Resumen <Romper a + infinitivo> es una construcción que focaliza el ‘comienzo’ de la situación denotada por el predicado cuyo núcleo es la forma verbal de infinitivo. Este valor, lo ‘inceptivo’, no es, sin embargo, exclusivo de ella. De hecho, y solo por mencionar algunas, começar a, pôr-se a, largar a + infinitivo son construcciones que también lo comparten. Por consiguiente, es objetivo de esta investigación indagar sus especificidades, para lo cual – a partir de un corpus constituido por material lingüístico auténtico, recogido casi exclusivamente de textos literarios del siglo XX – invoco varios argumentos, algunos de carácter estructural y otros de carácter sintáctico-semántico. Entre las especificidades (en el fondo, resultados y/o conclusiones), destacan la adición del significado ‘repentina y/o abruptamente’ a ‘inceptivo’ y la exclusiva coocurrencia con predicados que denotan situaciones dinámicas, con un claro predominio de los pertenecientes al campo semántico de “emisión de sonidos humanos”.

Abstract <Romper a + infinitive> is a construction that focuses on the ‘beginning’ of the situation denoted by the predicate whose core is the infinitive form of the verb. However, the ‘inceptive’, his value, is not exclusive to it. In fact, and just to mention a few, começar a, pôr-se a, largar a + infinitive are constructions that also share it. Therefore, it is the aim of this study to investigate their specificities, to which – based on a corpus consisting of authentic linguistic material, collected almost exclusively from literary texts of the 20th century – I will put forth several arguments, both structurally and syntactic-semantic nature. Among the specificities (basically, results and/or conclusions), the addition of the meaning 'suddenly and/or abruptly' to 'inceptive' and the exclusive cooccurrence with predicates that denote dynamic situations, with a clear predominance of those belonging to the semantic field of “emission of human sounds” stand out.

Resumo <Romper a + infinitivo é uma construção que focaliza o ‘início’ da situação denotada pelo predicado cujo núcleo é a forma verbal de infinitivo. Este valor, o ‘inceptivo’, não lhe é, porém, exclusivo. Com efeito, e só para convocar algumas, começar a, pôr-se a, largar a + infinitivo são construções que também o partilham. Por conseguinte, constitui objetivo deste estudo indagar as suas especificidades, para o que - com base num corpus constituído por material linguístico autêntico, recolhido quase exclusivamente em textos literários do séc. XX - convoco argumentos vários, uns de natureza estrutural e outros sintático-semântica. Entre as especificidades (no fundo, resultados e/ou conclusões), relevam o acréscimo do significado ‘de forma repentina e/ou brusca’ ao ‘inceptivo’ e a coocorrência exclusiva com predicados que denotam situações dinâmicas, com manifesta predominância dos que pertencem ao campo semântico de “emissão de sons humanos”.

Abstract This text intends to think about contemporary choreographic creation in an educational plane. Thus, in the context of theatrical dance and contemporary choreographic creation practices, it establishes a set of axes of reflection on the methods and processes of choreographic creation. It is an investigation that promotes meeting places, as places that relate artistic and pedagogical practices. Methodologically, the field of investigation, is in the interstices of the artist, teacher, and researcher. Therefore, artistic practice is thought as a cartography of experiences in dialogue with an investigative writing to maintain the life and the immanent movement of these unique processes. Where the teacher-choreographer and the student-interpreter are two crucial figures who share the infinitive form of the verb ‘to create’. Thus, the choreographic work is problematized as a place of dialogue between the agents of creation. Namely, the importance of the body and its indeterminacy on the path of encounter. How the unknown destabilizes the process, giving it a valuable fragility in the field of artistic education and the resistance of choreographic work. The creator-interpreter enshrines the possibility of entering a creative process towards a minor world, in a horizontal and collaborative relational scheme. Creation and education are ways of awakening attention to the unfolding of the body and, consequently, to its autopoietic and self-transforming mechanism proposing a new geographical landscape.

Resumo Este artigo pretende pensar sobre a criação coreográfica contemporânea num plano educacional. Assim, no contexto das práticas de dança teatral e de criação coreográfica contemporânea, estabelece um conjunto de eixos de reflexão sobre os métodos e processos da criação coreográfica. É uma investigação que promove os lugares de encontro, enquanto lugares que relacionam práticas artísticas e pedagógicas. Em termos metodológicos, o campo de investigação está nos interstícios do artista, professor e investigador. Assim, a prática artística é pensada enquanto cartografia de experiências em diálogo com uma escrita investigativa para manter a vida e o movimento imanente destes processos únicos, em que o professor-coreógrafo e o estudante-intérprete são duas figuras essenciais que partilham a forma infinitiva do verbo ‘criar’. Assim, o trabalho coreográfico é problematizado enquanto lugar de diálogo entre os agentes criativos - nomeadamente, a importância do corpo e a sua indeterminação no caminho do encontro. A forma como o desconhecido desestabiliza o processo, atribuindo-lhe uma fragilidade valiosa no campo da educação artística e na resistência do trabalho coreográfico. O criador-intérprete consagra a possibilidade de entrar num processo criativo a caminho de um mundo menor, num esquema relacional horizontal e colaborativo. A criação e a educação são formas de despertar a atenção para o desenrolar do corpo e, consequentemente, para o seu mecanismo autopoiético e auto-transformador, propondo uma nova paisagem geográfica.

