociedad civil y sus derechos. El Acuerdo de Escazú atraviesa desafíos jurídicos frente al régimen de protección a los inversores, en el cual las garantías económicas limitan las acciones concretas para abordar la crisis climática, proteger el medioambiente o hacer efectivos los derechos humanos.

Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la política de la Unión Europea (UE) ante la migración forzada y el tráfico de personas proveniente de África a través del Mediterráneo central, que es el cruce migratorio más mortal del mundo. Este análisis evalúa los resultados que se derivan de aplicar dos políticas, la primera, basada en la seguridad fronteriza, y la segunda, a partir de la implementación del Índice de Desarrollo Territorial Sustentable, IDTS, como soporte de la gobernanza migratoria entre la U.E y los Estados africanos. Reconociendo que este flujo migratorio es consecuencia de diferenciales económicos entre los países de origen y destino, crisis humanitarias, estados fallidos o devastaciones ambientales. La metodología de investigación aplicada es descriptiva y exploratoria. El marco teórico parte de la teoría Realista que privilegia la acción soberana del Estado y de la teoría de Sistemas Mundiales para explicar que la UE ha optado por la securitización, al lograr disminuir la migración irregular, pero sin contrarrestar las causas de este flujo migratorio. Por lo que se plantea una solución que vaya al origen del problema, al promover que la UE con los países de origen migratorio trabajen en pro del desarrollo sustentable, el comercio justo y la transferencia tecnológica a partir del IDTS.

Abstract The objective of this article is to analyse the policy of the European Union regarding forced migration and human trafficking from Africa through the Central Mediterranean, which is the deadliest migratory crossing in the world. This analysis evaluates the results derived from applying two policies, the first based on border security, and the second, based on the implementation of the Sustainable Territorial Development Index, (IDTS), as the basis of migration governance between the EU and the African states. Recognising that this migratory flow is a consequence of economic differentials between the countries of origin and destination, humanitarian crises, failed states or environmental devastation. The applied research methodology is descriptive and exploratory. The theoretical framework is based on the Realist theory that favours the sovereign action of the State and the theory of World Systems to explain that the E.U. has opted for securitisation, by managing to reduce irregular migration, but without counteracting the causes of this migratory flow. Therefore, a solution is proposed that goes to the origin of the problem, by proposing that the E.U. with countries of migratory origin work towards sustainable development, fair trade and technology transfer based on the IDTS.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a política da União Europeia (UE) com relação à migração forçada e ao tráfico de pessoas da África através do Mediterrâneo Central, que é a travessia migratória mais mortal do mundo. Esta análise avalia os resultados derivados da aplicação de duas políticas: a primeira baseada na segurança das fronteiras, e a segunda, da implementação do índice de desenvolvimento territorial sustentável (IDTS), como base da governação da migração entre a UE e os estados africanos. Reconhecendo que esse fluxo migratório é consequência de diferenciais econômicos entre os países de origem e de destino, de crises humanitárias, de Estados falhados ou de devastação ambiental. A metodologia de pesquisa aplicada é descritiva e exploratória. O referencial teórico baseia-se na teoria realista, que privilegia a ação soberana do Estado, e na teoria dos sistemas mundiais para explicar que a UE optou pela securitização, conseguindo reduzir a migração irregular, mas sem reduzir as causas desse fluxo migratório. Propõe-se, portanto, uma solução que vá à origem do problema, promovendo que a UE juntamente com países de origem migratória trabalhe em prol do desenvolvimento sustentável, do comércio justo e da transferência de tecnologia com base no IDTS.

RESUMEN El avance del franchising representa una apuesta de sectores empresarios por una mayor flexibilización de la relación comercial, en la que las marcas líderes se deslindan de los costos de gestión del empleo a la vez que aumentan sus ingresos por la licencia de sus activos inmateriales ¿Cuáles son las principales características de las franquicias como Modelo Técnico y de Gestión Empresarial (MTGE)? ¿Cuáles son las principales características contractuales de dicha relación comercial? ¿Tiene incidencias en las condiciones laborales y organizativas de los trabajadores? El objetivo de este artículo es dar cuenta de estas preguntas presentando aspectos básicos del fenómeno de franquicias en el sector comercio, desde la sociología laboral, sentando las bases de futuras indagaciones. Así, recurriendo a datos del relevamiento de franquicias realizado dentro del PICT 031381 en Ciudad de Buenos Aires-Mar del Plata y a informes de cámaras sectoriales se investiga las franquicias en Argentina en 2023, enmarcadas como un componente del MTGE de creciente implementación en el sector comercio.

