Resumen Desde un enfoque cualitativo, este trabajo tiene por objetivo analizar cuáles fueron las políticas de articulación y comunicación de la gestión educativa provincial de Cambiemos (2015-2019) con los actores de la comunidad educativa bonaerense. Específicamente, nos proponemos indagar el lugar ocuparon las familias en tanto actores de la comunidad educativa en la agenda política de Cambiemos, en un escenario de disputa con los sindicatos sobre las formas de regulación de la educación. El gobierno educativo bonaerense de Cambiemos, encontró en las familias, en tanto actores de la comunidad educativa, un potencial aliado para reorientar la administración educativa desde la oferta del Estado hacia la demanda de los beneficiarios de las políticas. A su vez, las familias se presentaron como un actor estratégico de gestión para la construcción de nuevas alianzas territoriales, que permitan desplazar y debilitar el peso histórico de otros actores organizados de la comunidad, como los sindicatos docentes.

Resumo Com base em uma pesquisa qualitativa, este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar quais foram as políticas de articulação e comunicação da gestão educacional provincial de Cambiemos (2015-2019) com os atores da comunidade educativa de Buenos Aires. Especificamente, propomos investigar o lugar ocupado pelas famílias como atores da comunidade educativa na agenda política de Cambiemos, num cenário de disputa com os sindicatos pelas formas de regulação da educação. O governo educacional de Cambiemos, em Buenos Aires, encontrou nas famílias, como atores da comunidade educacional, um potencial aliado para reorientar a administração educacional da oferta do Estado para a demanda dos beneficiários das políticas. Por sua vez, as famílias foram apresentadas como ator estratégico de gestão para a construção de novas alianças territoriais, permitindo o deslocamento e o enfraquecimento do peso histórico de outros atores organizados na comunidade, como os sindicatos docentes.

Abstract From a qualitative approach, this paper aims to analyse the articulation and communication policies of the provincial educational administration of Cambiemos (2015-2019) with the actors of the educational community of Buenos Aires. Specifically, we intend to investigate the place occupied by families as actors of the educational community in the political agenda of Cambiemos, in a scenario of dispute with trade unions on the forms of regulation of education. The Buenos Aires education government of Cambiemos found in families, as actors of the educational community, a potential ally to reorient the educational administration from the supply of the State towards the demand of the beneficiaries of the policies. At the same time, families were presented as a strategic management actor for the construction of new territorial alliances that could displace and weaken the historical weight of other organised actors in the community, such as teachers' unions.

Abstract: This article aims to reconstruct the career of Eduardo Castelo, a Materfer worker and leader of the Sindicato de Trabajadores de Fiat Materfer (SiTraM) and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT), between 1946 and 1976. We will focus on analyzing the interaction between workers and political organizations in a context of combativity and political radicalization of the working class during the 1970s. Based on a comparative analysis, we will reconstruct, on the one hand, the process of joining Fiat Materfer to the recovery of SiTraM in 1970. On the other hand, we will research his participation in union affairs and his incorporation into the PRT until his assassination by the military forces within the framework of the military coup of March 24, 1976. Our research will be based on the review of union and party documents, newspapers of the period studied, documents prepared by the Security Forces and interviews with PRT militants.

Resumen: El presente artículo se propone reconstruir la trayectoria de Eduardo Castelo, obrero de Materfer y dirigente del Sindicato de Trabajadores de Fiat Materfer (SiTraM) y del Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT), entre 1946 y 1976. Nos concentraremos en analizar la interacción entre los trabajadores y las organizaciones políticas en un contexto de combatividad y radicalización política de la clase trabajadora durante los años 70. A partir de un análisis comparado, reconstruiremos, por un lado, el proceso que va de su ingreso a Fiat Materfer a la recuperación del SiTraM en 1970. Por el otro, indagaremos sobre su participación en los asuntos sindicales y su incorporación al PRT hasta su asesinato por las fuerzas militares en el marco del golpe militar del 24 de marzo de 1976. Nuestra investigación se basará en la revisión de documentos sindicales y partidarios, periódicos de la época, documentos elaborados por las Fuerzas de Seguridad y entrevistas a militantes del PRT.