Resumen Este artículo se propone pensar la creación coreográfica contemporánea a nivel educativo. Así, en el contexto de la danza teatral y de la creación coreográfica contemporánea, establece un conjunto de ejes de reflexión sobre los métodos y procesos de creación coreográfica. Es una investigación que promueve los lugares de encuentro como lugares que relacionan prácticas artísticas y pedagógicas. Metodológicamente, el campo de investigación está en los intersticios del artista, profesor e investigador. Por tanto, la práctica artística es pensada como una cartografía de experiencias en diálogo con una escritura investigativa para mantener la vida y el movimiento inmanente de estos singulares procesos, donde el profesor-coreógrafo y el alumno-intérprete son dos figuras cruciales que comparten la forma infinitiva del verbo ‘crear’. Así, se problematiza el trabajo coreográfico como lugar de diálogo entre agentes creativos, a saber, la importancia del cuerpo y su indeterminación en el camino del encuentro. Cómo lo desconocido desestabiliza el proceso, otorgándole una valiosa fragilidad en el campo de la educación artística y en la resistencia del trabajo coreográfico. El creador-intérprete consagra la posibilidad de adentrarse en un proceso creativo hacia un mundo menor, en un esquema relacional horizontal y colaborativo. La creación y la educación son formas de despertar la atención sobre el desdoblamiento del cuerpo y, en consecuencia, sobre su mecanismo autopoiético y autotransformador, proponiendo un nuevo paisaje geográfico.