ABSTRACT The advance of franchising represents a bet of business sectors for a greater flexibilization of the commercial relationship, in which the leading brands are relieved of the costs of employment management while increasing their income from the licensing of their intangible assets. What are the main characteristics of franchising as a Technical and Business Management Model (MTGE)? What are the main contractual characteristics of this commercial relationship? Does it have an impact on the labor and organizational conditions of workers? The aim of this article is to answer these questions by presenting basic aspects of the franchising phenomenon in the commerce sector, from the perspective of labor sociology, laying the foundations for future research. Thus, using data from the survey of franchises carried out within PICT 03138 in the City of Buenos Aires-Mar del Plata and reports from sectorial chambers, we investigate franchises in Argentina in 2023, framed as a component of the MTGE of growing implementation in the commerce sector.

RESUMO O avanço do franchising representa uma aposta dos sectores empresariais na flexibilização da relação comercial, em que as marcas líderes se libertam dos custos de gestão do emprego, ao mesmo tempo que aumentam as suas receitas com o licenciamento dos seus activos intangíveis. Quais são as principais características do franchising enquanto Modelo de Gestão Técnico-Empresarial (MTGE)? Quais são as principais características contratuais desta relação comercial? Tem impacto nas condições de trabalho e de organização dos trabalhadores? O objetivo deste artigo é responder a estas questões, apresentando aspectos básicos do fenómeno do franchising no sector do comércio, na perspetiva da sociologia do trabalho, lançando as bases para futuras investigações. Assim, usando dados da pesquisa de franquias realizada como parte do PICT 03138 na cidade de Buenos Aires-Mar del Plata e relatórios de câmaras setoriais, investigamos as franquias na Argentina em 2023, enquadradas como um componente do MTGE de crescente implementação no setor de comércio.

Resumen El objetivo del artículo es realizar un análisis comparado de mediano plazo que permita conocer la evolución y fuentes de la competitividad de México y sus principales socios comerciales: Estados Unidos, China y Canadá, que ocupan el primer, segundo y tercer o cuarto sitio, respectivamente. En el análisis se incluye a Brasil en su condición de primera economía de América Latina. Nuestro país recibe los beneficios del elevado superávit de intercambio con socios del “Tratado México, Estados Unidos y Canadá”; estos beneficios contrastan por el abultado déficit con China y otras economías asiáticas. Una de las claves de esta problemática radica en la competitividad y el modelo de industrialización del país. Al respecto, se presenta una investigación documental acorde al enfoque sistémico-neoinstitucional que retoma los estudios del Foro Económico Mundial de Davos (FEM) y el Banco Mundial (BM). Los resultados revelan una divergencia entre las evaluaciones del FEM que apuntan a una evolución favorable de la competitividad global de México y el BM que detecta un deterioro de las condiciones para hacer negocios vinculada a la normatividad institucional regulatoria. En el análisis se jerarquizan las ventajas competitivas de México y las debilidades o fallas que las obstaculizan en el periodo 2011-2019.

Abstract This article aims to carry out a medium-term comparative analysis that allows us to know the evolution and sources of competitiveness of Mexico and its main trading partners: The United States, China, and Canada, which occupy the first, second, and third place, respectively. The analysis includes Brazil as the leading economy in Latin America. Our country benefits from the high trade surplus with partners of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement. These benefits contrast with the large deficit with China and other Asian economies. One of the keys to this problem links the country’s competitiveness and industrialization model. In this regard, documentary research is presented according to the systemic-neo-institutional approach that takes up the World Economic Forum of Davos and the World Bank studies. The results reveal a divergence between the WEF’s assessments, which point to a favorable evolution of Mexico’s global competitiveness, and the World Bank, which detects a deterioration in the conditions for doing business with allies to institutional regulatory norms. The analysis ranks Mexico’s competitive advantages and the weaknesses or failures that balk them in the 2011-2019 period.