Resumen El presente artículo analiza la trayectoria de la FORA en la ciudad de Buenos Aires durante la década del treinta, prestando atención a las transformaciones y limitaciones que esta organización sindical de orientación anarquista tuvo que enfrentar en una etapa de importantes desafíos para el movimiento obrero y las izquierdas. La indagación reconstruye las preocupaciones políticas esgrimidas por la FORA, sus intervenciones sociales y las áreas económicas donde sus sindicatos continuaron teniendo influencia. A su vez, el trabajo explora en los límites que condicionaron la proyección de esta organización, tanto en los ejes externos, reflejados en el contexto reaccionario y la mayor intervención del Estado en materia laboral; como en los factores internos, que derivaron en fuertes disputas al interior del anarquismo y la creación de nuevas organizaciones al margen de la tradicional federación obrera. A través de estos ejes se presta atención a las propuestas desarrolladas por los libertarios para revertir los condicionantes instaurados en aquellos años y la reconfiguración ocurrida dentro del movimiento obrero y del anarquismo porteño. Para este estudio se utilizó un variado corpus documental que incluye fuentes estatales, prensa comercial, archivos sindicales y periódicos anarquistas de diferentes tendencias.

Abstract The present paper analyzes the trajectory of FORA in the city of Buenos Aires during the thirties, paying attention to the transformations and limitations that this anarchist-oriented trade union organization had to face at a time of important challenges for the labor movement and for the left. The indagation reconstructs the political concerns put forward by FORA, its social interventions and the economic areas where its unions maintained its influence. In turn, the work explores the limits that conditioned the projection of this organization, both in the external axes -reflected in the reactionary context and the greater intervention of the State in labor matters- as in internal factors -which led to strong disputes within anarchism and the creation of new organizations outside the traditional workers' federation-. Through these axes, attention is paid to the proposals developed by the libertarians to reverse the conditioning factors established in those years and the reconfiguration that occurred within the labor movement and the anarchism of Buenos Aires. For this study, a varied documentary corpus was used which includes state sources, commercial press, union files and anarchist newspapers of different tendencies.

RESUMO Este estudo explora como trajetórias e ideologias influenciam o ativismo internacional de sindicatos de metalúrgicos brasileiros da Volkswagen do Brasil entre 1999 e 2022. Analisamos cinco sindicatos usando entrevistas e documentos. O Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC destaca-se na internacionalização; outros têm níveis variados, refletindo suas histórias e ideais, conforme previsto pela teoria do confronto político. 199 2022 documentos destacase destaca se internacionalização variados ideais político 19 202 1 20 2

ABSTRACT This study investigates how trajectories and ideologies shape the international trade union activism among Volkswagen of Brazil metalworkers from 1999 to 2022. We analyzed five unions through interviews and documents. The Metalworkers Union of ABC stood out in internationalization, while others exhibited different levels according to their histories and ideals, such as highlighted by the political confrontation theory. 199 2022 documents internationalization ideals theory 19 202 1 20 2

Abstract The paper has two objectives. 1) Recognize the content and outcome of negotiations between union leaders and government in the late twentieth century. 2) Understand how they built and maintained a relationship during that time. We maintain that both actors shaped a political exchange focused on the granting of limited benefits by the State in exchange for a demobilization of union action. Here we use a qualitative research method and analyze a diverse documentary corpus of written and oral sources.

Resumen El artículo propone reconocer el contenido y resultado de las negociaciones entre una parte de la conducción sindical y el gobierno de la provincia de Córdoba, Argentina, a finales del siglo XX; y comprender la forma en que ellos construyeron y sostuvieron una relación en ese periodo. Sostenemos que ambos actores configuraron un intercambio político centrado en la concesión de beneficios acotados por parte del Estado a cambio de una desmovilización de la acción sindical. Para esto empleamos un método de investigación cualitativo y analizamos un corpus documental compuesto por fuentes hemerográficas y orales.