Since no recent study has been done about Afrikaans Fisher language the aim of this article is to give an updated linguistic description of this variety.1 Heiberg (1957) conducted a previous study. Varieties change all the time (D'Arcy, 2015:484) and Afrikaans Fisher language is no exception. Due to Covid-19 the researchers were unable to focus exclusively on subsistence fisher communities. Covid anxiousness led to the fact that many fishers did not want to take part in this qualitative study, in which, inter alia, questionnaires and interviews were used (Blume, 2023:35). All fishers indicating their willingness to participate were chosen as respondents if they were between 18 and 75 years of age. The sample of forty fishers is therefore small but is supplemented by various other sources. The areas covered were the coastal areas of the Eastern, Southwestern and Western Cape (Blume, 2023:35). Afrikaans Fisher language has been influenced by different languages, especially Dutch, Portuguese, Malay and English and is recognised as a variety due to several unique words and expressions. Stell, Luffin and Rakiep (2008:293) indicate that the initial Malay and Creole Portuguese of the 20th century led to the development of Muslim Afrikaans. Heiberg (1957:96) explains that the names of certain types offish have an Eastern origin and that they most probably show Malay or Portuguese influence, for example: daeraad: Portuguese, dorado, English dageraad (Blume, 2023:80). Dutch words like dòòdstròòm, kabbelau, omweer/onweer, platvisch (to mention a few) show remarkable similarities with Afrikaans (see Overdiep, 1940; Blume, 2023:108). The list below indicates examples of English influence: bait: something to lure the fish with bait caster: somebody who uses live bait to catch fish beaut: (noun) - a big or pretty fish beautiful: to describe a fish that is big or pretty bottom feeders: Amongst others steenbras, kapenaars, Rooi Roman, Miss Lucy, etcetera cast: fishing method using a hook, line, sinker and bait catch and release: catch fish and throw them back into the water chum, chumming: use bait to get a lot of fish in one place coffee grinder: a type of pulley drag, smooth drag: the breaks on the pulley - "die drag is smooth". dropshot: hook made of steel with a built-in sinker and bait which is used to catch fish edge - "daai edge gee": have a better chance of a catch happy days: exclamation of joy hook-up, double hook-up: when fish bite or when more than one fish is caught on one hook live bait: bait that is alive pink prawn: type of sand or mud prawn popper: artificial bait in the form of small fish pull: when you can see that a fish bites because of the movement of the line rocket: used to describe a fast fish - "Hy swem soos 'n rocket." run: when thefish bit but try to swim away with the hook and bait. The Afrikaans equivalents loop and hardloop are also used. single: when only one hook is used size: when a fish is legally big enough spinner: type of bait made of metal which turns around in the water tentacle: a type of bait, specifically octopus tentacle tooth wire: strong line used to catch fish trawl: method of pulling bait behind a boat trigger: "hongerkliertjie trigger": stimulation of the glands on certain types offish, usually when the chum method is used try wind: used instead of probeer inkatrol unbelievable: emotional exclamation wangle: manipulate tools to function as they should Hybrid (English and Afrikaans) forms are frequently used: The following English fish names are used: banded galjoen: also known as bastard galjoen, demba. belman: other names are baardman, belvis, tasselfish. bronze bream: alternative names are hottentot, das, Jan Bruin, John Brown, fat fish, copper bream, Nyizala, butterfish, etcetera. bronzy: variant of bronze bream. cob: kabeljou flatty: frequently used in the Eastern Cape instead of Kaapse stompneus. garrick: also called leervis, leerfish grunter: instead of knorhaan gruntertjie: instead of knorhaan Miss Lucy: instead of rooistompneus pig/pig nose: instead of witneussteenbras pyltail (stingray): instead of pylstert, skerpneuspylstert, blou pylstert, vlinderrog raggie: from ragged toothed shark instead of yellow shark, brown shark shad: (Afrikaans: elf) swart musselcracker: (Afrikaans: poenskop). This fish is also known as black biskop, witbek, black steenbras, saqomolo, swartbiskop. Most fishers use either musselcracker or poenskop. tiger: instead of tiger shark wit musselcracker: Also known as brusher, mussel crusher, silver steenbras, white biskop. Most fishers use musselcracker instead of biskop. yellowtail: Seriola lalandi (Blume, 2023:155-157). Fisher language differs in terms of degrees of standardisation as certain words also occur in the general vocabulary, as indicated in the latest Handwoordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (HAT). Some words are not standardised as they are English words, for example shad (instead of elf) or they consist of hybrid forms, containing English and Afrikaans elements, like raggie for a specific type of shark. Other words and expressions are not included in the HAT, probably as they are not so well-known or frequently used in the general lexicon, for example bonnie/ bonnietjie instead of bonito. Stylistic variation is evident in the usage of the frequently used informal word flattie instead of stompneus. The degree of education can also lead to variation, as in skuide for skuite and kiewe for kieue. Certain meaning distinctions relating to Fisher language do not occur in the HAT, for example mas used as a verb and the meaning distinction "small boat" at the lemma bakkie.

Afrikaanse visserstaal is deur verskillende tale beïnvloed, waaronder veral Nederlands, Portugees, Maleis en Engels en word as variëteit onderskei op grond van heelwat unieke woorde en uitdrukkings. Daar is min geografiese differensiasie tussen Oos-Kaapse en Wes-Kaapse visserstaal as gevolg van die dialekkontinuum (Blume, 2023). Woorde in Afrikaanse visserstaal verskil ten opsigte van gestandaardiseerdheid deurdat sommige woorde ook in die algemene woordeskat voorkom, soos in die nuutste HAT aangedui. Sommige woorde is nie gestandaardiseer nie aangesien hulle Engelse woorde is, byvoorbeeld shad, of 'n hibridiese vorm van Engels en Afrikaans is, byvoorbeeld raggie. Ander woorde en uitdrukkings is nie in die HAT opgeneem nie, waarskynlik omdat hulle nie so bekend/gebruiklik is in die algemene leksikon nie, byvoorbeeld bonnie/bonnietjie in plaas van die standaardwoord bonito. Stylvlakverskille kom voor by die Standaardafrikaanse woord stompneus teenoorflatty (informeel). Laasgenoemde word eerder onder die vissers gebruik. Dit geld ook vir die gebruik van visserman teenoor visterman. Enkele woorde in HAT6 bevat nie die visserstaal-betekenisonderskeiding nie, byvoorbeeld bakkie en mas as werkwoord.