Abstract: The article offers a reflection on the world of work based on three literary texts that explore the figure of the woman-seamstress in the 21st century: Advertencias de uso para una máquina de coser by Eugenia Prado Bassi, Trama y urdimbre by Matías Celedón and Job by Nadia Prado. In these texts, sewing is approached as a trade that has in the sewing machine its main signifier and in the word "unspecific" or "out of itself the enunciative formula of a writing of the feminine that seeks to intervene the social space of the shared common

Resumen: El artículo ofrece una reflexión sobre el mundo del trabajo a partir de tres textos literarios que exploran la figura de la mujer costurera en el siglo XXI: Advertencias de uso para una máquina de coser de Eugenia Prado Bassi, Trama y urdimbre de Matías Celedón y Job de Nadia Prado. En estos se poetiza la costura como un oficio que tiene en la máquina de coser su principal significante y en la palabra "inespecífica" o "fuera de sí" la fórmula enunciativa de una escritura de lo femenino que busca incidir en el espacio social de lo común compartido

Abstract The traditional terms of trade (TOT) shock analysis may be an unrealistic experiment, especially for a small open economy where the state of the world economy endogenously determines TOT. The dynamic relation between TOT and the trade balance needs to consider the nature of the global shock that jointly moves price and income, globally and domestically. We estimate Bayesian global SVARs for Brazil using a structure that easily communicates to traditional DSGE models to evaluate the presence of the J-curve and the Marshall-Lerner condition (MLC) following innovations we claim to resemble world supply and demand shocks. We do not encounter a J-curve for aggregate trade nor for trade in fuel, and capital and consumption goods. MLC is not verified only for trade in capital goods, but even in the cases where MLC is present, we observe that TOT and the volume exported are not correlated as expected, since improvement in the volume exported happens when TOT appreciates. Our results suggest that income effect plays the most prominent role for the dynamics of the trade balance and for the validity of the MLC, dominating the TOT effect. (TOT experiment domestically Jcurve J curve MarshallLerner Marshall Lerner (MLC shocks fuel goods present expected appreciates

Resumo A tradicional análise para avaliar impactos de choques nos termos de troca (TOT) pode ser um experimento irreal, especialmente para pequenas economias abertas em que TOT é endogenamente determinado pelo estado da economia mundial. A relação dinâmica entre TOT e balança comercial deve assim considerar a natureza dos choques que determinam conjuntamente preços e renda, doméstica e internacionalmente. Estimamos SVAR global bayesiano, cuja estrutura permite fácil comunicação com tradicionais modelos de equilíbrio geral dinâmico estocástico, para avaliar a presença da curva J e da condição de Marshall-Lerner (MLC) para a economia brasileira na presença de inovações que alegamos assemelhar-se a choques de oferta e demanda globais. Não foi encontrada a curva J para o comércio agregado e nem para comércio de combustíveis, de bens de capital e de consumo. Apesar da MLC não ser verificada apenas para bens de capital, o volume exportado e TOT não se correlacionam como esperado por teorias tradicionais, pois melhorias no primeiro ocorrem quando o segundo aprecia-se. Os resultados sugerem que o efeito renda é o principal determinante da dinâmica da balança comercial e para a validade da MLC, dominando assim o efeito dos termos de troca. (TOT irreal mundial internacionalmente bayesiano estocástico MarshallLerner Marshall Lerner (MLC assemelharse assemelhar globais combustíveis consumo apreciase. apreciase aprecia se. aprecia-se

Resumen: El presente trabajo tiene como propósito examinar los aparentes beneficios y efectos del libre comercio a partir de la dinámica propia del que fuera el General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) y su sucesora, la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC). Se denuncia el carácter eminentemente ideológico de las premisas tributarias según las cuales sus efectos son, en la generalidad de los supuestos, intrínsecamente provechosos para las economías en desarrollo y subdesarrolladas. En este sentido, se intenta demostrar que las instituciones de referencia han perpetuado consistentemente las derivas que el modelo analítico "centro-periferia" históricamente denunciara en detrimento de esta última. La metodología empleada ha consistido en la revisión bibliográfica del sistema GATT y el esquema de comercio internacional de la OMC, a partir de un examen crítico de estas últimas en función de las tesis de la economía estructuralista cepalina tanto clásica como contemporánea. Los resultados del estudio señalan que el sistema multilateral comercial y las propias políticas comerciales de las naciones hegemónicas, a través del funcionamiento primero del GATT y luego de la OMC, han supuesto efectos endémicamente disvaliosos para las economías periféricas. Las implicaciones de la presente investigación sugieren la necesidad del reexamen tanto en el ámbito nacional como interregional de los términos -actualmente poco equitativos- que rigen el comercio internacional, y de una promoción más activa, en ambos espacios, de aquellas políticas de desarrollo que sean provechosas para los países económicamente desfavorecidos. Clasificación JEL: F01; F12; F13; F53; F60; F63.

