ABSTRACT In the context of an ongoing study of the qualitative method in theology, the aim of this article is to show the relevance of this method in the field of Christian feminist theology, paying special attention to the experience of women. Among the assumptions of this reflection, a feminist epistemology is taken on in order to provide the critical clarification of the experience of women as a key element in the theological method, making the oppressive biases in the male-centered, socio-cultural and religious context, as well as women’s aspiration for liberation within it, visible. Likewise, the experience of the women-church, or Church of the Women, is considered as an historic movement of solidarity between women and men, keeping in mind a full liberation of humanity. The demand for a scientific study of these experiences leads to the need for justifying the value, usefulness, and efficiency of qualitative research in feminist theology, paying attention to some representative developments in different contexts. Together with other authors like Ada María Isasi-Díaz and Rebecca Chopp, Stephanie Klein’s contribution stands out. It displays the healing and empowering role of “dangerous listening”, which may assume a theology mediated by the qualitative method, to renew its discourse drawing from the painful and diverse experiences of women in search of liberation.

RESUMEN En el marco de una investigación en curso sobre el método cualitativo en teología, este artículo se propone mostrar la pertinencia de este método en el ámbito de la teología feminista cristiana, con particular atención a la experiencia de las mujeres. Entre los presupuestos de la reflexión se asume una epistemología feminista, en vistas a la elucidación crítica de la experiencia de las mujeres como elemento clave en el método teológico, de manera que se haga visible el sesgo opresivo del contexto socio-cultural y religioso androcéntrico y las aspiraciones de liberación de las mujeres en él. A su vez se considera la experiencia de la women-church o Iglesia de las mujeres como movimiento histórico de solidaridad entre mujeres y con varones, en vistas a una plena liberación de la humanidad. La exigencia de un relevamiento científico de estas experiencias conduce a la necesidad de justificar el valor, la utilidad, y la eficacia de la investigación cualitativa en la teología feminista, con atención a algunos desarrollos representativos en diversos contextos. Junto a otras autoras como Ada María Isasi-Díaz y Rebecca Chopp, se destaca el aporte de Stephanie Klein por mostrar la función sanadora y empoderadora de la “escucha peligrosa” que puede asumir una teología mediada por el método cualitativo, para renovar su discurso a partir de las diversas y dolientes experiencias de mujeres que buscan liberación.

Abstract This document highlights the position of the students of various degrees on very specific gender issues: machismo, sexual harassment, psychological or physical aggression, the treatment women receive at home, and the way housework is divided. The objective that was set was to know how the students of higher education institutions position themselves with respect to feminist demands and the protests of March 8 and 9, 2020. The participants were 290 students from the following institutions: Escuela Normal Superior de Jalisco (ENSJ), Universidad Pedagógica Nacional (UPN), Unidad 141 Guadalajara, and Universidad de Guadalajara (UdeG). Among the results and conclusions, it is highlighted that a high proportion of the sample participated in the days of struggle of the International Women's Day of 2020; the vast majority of the UdeG and the ENSJ consider that there is discrimination and violence in their study spaces, not so for those of the UPN; in all cases, acts of violence and discrimination decreased with virtual classes, and regarding domestic violence, most of the students from the three institutions deny that it is present at home, however, they recognize, in high percentages, that housework is carried out, above all, by women.

Resumen En este documento se resalta el posicionamiento de las estudiantes de diversas licenciaturas sobre cuestiones de género muy puntuales: el machismo, el acoso sexual, la agresión psicológica o física, el trato que reciben las mujeres en casa y la forma en que se reparten las tareas domésticas. El objetivo que se planteó fue conocer cómo se posicionan las estudiantes de las instituciones de educación superior respecto a las demandas feministas y las protestas del 8 y 9 de marzo del 2020. Las participantes fueron 290 estudiantes de las siguientes instituciones: Escuela Normal Superior de Jalisco (ENSJ), Universidad Pedagógica Nacional (UPN), Unidad 141 Guadalajara, y Universidad de Guadalajara (UdeG). Dentro de los resultados y conclusiones se destaca que una alta proporción de la muestra participó en las jornadas de lucha del Día Internacional de Mujer del 2020; la inmensa mayoría de la UdeG y de la ENSJ considera que existe discriminación y violencia en sus espacios de estudio, no así para las de la UPN; en todos los casos, los actos de violencia y discriminación disminuyeron con las clases virtuales, y respecto a la violencia intrafamiliar, la mayoría de las estudiantes de las tres instituciones niega que esté presente en casa, sin embargo, reconocen, en altos porcentajes, que las tareas domésticas las realizan, sobre todo, las mujeres.