Resumo: Este artigo analisa as discussões sobre o modelo alemão de aprendizagem dupla durante o diálogo social tripartite realizadona Costa Rica entre 27 de fevereiro e 1º de setembro de 2017. Essa arena de diálogo, moderada pela Organização Internacional do Trabalho, contou com a participação de representantes de empresas, sindicatos e do governo. A análise se concentra nas representações sociais e nas referências intersubjetivas especificamente desenvolvidas por atores estatais e paraestatais sobre as características e os potenciais do modelo alemão de aprendizagem dupla para resolver determinados problemas sociais na Costa Rica. Para isso, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com representantes do Estado que participaram do diálogo, bem como com representantes paraestatais que estiveram envolvidos nas discussões sobre o tema. Como resultado, uma das principais constatações é que, na dinâmica da cooperação política, o modelo alemão de aprendizagem dual é tratado como um produto de “exportação/importação” capaz de resolver problemas como o desemprego juvenil e a pobreza entre os jovens. A referência ao modelo alemão de melhores práticas e à Alemanha como tal é usada para limitar a participação adequada dos atores e a compreensão dos problemas sociais.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza las discusiones sobre el modelo alemán de aprendizaje dual durante el diálogo social tripartito celebrado en Costa Rica entre el 27 de febrero y el 1 de setiembre de 2017. A este escenario de diálogo, moderado por la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, asistieron representantes de empresas, sindi- catos y el gobierno. El análisis se centra en las representaciones sociales y referencias intersubjetivas elaboradas específicamente por actores estatales y paraestatales sobre las características y potencialidades del modelo alemán de aprendizaje dual para resolver determinados problemas sociales en Costa Rica. Para ello, se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a representantes estatales que participaron en el diálogo, así como a representantes paraestatales que intervinieron en las discusiones sobre el tema. Como resultado, uno de los principales hallazgos es que, dentro de la dinámica de cooperación política, el modelo alemán de aprendizaje dual es tratado como un producto de “exportación/importación” capaz de resolver problemas como el desempleo juvenil y la pobreza entre los jóvenes. La referencia al modelo alemán de buenas prácticas y a Alemania como tal se utiliza para limitar la adecuada participación de los actores y la comprensión de los problemas sociales.

Abstract: This article analyzes the discussions on the German dual apprenticeship model during the tripartite social dialogue held in Costa Rica between February 27 and September 1, 2017. This dialogue arena, moderated by the International Labour Organization, was attended by representatives of companies, trade unions, and the government. The analysis focuses on the social representations and intersubjective references specifically developed by state and parastatal actors on the characteristics and potentials of the German dual apprenticeship model to solve certain social problems in Costa Rica. For this purpose, semi-structured interviews were conducted with state representatives who participated in the dialogue, as well as with parastatal representatives who were involved in the discussions on the topic. As a result, one of the main findings is that within the dynamics of political cooperation, the German dual apprenticeship model is treated as an “export/import” product capable of solving problems such as youth unemployment and poverty among young people. The reference to the German best practice model and to Germany as such is used to limit the adequate participation of actors and the understanding of social problems.

Resumen A finales de 2004, el espacio sindical en Córdoba cristalizó una nueva división que se manifestó con la formación de la CGT Chacabuco y la CGT Córdoba. El presente trabajo examina el momento de conformación de la CGT Córdoba e indaga cuáles fueron los puntos de encuentro que favorecieron su constitución. Para ello, reparamos en las trayectorias previas de sus tres secretarios generales. El principal objetivo de la investigación es comprender la forma en que un conjunto de dirigentes interpretó y orientó la participación político sindical en Córdoba durante la primera década del siglo XXI. Como hipótesis, argumentamos que la unidad e identidad colectiva de la central se sostuvo en dos consensos entrelazados: uno, vinculado con la idea de autonomía respecto del poder político; y otro, con una visión del mundo semejante en donde el sindicalismo debía revalorizar su protagonismo en el entramado social. Abordamos los aspectos expuestos desde las especificidades locales, articulando aportes de la historia social del trabajo con un procedimiento situado en el método biográfico. Reconstruimos los perfiles de la conducción de la CGT Córdoba a partir de testimonios de los actores involucrados y/o manifestaciones que ellos realizaron en medios gráficos de comunicación comercial y sindical. Al mismo tiempo, con el fin de hacer inteligible este examen, contrastamos los elementos que trazaron su interpretación de la realidad con los puntos básicos de dos documentos producidos por la central obrera durante sus primeros meses de vida.