Abstract: The present work aims to examine the apparent benefits and effects of free trade based on the dynamics of the former General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO). The eminently ideological nature of the tax premises is denounced according to which its effects are intrinsically beneficial for developing and underdeveloped economies in the generality of the assumptions. In this sense, an attempt is made to demonstrate that the reference institutions have consistently perpetuated the drifts that the "center-periphery" analytical model historically denounced to the latter's detriment. The methodology used has involved a literature review of the GATT system and the international trade framework of the WTO, based on a critical examination of these in relation to the theses of both classical and contemporary structuralist economics. The study's results indicate that the multilateral trade system, along with the trade policies of hegemonic nations, through the functioning first of the GATT and then of the WTO, has resulted in endemically detrimental effects for peripheral economies. In this sense, the implications of this research suggest the need for a reexamination, both at the national and interregional levels, of the currently inequitable terms governing international trade, along with a more active promotion, at both levels, of development policies that prove to be beneficial for economically disadvantaged countries.

Resumen En 1974 se firmó el Acuerdo Multifibras con el objeto de facilitar el tránsito bilateral de confecciones. Bajo las reglas de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, el Acuerdo Multifibras fue reemplazado por un acuerdo de textiles y confecciones en 1995, con un horizonte temporal de 10 años, según el cual a 2005 la eliminación de barreras al comercio internacional para el sector de confecciones entraría en completa vigencia. Sin embargo, la permanencia de restricciones sobre el comercio proveniente de China no permitió la liberación completa del mercado, sino hasta 2009. De manera coincidente, el mercado internacional de las confecciones experimentó la entrada de China y la contracción de la demanda internacional producto de la crisis económica de 2008. Desde una interpretación teórica, y utilizando un estimador pre-post y un estimador de diferencias en diferencias, el artículo realiza una evaluación de impacto de las perturbaciones en el mercado internacional sobre la pobreza, el empleo, las horas trabajadas y el impacto en el número de trabajadores por cuenta propia en el sector de las confecciones en Colombia. Los resultados indican que la mayor competencia en el mercado internacional condujo a un ajuste con reducción en la ocupación, aumento de la pobreza, incrementos en la proporción de empleo por cuenta propia y pauperización de la calidad del empleo. Clasificación JEL: J23; I3; F13.

Abstract In 1974, the Multifiber Arrangement (MFA) was established with the aim of facilitating bilateral transit of garments. Under the rules of the World Trade Organization, the Multifiber Arrangement was replaced by a textiles and garments agreement in 1995, with a temporal horizon of 10 years. According to this agreement, the complete elimination of barriers to international trade for the garment sector was to take effect by 2005. However, due to continued restrictions on trade from China, the full market liberalization did not occur until 2009. Coincidentally, the international garment market witnessed the entry of China and a contraction in international demand resulting from the 2008 economic crisis. From a theoretical perspective, employing a pre-post estimator and a differences-in-differences estimator, this paper assesses the impact of disturbances in the international market on poverty, employment, worked hours, and the influence on the number of self-employed workers in the garment sector in Colombia. The results indicate that increased competition in the international market led to adjustments with a reduction in occupation, rises in poverty rates, increases in the proportion of self-employment, and a deterioration in the quality of employment.

Abstract: In this article it is studied the world of work from a perspective different from the traditional one. It will deal about union collaboration with the State, to problematize what has been the role of a trade union center when integrating into political power. A paradigmatic case, to understand collaborative unionism, corresponds to the experience of the Unique Workers’ Central (CUT) during the government of President Salvador Allende (1970-1973). The general objective is to examine the parastatal unionism of the central to achieve structural changes, as well as the transformations that their class traditions experienced from the political power. The hypothesis of this study is that the CUT transformed its tradition of opposition into parastatal unionism since it joined the political power. This did not imply absolute dependence on the government, nor did it imply moving away from the unión movement. From a point of view different from what has been said, demonstrated his agency and link with the world of work. The role played consisted of collaboration with the government, from the fight for the deepening of democracy and the chilean road to socialism, becoming a relevant actor of the revolution.