ABSTRACT To verify if the senses of the verb pegar (‘to grasp’) in Brazilian Portuguese form a radial category motivated by sociocognitive mechanisms, this article analyzes its occurrences in the Discourse & Grammar corpus collected in Rio de Janeiro. First, it verifies which is the most recurrent form, variations and/or regularities of the verb with AntConc 3.5.8. Then, it qualitatively interprets each case in the light of context and concepts such as radial category (Lakoff, 1987), image-schema transformations, and metonymic and metaphorical mappings (Johnson, 1987; Lakoff, 1987). Six groups of meanings were found, all of them structured by the MOVEMENT-PATH schemas. The extensions derive from the OBJECT schema metaphorization, schema transformations, and related changes in focus, as well as from metaphors and metonyms triggered by linguistic, discursive and contextual cues. The prototypical sense is ‘to hold objects’ (the TRAJECTOR IS A CONTAINER). The most peripheral senses are to have an idea and to move in a direction (IDEAS ARE OBJECTS and GOALS ARE LOCATIONS, respectively). The senses include ‘to hold’, ‘attack’, ‘pick up’, ‘move along discourse’, ‘speculate’, and ‘follow in a direction’. grasp grasp’ mechanisms Janeiro First andor or 358 3 5 8 3.5.8 Then Lakoff (Lakoff 1987, 1987 , 1987) imageschema image transformations Johnson, Johnson (Johnson 1987. . found MOVEMENTPATH MOVEMENT PATH schemas metaphorization focus linguistic cues objects CONTAINER. CONTAINER CONTAINER) IDEAS LOCATIONS respectively. respectively respectively) hold, hold’ ‘attack, attack ‘attack ‘attack’ pick up, up up’ discourse, discourse discourse’ ‘speculate, speculate ‘speculate ‘speculate’ follow direction. direction’ 35 3.5. 198 3.5 19 3. 1

RESUMO Visando identificar se os sentidos do verbo pegar formam uma categoria radial face aos mecanismos sociocognitivos que os motivam, o presente artigo analisa suas ocorrências no corpus D&G do Rio de Janeiro. Primeiro verifica qual é a forma mais recorrente, suas possíveis variações e/ou regularidades por meio do software AntConc 3.5.8. Em seguida, as interpreta qualitativamente no contexto de uso e à luz dos conceitos de categoria radial (Lakoff, 1987), esquemas imagéticos, suas transformações e mapeamentos metafóricos e metonímicos (Johnson, 1987; Lakoff, 1987). Foram encontrados seis grupos de sentido estruturados pelos esquemas MOVIMENTO-TRAJETÓRIA. As extensões derivam da metaforização do esquema OBJETO, das transformações de esquema e consequentes alterações de foco, assim como das metáforas e metonímias que os licenciam, engatilhadas por pistas linguístico-discursivas e contextuais. No centro prototípico encontra-se o pegar objetos em que TRAJETOR É CONTÊINER. Nas radiais mais periféricas, encontram-se o pegar ideias e o pegar orientacional em que IDEIAS SÃO OBJETOS e LOCAL DE CHEGADA É OBJETO, respectivamente. Dentre os sentidos, encadearam-se segurar, agredir, buscar, mover-se no discurso, conjecturar e seguir uma direção. motivam DG D G Janeiro recorrente eou ou 358 3 5 8 3.5.8 seguida Lakoff (Lakoff 1987, 1987 , 1987) imagéticos Johnson, Johnson (Johnson 1987. . MOVIMENTOTRAJETÓRIA. MOVIMENTOTRAJETÓRIA MOVIMENTO TRAJETÓRIA. TRAJETÓRIA MOVIMENTO-TRAJETÓRIA OBJETO foco licenciam linguísticodiscursivas linguístico discursivas contextuais encontrase encontra CONTÊINER periféricas encontramse encontram respectivamente encadearamse encadearam segurar agredir buscar moverse mover discurso direção 35 3.5. 198 3.5 19 3. 1

We examine verbs in series as they relate to Dixon's (1991, 2010) notion of secondary concepts. Our verb samples and their structures derive from an Edoid language of southern Nigeria. Emai shows asymmetrical and symmetrical serial verb constructions. However, our analytic concern is the differential realization of secondary concepts according to form class. Most verbs that realize secondary concepts appear in A-SVCs as a minor component. Some verbs that code secondary concepts shun serialization and generally take complements that are clausal, truncated, or obliquely marked gerundives. Other form classes expressing secondary concepts are preverb and particle. Members reveal a verb heritage that is either lexical or phrasal. Even a few nouns convey secondary concepts. Auxiliaries, while referencing secondary concepts, do not disclose a verb heritage. Secondary concepts in A-SVCs reveal an asymmetry as occupants of positions V1 or V2 in series. V1 manifests event and participant qualifiers, whereas V2 exhibits primarily event qualifiers. Both positions also evidence serial-within-serial structures. Overall, secondary concepts only partially align with Emai verbs in series. Since a significant number of preverbs and particles actualize secondary concepts and have a verb heritage, we assume they have grammaticalized from earlier verb-in-series structures. Furthermore, we hypothesize that the pre-verbstem position in the canonical simplex clause of Emai has had a privileged role in the emergence of secondary concepts as preverbs from verbs in series and in the continual development of serialization as an expressive means for event and participant qualifiers.