Abstract In 2004 the trade union space in Córdoba showed a division that resulted in the formation of the CGT Chacabuco and the CGT Córdoba. This paper examines the formation of the CGT Córdoba and investigates the meeting points that favored the organization's constitution. We examine the trajectories of its three leaders. The objective of the research is to understand the way in which a group of leaders interpreted and oriented the political union participation in Córdoba in the first decade of the 21st century. As a hypothesis, we argue that the unity and collective identity of the organization was based on two consensuses, one associated with the idea of autonomy from political power, and the other with a vision of the world in which the unions should regain a leading role in society. Here we work on local specificities, articulating the social history of labor with a procedure based on the biographical method. We reconstructed the profiles of the CGT Córdoba leaders based on testimonies of the actors involved and their expressions in the media. We also contrasted their interpretation of reality with the arguments of two documents produced by the CGT Córdoba in its first months of life.

Resumen: Utilizando un enfoque transnacional, este artículo examina la división de la Confederación de Trabajadores de Chile (CTCH) entre 1946 y 1952. La literatura histórica existente se ha centrado principalmente en los conflictos entre las facciones socialistas y comunistas, enfatizando el sentimiento anticomunista que prevaleció durante el liderazgo de Bernardo Ibáñez y el Presidente Gabriel González Videla, particularmente con la aplicación de la "Ley Maldita". Mediante la utilización de fuentes primarias, archivos, materiales de prensa y la realización de una revisión bibliográfica específica, este estudio pretende ampliar el discurso y arrojar luz sobre la compleja dinámica que se desarrolló en el seno del sindicalismo latinoamericano con el telón de fondo de la Guerra Fría y la influencia de Estados Unidos, canalizada a través de la American Federation of Labor (AFL), para promover un sindicalismo "democrático" en las Américas. En última instancia, esto condujo a la fragmentación de la CTCH debido a la rivalidad entre facciones socialistas y comunistas. En este contexto, se resitúa la figura de Bernardo Ibáñez, quien ocupó posiciones estratégicas en el sindicalismo nacional e internacional, así como en el socialismo que predominó entre 1946-1952, pero cuyo protagonismo está subvalorado en la hagiografía partidaria y la historiografía política y sindical.

Abstract: Using a transnational approach, this article examines the division of the Confederación de Trabajadores de Chile (CTCH) between 1946 and 1952. The existing historical literature has mainly focused on the conflicts between socialist and communist factions, emphasizing the anti-communist sentiment that prevailed during the leadership of Bernardo Ibáñez and President Gabriel González Videla, particularly with the enforcement of the “Damned Law”. By utilizing primary sources, archives, press materials, and conducting a specific literature review, this study aims to expand the discourse and shed light on the complex dynamics that unfolded within Latin American trade unionism against the backdrop of the Cold War and the influence of the United States, channeled through the American Federation of Labor (AFL), to promote "democratic" trade unionism in the Americas. This ultimately led to the fragmentation of CTCH due to the rivalry between socialist and communist factions. In this context, the significance of Bernardo Ibáñez, who held influential positions in both national and international trade unionism and socialism during 1946-1952, is re-evaluated as his role has been undervalued in party narratives and political and trade union historiography.

South African law under the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA), as amended, confers on the Labour Court the power to adjudicate on issues relating to strikes and to grant an interdict and/or order the payment of just and equitable compensation for any loss attributable to the strike or lockout. At least 48 hours before the strike, workers or their trade unions must give written notice of their intention to strike to the employer, the applicable negotiating council, and the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation, and Arbitration. If a strike follows the law, workers who take part in it are shielded from being fired for no other reason than that they are striking. Employees on strike and their trade unions are shielded from lawsuits for any losses or harm sustained while on the protected strike. During an unprotected strike, workers lose the legal protections afforded by labour laws, leaving them open to legal action and possible termination. In the case under review - Massmart Holdings and Others v South African Commercial Catering and Allied Workers Union [2022] ZALCJHB 119 - the trade union, from whom the employer sought compensation for damages caused during a protected strike, objected to the Labour Court's jurisdiction as derived from the LRA. This article provides a critical review of the Labour Court's jurisdiction, particularly in the light of section 68 of the LRA, to order compensation. The analysis revisits previous judgments to test the correctness of the judgment given in the Massmart case.