Resumen: En este artículo se estudia el mundo del trabajo desde una perspectiva distinta a la tradicional. Tratará sobre la colaboración sindical con el Estado, para problematizar cuál ha sido el papel de una central al integrarse al poder político. Un caso paradigmático, para entender al sindicalismo de colaboración, corresponde a la experiencia de la Central Única de Trabajadores (CUT) durante el gobierno del presidente Salvador Allende (1970-1973). El objetivo general es examinar el sindicalismo paraestatal de la central por alcanzar cambios estructurales, así como las transformaciones que experimentaron sus tradiciones de clase desde el poder político. La hipótesis de este estudio es que la CUT transformó su tradición de oposición en sindicalismo paraestatal, pues se integró al poder político. Esto no implicó dependencia absoluta del gobierno, tampoco alejarse del movimiento sindical. Desde un punto de vista distinto de lo que se ha dicho, demostró su agencia y vínculo con el mundo del trabajo. El papel que desempeñó consistió en la colaboración con el gobierno, desde la lucha por la profundización de la democracia y la vía chilena al socialismo, constituyéndose en un actor relevante de la revolución.

ABSTRACT During the first wave of globalization, the signing of trade treaties that contained the Most Favoured Nation clause proliferated. In this paper, we focus on the Argentine case. On the one hand, we propose that the agreements were extended by the need for governments to belong to an informal mercantile network in a world lacking multilateral institutions. On the other hand, we consider that those legal instruments were the key to commercial claims, especially when protectionism intensified toward the end of the nineteenth century, as is evidenced by the actions of the consular and diplomatic system. The main sources used are trade treaties, conventions, and protocols, as well as the Argentine Memoirs of the Ministry of Foreign and Religious Affairs.

RESUMEN Durante la Primera Globalización proliferó la firma de tratados de comercio que contenían la cláusula de Nación Más Favorecida. En este trabajo abordamos el caso argentino y, por un lado, proponemos que los acuerdos se extendieron por la necesidad de los gobiernos de pertenecer a una red informal mercantil en un mundo carente de instituciones multilaterales; por otro, consideramos que aquellos instrumentos jurídicos fueron el argumento central sobre el que se basaron los reclamos comerciales, en especial, cuando se intensificó el proteccionismo a finales del siglo XIX, tal como prueba el accionar del sistema diplomático y consular. Las fuentes utilizadas son los tratados, convenciones y protocolos comerciales, así como las Memorias del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto de Argentina.

Resumen A finales de 2004, el espacio sindical en Córdoba cristalizó una nueva división que se manifestó con la formación de la CGT Chacabuco y la CGT Córdoba. El presente trabajo examina el momento de conformación de la CGT Córdoba e indaga cuáles fueron los puntos de encuentro que favorecieron su constitución. Para ello, reparamos en las trayectorias previas de sus tres secretarios generales. El principal objetivo de la investigación es comprender la forma en que un conjunto de dirigentes interpretó y orientó la participación político sindical en Córdoba durante la primera década del siglo XXI. Como hipótesis, argumentamos que la unidad e identidad colectiva de la central se sostuvo en dos consensos entrelazados: uno, vinculado con la idea de autonomía respecto del poder político; y otro, con una visión del mundo semejante en donde el sindicalismo debía revalorizar su protagonismo en el entramado social. Abordamos los aspectos expuestos desde las especificidades locales, articulando aportes de la historia social del trabajo con un procedimiento situado en el método biográfico. Reconstruimos los perfiles de la conducción de la CGT Córdoba a partir de testimonios de los actores involucrados y/o manifestaciones que ellos realizaron en medios gráficos de comunicación comercial y sindical. Al mismo tiempo, con el fin de hacer inteligible este examen, contrastamos los elementos que trazaron su interpretación de la realidad con los puntos básicos de dos documentos producidos por la central obrera durante sus primeros meses de vida.

Abstract In 2004 the trade union space in Córdoba showed a division that resulted in the formation of the CGT Chacabuco and the CGT Córdoba. This paper examines the formation of the CGT Córdoba and investigates the meeting points that favored the organization's constitution. We examine the trajectories of its three leaders. The objective of the research is to understand the way in which a group of leaders interpreted and oriented the political union participation in Córdoba in the first decade of the 21st century. As a hypothesis, we argue that the unity and collective identity of the organization was based on two consensuses, one associated with the idea of autonomy from political power, and the other with a vision of the world in which the unions should regain a leading role in society. Here we work on local specificities, articulating the social history of labor with a procedure based on the biographical method. We reconstructed the profiles of the CGT Córdoba leaders based on testimonies of the actors involved and their expressions in the media. We also contrasted their interpretation of reality with the arguments of two documents produced by the CGT Córdoba in its first months of life.