The emergence and the expansion of serial verbs can be affected by language contact. This paper focuses on a case study from Tariana, a highly endangered Arawak language spoken in the multilingual Vaupés River Basin Linguistic Area in Brazilian Amazonia. Tariana has numerous types of asymmetrical and symmetrical serial verbs highly frequent in discourse of all genres. Two kinds of serial verbs are on the rise. A construction involving a prefixed form -siwa with an emphatic, reciprocal, sociative, and reflexive meaning is developing into a serial verb construction. The motivation for this development lies in intensive language contact with the unrelated Tukano, now the major language in use by the extant speakers of Tariana, where reflexive and reciprocal meanings are expressed through serial verbs. The integration of recapitulating verb sequences with the verb -ni 'do, make' into the system of serial verbs is indirectly linked to the impact of Tucano where the verb meaning 'do, make' is used as a recapitulating device in bridging linkage. The development of recapitulating serial verbs in Tariana can be partly seen as an independent innovation, and as an outcome of language-internal pressure to create further serial verbs, expanding and extending the productive and much-deployed mechanism in the language.

Associated motion is a grammatical category which modifies a verbal predicate by adding a motion component such as indicating that motion took place prior to the event predicated by the verb. Many languages express prior associated motion ('go and V') in the form of a serial verb construction, while in other languages the same meaning is expressed morphologically. This suggests a possible diachronic link between serial verbs and affixes, but a comparison of the synchronic distributions of prior associated motion in serial verb constructions and verbal morphology reveal that such a path of grammaticalization is remarkably rare. This can be at least partially explained by temporal iconicity and a cross-linguistic suffixing bias. We conclude that prior motion serial verb constructions are relatively stable diachronically. The source of prior motion morphology is more likely other multiverb constructions, especially those with non-finite verbs where an overt morpheme marking dependency is lost to allow for a more efficient expression of this grammatical category, ultimately leading to univerbation.

Resumen: La colección de imágenes producidas en los últimos cinco años por la artista visual Chonon Bensho exhibe una serie de paisajes bordados de acuerdo con las pautas de diseño tradicional shipibo-konibo, bajo la elaborada técnica del kené. Nuestra proposición es que las escenas que se muestran permiten comprender la interacción entre palabra e imagen en la forma peculiar de representación visual que la imaginación productiva de la artista expone. Esta interacción verboicónica se expresaría esencialmente en la incidencia de los actos de habla y, en específico, del canto o poesía cantada en la construcción del bordado. Para el análisis de obra, entablamos el diálogo entre los componentes de esta última y las voces de la filosofía y teoría de la imagen europeas. Se busca una aproximación a los modos en que cada diseño shipibo rebasa la literalidad de la representación paisajística, consolidando su presencia icónica y a su vez, una intraimagen. Todo lo anterior, gracias a la correspondencia entre las metáforas del canto y la órbita simbólica de los bordados.

Abstract: The collection of images produced in the last five years by visual artista Chonon Bensho exhibits a series of embroidered landscapes according to traditional Shipibo-Konibo design guidelines, under the elaborate kené technique. Our proposal is that the scenes that are shown allow us to understand the interaction between word, and image in the peculiar form of visual representation that the productive imagination of the artista exposes. This verbo-iconic interaction would be expressed essentially in the incidence of speech acts, and specifically, of singing or sung poetry in the construction of embroidery. For the analysis of the work, we establish a dialogue between the components of the latter and the voices of European philosophy and theory of the image. An approach is sought to the ways in which each Shipibo design goes beyond the literal nature of landscape representation, consolidating its iconic presence, and in turn, an intraimage. All of these, thanks to the correspondence between the metaphors of the song, and the symbolic orbit of the embroidery.

This research focused on one of the messages in the Lord's Prayer, particularly Matthew 6:12 about prayer for forgiveness and forgiveness to others in order to suggest a concept revision for the sake of a rather normative modern Arabic audience. In the Smith-Van Dyck version, asking God for forgiveness serves as the basis for forgiving sinners by using the present and future form of the verb  Ÿ ž   � (as we will forgive). This translation is in contrast to 1881 Jesuit Arabic Bible, which used the past tense Ÿ ž �   � and �Ÿ ¡ �   ž (as we have forgiven) as written in the Greek Bible as ὀφειλήματα 'debts' by referring to the debt metaphor. This study examined the Arabic translation of Matthew 6:12 in the perspective of Nida and Taber's semantic adjustments. In light of the research findings, it was clear that the semantic adjustment and grammatical adjustment in the translation did not run on the grammatical structure of the Arabic language. The translation into Arabic also did not comply with the original source of the text, but it was accentuated by the interpretation of 'debts' into 'sins'. CONTRIBUTION: In conclusion, this fact can be seen from the choice of the word ' Ÿ ž' and the use of the future tense (fi'l muḍār'i) as opposed to the source text that uses the past tense (fi'l māḍy