Resumo Este documento destaca a posição dos estudantes de vários graus sobre questões de gênero muito específicas: machismo, assédio sexual, agressão psicológica ou física, o tratamento que as mulheres recebem em casa e a forma como as tarefas domésticas são distribuídas. O objetivo foi conhecer como as alunas das instituições de ensino superior se posicionam frente às demandas feministas e aos protestos de 8 e 9 de março de 2020. Participaram 290 alunos das seguintes instituições: Escuela Normal Superior de Jalisco (ENSJ ), Universidade Nacional Pedagógica (UPN), Unidade 141 Guadalajara e Universidade de Guadalajara (UdeG). Dentre os resultados e conclusões, destaca-se que grande parte da amostra participou dos dias de luta do Dia Internacional da Mulher de 2020; A grande maioria da UdeG e da ENSJ considera que existe discriminação e violência nos seus espaços de estudo, mas não para os da UPN; Em todos os casos, os atos de violência e discriminação diminuíram com as aulas virtuais e, no que diz respeito à violência doméstica, a maioria dos alunos das três instituições nega que esteja presente em casa, mas reconhecem, em percentagens elevadas, que o trabalho doméstico é realizado, acima de tudo, por mulheres.

ABSTRACT Mutual support groups are one of the most important collective actions in the psychiatric survivors movement or mad movement. Among its precursors, different proposals from social movements and community perspectives on collective health have been mainly well-known. In this article we carry out a historical overview of their antecedents, pointing out different actions from the Women’s Liberation Movement and the Women’s Health Movement. From this, we perform a critical analysis considering three axes to understand the emergence of collective actions in mental health: personal experience in relation to the sociopolitical structure; the construction of political subjects in this field; and power relationships in the management of madness and psychological discomfort. We show how mutual support groups, in the context of the mad movement, give continuity to the trajectories of collective and feminist health actions, and are positioned as tools for the creation of political processes in different sociocultural contexts.

RESUMEN Los grupos de apoyo mutuo son una de las acciones colectivas más presentes en el movimiento de salud mental en primera persona o movimiento loco. Entre sus precursores se han destacado, principalmente, distintas propuestas de movimientos sociales y de perspectivas comunitarias y colectivas en salud. En este artículo realizamos un recorrido histórico señalando, como antecedentes, diferentes acciones del movimiento de liberación de las mujeres y el movimiento de salud de las mujeres. A partir de dicho recorrido, realizamos un análisis crítico considerando tres ejes para comprender la emergencia de acciones colectivas en salud mental: la experiencia personal en relación con lo sociopolítico; la construcción de sujetos políticos y de conocimiento; y las relaciones de poder en la gestión de la locura y el malestar psíquico. Mostramos cómo los grupos de apoyo mutuo, en el contexto del movimiento loco, dan continuidad a las trayectorias de gestión colectiva y feminista de la salud, y se posicionan como herramientas para la creación de procesos políticos en distintos contextos socioculturales.

RESUMEN Los grupos de apoyo mutuo son una de las acciones colectivas más presentes en el movimiento de salud mental en primera persona o movimiento loco. Entre sus precursores se han destacado, principalmente, distintas propuestas de movimientos sociales y de perspectivas comunitarias y colectivas en salud. En este artículo realizamos un recorrido histórico señalando, como antecedentes, diferentes acciones del movimiento de liberación de las mujeres y el movimiento de salud de las mujeres. A partir de dicho recorrido, realizamos un análisis crítico considerando tres ejes para comprender la emergencia de acciones colectivas en salud mental: la experiencia personal en relación con lo sociopolítico; la construcción de sujetos políticos y de conocimiento; y las relaciones de poder en la gestión de la locura y el malestar psíquico. Mostramos cómo los grupos de apoyo mutuo, en el contexto del movimiento loco, dan continuidad a las trayectorias de gestión colectiva y feminista de la salud, y se posicionan como herramientas para la creación de procesos políticos en distintos contextos socioculturales.