BACKGROUND: Child slavery in global supply chains is a complex problem because it involves various supply chain actors, including corporations, at different tiers, and external organisations and society. Many corporate sustainability on child labour, present a unilateral perspective which renders the development of child labour measures under the leadership of many companies tardy and inefficient. OBJECTIVES: This study conducted a comprehensive investigation into child slavery in supply chains to identify the key actors that can combat child slavery in the supply chain. METHOD: Thematic analysis of peer-reviewed journal articles, containing the keywords; child labour; supply chain, and child slavery; used interchangeably, based on three inclusion criteria; high frequency of relevant keywords; recent publication period; and high number of citations, was conducted. RESULTS: Four main actors and their influence on child slavery were identified namely i.). Corporations - through industrial characteristics, strategy, corporate social responsibility obligations, and internal stakeholders; ii.). Governments - through regulations, policies, and intentions to combat child slavery; iii.). Societies - through the establishment of social benchmarks and social accountability frameworks to address the social crisis; and iv.). External organisations - such as ILO, NGOs and trade unions as the dominant actors in combatting the child slavery phenomena in supply chains. CONCLUSION: The findings provide a nascent conceptual model for empirical work and a foundation for descriptive and normative research on child slavery in supply chains. CONTRIBUTION: The study's contribution is the assessment of the child slavery phenomenon using a multi-stakeholder perspective to gain a better understanding of the dynamics associated with child slavery.

Employees exercise their right to freedom of association by forming or joining trade unions. It is not required that a trade union be registered to function as such. However, under the Labour Relations Act (LRA), there are a number of benefits available to registered trade unions. A registered trade union acquires the status of a body corporate with rights and duties. However, it functions through natural persons, and those who represent it may not be held liable if they act in line with the union's constitution and within their authority. This article is aimed at considering the legal status of trade unions in South Africa and in the United Kingdom (UK) respectively. It further considers different circumstances under which a trade union may incur liability, including instances where there is non-compliance with the union's constitution, a breach of contract or delict, or a discrimination claim.

This case note seeks to determine the future of collective bargaining after the Labour Appeal Court (LAC) judgment in Public Servants Association v Minister of Public Service [2021] 3 BLLR 255 (LAC). In arriving at a conclusion, context is provided. As part of the context it is shown that the right to engage in collective bargaining is not synonymous with the legal right to collective bargaining. This is based on the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, case law and international law. Despite this, it is demonstrated that it can be argued that collective bargaining can be accepted as a recognised practice (a right) when one uses the test of what is a custom. It is further revealed that the main parties in public sector collective bargaining are the Public Service Coordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC), the Department of Public Service and Administration, and trade unions. The last two ordinarily have competing interests and the PSCBC is the platform where they resolve their differences and enter into collective agreements. In 2018 a three-year wage agreement was reached for public servants, which the employer failed to implement in its last year. This led to the PSCBC intervening in the matter, but before it could reach fruition the matter was scheduled to be heard by the court. The last leg of the agreement was declared to be invalid and unenforceable on the basis that it was unaffordable and did not comply with the legal prescripts. This led to a period of uncertainty (2022-2023). This period saw government employees receiving 0% salary increases, failed wage negotiations, the unilateral imposition of a wage increase by the employer, a disruptive strike, and shorter wage agreements to address the shortcoming identified by the LAC in PSA v DPSA. The context provided yields the answer (the conclusion) that there is still room for collective bargaining, but that it will be filled with turbulence.