Abstract It is known there are some forms, the first-person singular of the present indicative of opinion or doxastic verbs ([I] consider, [I] believe, [I] think or [I] suppose...), which present a great complexity of understanding given its polysemy and polyfunctionality. This paper focuses exclusively on the explanation of its pragmatic functioning and, more specifically, on the development of its most frequent function -the attenuation-, based on the uses of the prototypical nuclear form of its set: (I) believe. In order to do that, some of the main features that help to distinguish the pragmatic readings of that verbal form are reviewed and the generic behavior displayed by its uses in discourse is investigated. For that purpose, it is carried out a qualitative analysis of oral corpus (one conversational and one parliamentary), from which functional guidelines are extracted, which help to take a further step in defining its pragmatics specifically and in clarifying the general problematic of the doxastic verbs description.

Resumen Sabido es que existen unas formas, las de primera persona del singular del presente de indicativo de los verbos de opinión o doxásticos ([yo] considero, [yo] creo, [yo] opino o [yo] supongo…), que presentan una gran complejidad de comprensión dada su polisemia y su polifuncionalidad. Este trabajo se centra, exclusivamente, en la explicación de su funcionamiento pragmático y, más concretamente, en el desarrollo de su función más frecuente -la atenuación-, a partir de los usos de la forma prototípica nuclear de su conjunto: (yo) creo. Para ello, se revisan algunos de los principales rasgos que ayudan a distinguir las lecturas pragmáticas de dicha forma verbal y se indaga en el comportamiento genérico que despliegan sus usos en el discurso. Con este fin, se realiza un análisis cualitativo de corpus orales (uno conversacional y uno parlamentario), a partir de los que se extraen pautas funcionales, las cuales ayudan a dar un paso más en la definición específica de la pragmática de creo y en el esclarecimiento de la problemática general en torno a la descripción de los verbos doxásticos.

Resumen La alternancia de ‘haber’ como verbo personal o impersonal está presente en todas las variantes del español (‘Hubieron’ problemas/‘había’ personas). Si bien los prescriptivistas defienden que ‘haber’ pertenece a la categoría de los verbos impersonales y debe conjugarse en singular, muchos estudios muestran su pluralización (DeMello, 1991; Gómez Molina, 2013). A tales efectos, se presenta un análisis de la pluralización de ‘haber’ en el español de la Ciudad de México y de La Habana a partir de los datos obtenidos en dos corpus sociolingüísticos. Se analizaron los factores lingüísticos y extralingüísticos que condicionan la variación de ‘haber’ acompañado de una FN en plural o singular-colectiva para determinar los patrones de uso en ambos dialectos y delimitar su estratificación social, así como para comprobar si aumenta la pluralización cuando la FN que acompaña al verbo parece un sujeto prototípico. Mientras que La Habana mostró un 47,2% de pluralización, la Ciudad de México alcanzó un 8,6%. Los factores estadísticamente significativos fueron la colectividad de la FN, que desfavorece la pluralización y la animacidad que la favorece. En la Ciudad de México, además, resultaron significativos el grado de instrucción y la edad. Por la frecuencia de pluralización entre los jóvenes y los adultos, así como por su mayor aparición entre los registros con bajo nivel de instrucción, puede hablarse de un cambio lingüístico en proceso de extensión que favorece el movimiento de la construcción acusativa (‘haber + OD’) hacia una intransitiva que parece conceptualizar la FN como sujeto de la construcción.

Abstract The alternation of the verb haber as a personal or impersonal form appears in all Spanish variants (‘Hubieron’ problemas / ‘había’ personas). While prescriptivists argue that haber belongs to impersonal constructions and must be conjugated in singular form, manifold investigations show its pluralization (DeMello, 1991; Gómez Molina, 2013). For that purpose, an analysis of the haber pluralization in both Mexican and Cuban Spanish is presented from the obtained data in two sociolinguistic corpora. The investigation’s aim is to analyze linguistic and extralinguistic factors that modify the haber conjugations when it co-occurs with a collective plural or singular noun phrase to determine the use patterns in both dialects, and to delimit its social stratification as well as to verify if pluralization increases when NP co-occurs with a verb which shows features of a prototypical subject. In La Habana pluralization reached 47.2% while in Ciudad de Mexico only 8.6%. The factors that resulted statistically significant were the NP’s collectivity which disfavors pluralization and the animacy that favors it. Moreover, in Ciudad de Mexico the education level and age proved to be significant. Due to the pluralization frequency among youth and adults, as well as its greater use among those with a low-level education, it could be interpreted as a change in progress that encourages the displacement of the accusative construction (‘haber + OD’) to an intransitive one which conceptualizes the noun as the subject of the sentence.