ABSTRACT Mutual support groups are one of the most important collective actions in the psychiatric survivors movement or mad movement. Among its precursors, different proposals from social movements and community perspectives on collective health have been mainly well-known. In this article we carry out a historical overview of their antecedents, pointing out different actions from the Women’s Liberation Movement and the Women’s Health Movement. From this, we perform a critical analysis considering three axes to understand the emergence of collective actions in mental health: personal experience in relation to the sociopolitical structure; the construction of political subjects in this field; and power relationships in the management of madness and psychological discomfort. We show how mutual support groups, in the context of the mad movement, give continuity to the trajectories of collective and feminist health actions, and are positioned as tools for the creation of political processes in different sociocultural contexts.

Abstract This article traces the history of the first group of the second feminist wave in Costa Rica, the Women's Liberation Movement (MLM). To understand the ideas and debates the movement introduced into the country, an analysis is conducted of its speeches published in the Qué Hacer? newspaper published by the Socialist Organization of Workers (OST), the first Costa Rican Trotskyist party. The author concludes that the MLM positioned the discussion on the reproductive rights of women and the double shift through an analysis of national reality linking radical feminism to Marxism.

Resumen Este artículo recupera la historia de la primera agrupación de la segunda ola feminista en Costa Rica, el Movimiento para la Liberación de la Mujer (MLM). Con el objetivo de comprender cuáles ideas y debates introdujo en el país, se analizan sus discursos publicados en Qué hacer?, un periódico de la Organización Socialista de los Trabajadores (OST), primer partido trostskista costarricense. Se concluye que el MLM posicionó la discusión sobre los derechos reproductivos de las mujeres y la doble jornada laboral, gracias a un análisis de la realidad nacional que vinculó el feminismo radical con el marxismo.

Resumo Este artigo recupera a história do primeiro grupo formado na segunda onda feminista na Costa Rica, o Movimento pela Libertação das Mulheres (MLM). Para conhecer as ideias e debates que ele introduziu no país, são analisados seus discursos publicados em Qué hacer? (O que fazer?) jornal da Organização Socialista dos Trabalhadores (OST), o primeiro partido trotskista da Costa Rica. Conclui-se que o MLM posicionou a discussão sobre os direitos reprodutivos das mulheres e a dupla jornada de trabalho, a partir duma análise da realidade nacional que vinculou o feminismo radical ao marxismo.

Abstract The Palestinian women’s movement emerged early in the 20th century and from its beginnings it was associated with the national liberation movement. Its nationalistic rhetoric made the protection of women’s honor the ultimate milestone of the national trauma: the loss of the homeland. Taking the land-honor dyad as a starting point, this paper addresses the unique situation of Palestinian women. While Arab women in neighboring countries freed themselves from the European colonial yoke, in Palestine they suffered the tragedy of losing their land to the Jewish national project. We will introduce the main historical, social, and political characteristics that shaped women’s participation in each case: in the trenches, in the refugee camps, under military occupation, in prisons, in exile, as well as the strategies that they developed over time. This paper presents an overview of the Palestinian women’s movement from an historical perspective, ranging from women’s associations to the armed wing of the most relevant political movements, from their experience as political prisoners to the work committees in the Occupied Territories.

Resumen El movimiento de mujeres palestinas surgió a comienzos del siglo XX y estuvo desde sus inicios ligado al movimiento de liberación nacional. La retórica nacionalista hizo a su vez de la protección de su honor el hito fundacional del trauma nacional: la pérdida de la patria. A partir de la díada tierra-honor, el artículo aborda la particular situación de las palestinas, que sufrían la tragedia de perder su tierra a manos del proyecto nacional judío mientras sus vecinas árabes se libraban del yugo colonial europeo. Se presentan las principales características históricas, sociales y políticas que configuraron en cada caso la participación de las mujeres en las trincheras, en los campamentos de refugiados, viviendo bajo ocupación militar, en las cárceles, en el exilio, así como las estrategias que fueron generando a lo largo del tiempo. De las asociaciones de mujeres al ala armada de los principales movimientos, de la experiencia como prisioneras políticas a los comités de trabajo en los territorios ocupados, el trabajo presenta un panorama con perspectiva histórica del movimiento de mujeres de Palestina.