Abstract: This article addresses the philosophical debate between Hegelian idealism and Nietzschean vitalism that arises within the framework of modern philosophy. It is a transition in which the conception and use of language and grammarcometo have fundamental ontological connotations, which can be appreciated very well in the contrast of the main texts of each author: Phenomenology of the spirit and Thus spoke Zarathustra, which have made up the corpus of this study. To observe their grammatical structures, an analysis using the new computational tools and approaches suggested from the most recent approaches of the digital Humanities has been seen opportune. It is a quantitative approach that tries to complement the close reading that a specialist can carry out. Specifically, natural language processing (known as NLP) has been applied, through a pre-trained model and by programming in R. It has been possible to detect the type of terms used in both texts, distinguishing their different grammatical functions, the dependencies between terms and the verb tenses. The article shows, quantitatively, how distant the two philosophers are and how they use grammar equally tenaciously to express and give to understand their ideas. From their philosophies it can be affirmed that grammar and ontology form a unit: grammar is used to reinforce philosophical ideas as much as these ideas are already derived, formed, in the grammatical structures themselves. Finally, computational tools prove to be, through this article, a pertinent complement for philosophical analysis.

Resumen: El presente artículo aborda el debate filosófico entre el idealismo hegeliano y el vitalismo nietzscheano que surge en el marco de la filosofía moderna. Se trata de una transición en la que la concepción y el uso del lenguaje y la gramática pasan a tener connotaciones ontológicas fundamentales, las cuales se pueden apreciar muy bien en la contraposición de los textos principales de cada autor: Fenomenología del espíritu y Así habló Zaratustra, los cuales han conformado el corpus del presente estudio. Para observar sus estructuras gramaticales, se ha visto oportuno un análisis mediante las nuevas herramientas y enfoques computacionales sugeridos desde los enfoques más recientes de las Humanidades digitales. Se trata de una aproximación cuantitativa intenta complementar la lectura cercana que un especialista puede realizar. Concretamente, se ha aplicado procesamiento del lenguaje natural (conocido como PNL), a través de un modelo preentrenado y mediante programación en R. Se ha podido detectar el tipo de términos empleados en ambos textos, distinguiendo sus diferentes funciones gramaticales, las dependencias entre términos y los tiempos verbales. El artículo muestra, cuantitativamente, cuán distante están ambos filósofos y cómo emplean de manera igualmente tenaz la gramática para dar a expresar y entender sus ideas. De sus filosofías se puede afirmar que gramática y ontología forman una unidad: la gramática se utiliza para reforzar las ideas filosóficas tanto como estas ideas están ya derivadas, conformadas, en las propias estructuras gramaticales. Finalmente, las herramientas computacionales demuestran ser, a través del presente artículo, un complemento pertinente para el análisis filosófico.

Resumen: La sustitución de la forma de futuro simple por una perífrasis formada por el verbo ir en el presente seguido por el infinitivo del verbo principal encaja en una tendencia general de las lenguas románicas a reemplazar formas verbales sintéticas por formas analíticas que se remontan a sus originales latinos. Este cambio está muy avanzado en Brasil, con el futuro simple casi ausente del habla vernácula brasileña, aunque su uso permanece en la escritura y en los registros más formales de la lengua. Sin embargo, el uso del presente de indicativo para la expresión futura se configura constante, correspondiendo esta variante en promedio a una quinta parte de las formas verbales que expresan futuro. Con base en un análisis variacionista cuantitativo, este artículo buscará caracterizar este uso como un nicho estructural en el proceso de variación y cambio, el cual está determinado por restricciones estructurales muy precisas, pero no es afectado por factores extralingüísticos, lo que explicaría su mantenimiento.

Abstract: The replacement of the simple form verbal future by a periphrastic form consisting of auxiliary ir in the present followed by the infinitive of the main verb fits into a general tendency of the Romance languages to substitute synthetic verbal forms for analytical ones that go back to their Latin origins. This change is very advanced in Brazil, being that simple future is already almost absent from Brazilian vernacular speech, although its use remains in writing and in the more formal uses of the language. However, it is observed that the use of the present indicative for future expression remains constant. This variant corresponds to one fifth of the verbal forms that express futurity. Based on a quantitative variationist analysis, this article will seek to characterize this use as a structural niche in the process of variation and change. It is determined by very precise structural restrictions, but is not affected by extralinguistic factors, which would explain its maintenance.