Gender is central to social life. Yet, throughout human history, the social order has been characterised by gender inequality. The first active steps towards creating an equitable society can be traced to around 1792 when Mary Wollstonecraft's "A vindication of the rights of women" was published. An integral part of her advocacy for all human rights was her rejection of slavery and she often drew an analogy between the positions of women and those of slaves. From the outset, endeavours at achieving gender justice were either supported or loathed by men. In the mid 20th century, the responses to the effects of feminism and those of women's struggles for equality culminated in a so-called "men's movement". A distinction is generally drawn between two types of men's movement that lie at the opposite extremes of a continuum, namely, at the one end, conservative or anti-feminist (the men's rights movement) and, at the other, liberal/progressive or profeminist (the new men's movement). Men's rights groups reject women's liberation, claiming that women cover up the reality that men are most oppressed and that they (women) actually possess the power. South African examples of anti-feminist movements include Promise Keepers South Africa and the Mighty Men Conference Movement. Women, in their turn, either welcomed men's involvement or regarded it with suspicion. Even if, during the 1960s, the women's movement welcomed male activists, some feminists were sceptical of this development and, by the mid 1970s, radical feminism surfaced. It largely rejected men's support of the women's movement, its premise being that all men benefited from gender oppression. During the 1990s, discontent among feminists became apparent. Criticism against what was regarded as hegemonic feminism was expressed by women of colour. These women rejected the idea of a universal sisterhood. Although black women in South Africa had actively participated in the liberation struggle since the 1950s, a distinctly feminist consciousness was totally lacking. The first steps towards establishing organisations geared exclusively towards women's liberation only followed late in the 1980s. African feminists, because they are not only concerned about women's issues but about social issues, generally accept men as allies. While several justifications for engaging with men have been advanced, some concern has however been raised as regards the involvement of men or the so-called "men-streaming" approach advocated by international organisations. Several provisos have consequently been advanced in this regard, the most fundamental of these being that such inclusion/involvement should be seen to advance the overarching feminist aim of gender equality. The male activists in Britain and America who supported women's suffrage at the beginning of the 20th century are viewed both as the initiators of the men's liberation movement and the pioneers of the profeminist movement that gained prominence during the 1960s. In South Africa, Sol Plaatje and Steve Biko are regarded as having been profeminist. Although profeminist groups are found globally, they are more common in countries with relatively longer traditions of gender-equity endeavours. South Africa, because of its relatively short democratic history, does not feature among such countries. Although profeminism developed in the American and European contexts, it eventually ‒ like feminism ‒ migrated to Africa. Several reasons have been advanced as to why profeminism has lately gained momentum in South Africa, the main being that the country is confronted by two major public health issues, namely gender-based violence and HIV/Aids - both being issues inextricably related to gender inequalities. It would moreover seem that, in the little more than two decades of the new democratic dispensation, very little has actually been accomplished in terms of achieving gender justice. South African women remain the poorest of the poor and are subjected to some of the highest levels of gender-based violence in the world. Against this background, there is an increasing insistence that men and boys be involved to achieve accelerated change. Current debates no longer revolve around whether men should be involved but around the precise nature of their involvement. Apart from the involvement of both women and men, there is a growing awareness that civil society should be actively involved. Activism of this kind at grass-roots level by non-governmental organisations ‒ termed NGO-isation ‒ has increased. Sonke Gender Justice, a local profeminist non-governmental organisation, attempts to counter the anti-feminism of a new youth movement (influenced by Julius Malema) and traditionalists like Jacob Zuma. In light of the apparent anti-feminism and also the fact that gender justice has as yet not nearly been achieved, the struggle for gender justice is now more compelling than ever. Though profeminist men who support the cause are indispensable partners in the struggle, their numbers are still relatively small. Ideally, all South African men (and women) should accept the gravity of the situation. If this conviction is accompanied by a commitment to the central values of the Ubuntu philosophy and the Constitution, both women and men will embrace the feminist model for social reconstruction and react positively to the fundamental aim of feminism, namely the elimination of all injustices.

Die sosiale orde word deur die loop van millennia deur genderongelykheid gekenmerk. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot die vrouebevrydingsbeweging en feminisme. Mans was van meet af aan betrokke by die stryd om gendergeregtigheid¹ - weliswaar op verskillende maniere. Sommige het organisasies teen vroue (antifeministies) en ander vir vroue (profeministies) gevestig. Op hul beurt het vroue aanvanklik mans se betrokkenheid verwelkom (in die 1960's), maar teen die middel van die 1970's het radikale feministe mans se ondersteuning van die vrouebeweging grotendeels verwerp. In die 1990's het feministe ontevredenheid in eie geledere ervaar. Die kritiek teen sogenaamde hegemoniese feminisme was veral van vroue van kleur afkomstig. Alhoewel verskeie redes vir mans se betrokkenheid aangevoer word, word sodanige betrokkenheid meermale bevraagteken. Talle voorbehoude word derhalwe in hierdie verband gestel. Alhoewel profeminisme hoofsaaklik in Amerika en Europa ontstaan het, het dit uiteindelik na Afrika gemigreer. 'n Suid-Afrikaanse profeministiese organisasie, Sonke Gender Justice, dien as teenvoeter vir die antifeminisme van ʼn nuwe jeugbeweging (onder invloed van Julius Malema) en tradisionaliste soos Jacob Zuma.

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo reflexionar sobre el espacio como construcción social, tomando como base el caso de La Esquina de las Mujeres, resultado de un acuerdo municipal que buscaba el reconocimiento de las mujeres en la ciudad y la generación de un lugar de encuentro para las organizaciones de mujeres. Este análisis se hace a partir de un ejercicio etnográfico; las técnicas de generación de información fueron la inmersión en campo, la observación participante, el registro en diario de campo y la entrevista semiestructurada, y, a su vez, se recurrió a la indagación documental y a una encuesta aplicada a una muestra significativa y no representativa como mecanismo de control.

Abstract This paper aims to reflect on the space as a social construction, based on the case of the Women's Corner, the result of a Municipal Agreement that sought recognition of women in the city and the generation of a meeting place for women's organizations. This analysis is made from an ethnographic exercise; the information generation techniques were immersion in the field, participant observation, field logging and semi-structured interview, and in turn, documentary research and a survey applied to a significant and unrepresentative sample, such as control mechanism.

Resumo Este artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre o espaço como uma construção social, a partir do caso do Cantinho das Mulheres, resultado de um Acordo Municipal que buscou o reconhecimento das mulheres na cidade e a geração de um local de encontro para as organizações de mulheres. Esta análise é feita a partir de um exercício etnográfico; as técnicas de geração de informação foram imersão no campo, observação participante, registro de campo e entrevista semiestruturada, e, por sua vez, pesquisa documental e levantamento aplicado a uma amostra significativa e não representativa, como mecanismo de controle.

Abstract: Based on an analysis of the journalistic reporting of Rosario Castellanos, this article rescues (o-- highlights) her importance as a pioneering intellectual of Mexican feminism. It defends the idea that her forceful, clear, and lucid reports demonstrate modern feminist thinking, turning on concepts of the effects of cultural mandates on female behavior, and supporting a critical look at the condition of women in Mexican society. In effect, Castellanos rejects the notion of victimization, instead stressing the need for women to stop being self-complacent; she proposes that women take responsibility for their own lives, thus developing and polishing ideas that are notably relevant and even radical today.