Resumo: A substituição da forma simples do futuro por uma perífrase formada pelo verbo ir no presente seguido pelo infinitivo do verbo principal se enquadra em uma tendência geral das línguas românicas de substituição de formas verbais sintéticas por analíticas que remonta a sua origem latina. Essa mudança está muito avançada no Brasil, com futuro simples praticamente ausente da fala vernacular brasileira, embora seu uso se conserve na escrita e nos registros mais formais da língua. Entretanto, mantém-se constante o emprego do presente do indicativo para expressão futuro, com essa variante correspondendo em média a um quinto das formas verbais que expressam futuridade. Pautado em uma análise variacionista de base quantitativa, este artigo buscará caracterizar esse uso como um nicho estrutural no processo de variação e mudança, que é determinado por restrições estruturais bem precisas, mas não é afetado por fatores extralinguísticos, o que explicaria sua manutenção.

Abstract: Since the 1970s, researchers such as A. Escobar (1978), Granda (2001), Cerrón-Palomino (1987, 1994), A. M. Escobar (2001) and Andrade (2007), among others, have pointed out the marker dice besides its variants dizque, dice que or, diciendo, as one of the most characteristic features of Andean Spanish language. The bibliography shows that, while in non-contact Spanish dice maintains its original citational use of the semantics of the verb decir, in Andean Spanish it has acquired a discursive role, as a marker of evidentiality. Furthermore, Andrade (2007, 2017) has found that in Peruvian Spanish dice has a narrative value, and a citation value when it appears in the form diciendo. This indicates that dice is in a process of grammaticalization becoming a discursive marker. Through the analysis of an oral corpus of bilingual speakers from Juliaca (Peru), where the speakers narrate myths, legends, or stories that have occurred in that area, we will try to contribute to the study of dice. We will describe the value that this marker contributes to the discourse, its syntactic behavior, and its semantic characteristics. In addition, we will observe how the contact of Quechua with Spanish in this area has contributed to incorporate new values to dice.

Resumen: Desde los años 70 del siglo pasado, investigadores como A. Escobar (1978), Granda (2001), Cerrón-Palomino (1987, 1994), A. M. Escobar (2001) y Andrade (2007, 2017), entre otros, han señalado el marcador dice junto a otras formas como dizque, dice que o diciendo, como uno de los rasgos más característicos del español andino. La bibliografía muestra que, mientras en el español sin contacto dice mantiene su uso citativo original propio de la semántica del verbo decir, en el español andino ha adquirido un papel discursivo, como marcador de evidencialidad. Además, Andrade (2007, 2017) ha constatado que en el español de Perú dice tiene también un valor narrativo, y un valor citativo cuando aparece en la forma diciendo, lo que indicaría que dice está en un proceso de gramaticalización convirtiéndose en un marcador discursivo. A través del análisis de un corpus oral de hablantes bilingües de Juliaca (Perú), donde los colaboradores narran historias que han ocurrido en la zona, leyendas o mitos, intentaremos contribuir al estudio de dice describiendo el valor que aporta en el discurso este marcador; su comportamiento sintáctico y sus características semánticas. Además, observaremos cómo el contacto del quechua con el español en esta área ha contribuido en incorporar a dice nuevos valores.

Abstract The aim of this paper is to prove the presence of a subjunctive pluperfect using ser as an auxiliary verb in the speech community of the city of Almería, Spain. In order to do this a sample of 50 survey respondents was obtained, considering certain social variables such as gender, age and socio-educational level as well as several types of linguistic factors, like semantic features of the verb, its transitivity or its intransitivity, grammar both person and number of verb conjugation and the syntactic-semantic context of occurrence. The results show the predominant usage of this construction over the form haber + participle; its homogeneity (the speaker who uses the verb ser does it so in all cases, he doesn’t alternate with haber); and the gradual extension of usage of the verb ser ending in -se compared to the traditional ending in -ra among younger speakers.

Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es demostrar la presencia de un pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo auxiliado con ser dentro de la comunidad de habla de la ciudad de Almería. A tal fin se ha realizado una muestra con 50 informantes, en la que se han respetado una serie de variables sociales (sexo, edad y nivel de instrucción) y se ha atendido a varios tipos de factores lingüísticos (rasgos semánticos del verbo, transitividad o intransitividad, persona y número en los que es conjugado y contexto sintáctico-semántico de aparición). Los resultados evidencian la vitalidad de esta construcción, que supera a la formada por haber + participio; su homogeneidad (el hablante que recurre al verbo ser lo hace siempre, no se dan alternancias con haber); y la paulatina extensión de las formas del verbo ser terminadas en -se frente a las tradicionales en -ra entre los hablantes más jóvenes.