Resumen: A partir del análisis de sus escritos periodísticos, en este artículo se recupera a Rosario Castellanos como una pionera intelectual del feminismo mexicano. Se defiende la idea de que en sus artículos periodísticos se plasma con fuerza, claridad y lucidez un pensamiento feminista moderno, que gira principalmente en torno a los efectos del mandato cultural de la feminidad, haciendo un aporte a la crítica de la situación de las mujeres mexicanas. En efecto, Castellanos rechaza el victimismo, reivindica la necesidad de terminar con la autocomplacencia femenina y propone que las mujeres se responsabilicen de sus vidas, madurando y puliendo ideas que todavía hoy en día tienen vigencia y radicalidad notables.

Cette contribution analyse les débats de la militance féministe nicaraguayenne déployés durant l'année 2006. Quelques mois avant l'élection de Daniel Ortega, une nouvelle organisation féministe fut créée: le Mouvement Autonome des Femmes. Ses membres choisirent de s'allier avec le parti Mouvement de Rénovation Sandiniste partageant avec celui-ci l'objectif d'éviter le retour au pouvoir du Front Sandiniste de Libération Nationale, considéré comme « le pire des scénarios ». Ce travail explique ces processus et propose d'analyser leurs conséquences sur l'action collective des femmes. Il analyse également le sens du référent révolutionnaire et son poids dans les divergences stratégiques de la militance féministe.

This contribution analyzes the debates of the Nicaraguan feminist activism, which occurred in 2006. A few months before the election of Daniel Ortega a new feminist organization was formed: the Autonomous Women's Movement. Its members decided to ally with the Sandinista Renovation Movement party, sharing with it the priority objective of not allowing the Sandinista National Liberation Front came to power "the worst case scenario". This work explains these processes and analyzes their impacts on other feminist groups, also study the meanings of the revolutionary model in strategic divergences of militancy.

Esta contribución analiza los debates de la militancia feminista nicaragüense, ocurridos durante el año 2006. Algunos meses antes de la elección de Daniel Ortega, fue conformada una nueva organización feminista: el Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres. Sus integrantes decidieron aliarse con el partido Movimiento de Renovación Sandinista, compartiendo con éste el objetivo prioritario de evitar la toma del poder por el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, considerado como "el peor escenario". Este trabajo explica estos procesos y propone analizar sus consecuencias en las otras agrupaciones feministas y los significados del referente revolucionario en las divergencias estratégicas de la militancia.

O artigo discute o papel dos movimentos sociais na Amazônia, refletindo sobre o contexto de sua formação e sobre a relação estabelecida com o Estado. A articulação de grupos engajados com uma 'causa' começa a partir das iniciativas da Igreja Católica, notadamente pelos religiosos inspirados pela Teologia da Libertação. A região da rodovia Transamazônica é enfatizada em razão de sua história de mobilização social. Nesta região, as Comunidades Eclesiais de Base inspiraram os moradores a organizarem suas demandas perante diferentes setores do Estado, por meio de estratégias distintas, como passeatas, remissão de cartas, caravanas a Brasília etc. O engajamento feminino, entendido aqui como consequência da ação católica na região, produziu uma forma reivindicatória específica, como busquei demonstrar.

The article discusses the relevance of social activism in the Amazon, reflecting on the context of its origins and on the relationship established with State. The articulation of groups engaged in a 'cause' starts from the initiative of the Catholic Church, notably inspired by the Liberation Theology. The region of Transamazônica road is especially emphasized because of its strong path of social mobilization. In this region, the Basic Ecclesial Communities inspired people to organize their demands to different sectors of State through distinct strategies such as parades, letters, caravans to Brasília etc. The female engagement, understood as a consequence of Catholic action in the region, produced a specific form of claim, as discussed.

This paper explores turning points in the historical relationship between gender and technoscience, most notably the gender parity of the 2009 Nobel Prizes; the public debate on the under-representation of women in science that raged world-wide but especially in the US during 2005-2006; and the construction of a public memory for a leading woman technoscientist in the mid-1990s. The paper situates these turning points in the context of historical events, most notably the Scientific Revolution of the 17 th Century, WW2 and the Cold War, the women's liberation movement of the 1970s that legally ended overt gender discrimination, and the rise of covert gender discrimination since the 1990s. It concludes by highlighting the shift toward interactiveness and fluidity in the theoretical conceptions of both gender and technoscience.