Resumo O artigo analisa a nova face político-ideológica dos usineiros da zona da cana nordestina, formada pelos três principais estados produtores da região: Alagoas, Pernambuco e Paraíba. O argumento central é que esse tradicional segmento das classes dominantes passou por mudanças significativas nas duas últimas décadas, resultando em uma ampliação de sua composição interna e sua acomodação à dinâmica do agronegócio. Assim, moldaram uma nova retórica de legitimação, baseada na defesa do monocultivo da cana-de-açúcar como um negócio agro-social, recorrendo a noções como sustentabilidade e responsabilidade socioambiental. Os limites e as contradições desse discurso são problematizados à luz dos conflitos de classe e da dimensão econômica e político-ideológica neles contida, capazes de explicar as razões pelas quais os usineiros, através de suas instâncias de representação, buscam legitimidade social para o pleno exercício da atividade que praticam. A metodologia utilizada se concentrou na análise da retórica patronal, recorrendo à interlocução com documentos originários de sindicatos e associações de usineiros e artigos jornalísticos diretamente relacionados ao assunto. políticoideológica político ideológica nordestina região Alagoas Paraíba décadas agronegócio Assim legitimação canadeaçúcar açúcar agrosocial, agrosocial agro social, agro-social socioambiental contida representação praticam patronal assunto

Abstract The article examines the new political-ideological face of sugarcane plantation owners in the Northeastern sugarcane region, encompassing the three main producing states of the region: Alagoas, Pernambuco, and Paraíba. The central argument is that this traditional segment of the ruling classes has undergone significant changes in the past two decades, resulting in an expansion of its internal composition and its accommodation to the dynamics of agribusiness. Consequently, they have crafted a new rhetoric of legitimation, grounded in the defense of sugarcane monoculture as an agro-social business, drawing on concepts such as sustainability and socio-environmental responsibility. The limitations and contradictions of this discourse are scrutinized in the context of class conflicts and the economic and ideological dimensions contained therein, which explain why sugarcane plantation owners, through their representative bodies, seek social legitimacy for the full exercise of their activities. The methodology employed involved the analysis of documents from trade unions and employers' associations, as well as engagement with relevant newspaper articles on the subject. politicalideological political region Alagoas Pernambuco Paraíba decades agribusiness Consequently legitimation agrosocial agro business socioenvironmental socio environmental responsibility therein bodies activities employers associations subject

Resumen El artículo analiza el nuevo enfoque político-ideológico de los dueños de usinas en la zona cañera del Noreste, que abarca los tres principales estados productores de la región: Alagoas, Pernambuco y Paraíba. El argumento central es que este segmento tradicional de las clases dominantes ha experimentado cambios significativos en las dos últimas décadas, lo que ha resultado en una expansión de su composición interna y su adaptación a la dinámica del agro-negocio. Como resultado, han moldeado una nueva retórica de legitimación basada en la defensa del monocultivo de la caña de azúcar como un negocio agro-social, recurriendo a conceptos como la sostenibilidad y la responsabilidad socioambiental. Los límites y contradicciones de este discurso se problematizan a la luz de los conflictos de clase y la dimensión económica y político-ideológica que contienen, lo que explica por qué los dueños de usinas, a través de sus instancias de representación, buscan legitimidad social para el pleno ejercicio de su actividad. La metodología empleada incluyó el análisis de documentos de sindicatos y asociaciones patronales, así como la interacción con artículos periodísticos relacionados con el tema. políticoideológico político ideológico Noreste región Alagoas Paraíba décadas agronegocio. agronegocio agro negocio. agro-negocio agrosocial, agrosocial social, agro-social socioambiental políticoideológica ideológica contienen representación actividad patronales tema

ORIENTATION: The introduction of various incentive schemes in the South African workplace creates incentive-induced employee productivity spillovers but could differ between industries and geographic areas RESEARCH PURPOSE: The aim of the study was to determine the industry and geographic nature of incentive-induced employee productivity spillovers to inform managerial decision-making on intrinsic and extrinsic motivators MOTIVATION FOR THE STUDY: The introduction of incentive schemes is an important motivator of employee productivity in the workplace. For this study, it was deemed important to indicate whether incentive-induced employee productivity spillovers differ between industries and geographic areas by taking into consideration firm-size, firm-profitability, different incentive schemes, trade union presence, employee age and skill levels RESEARCH APPROACH/DESIGN AND METHOD: Fixed-effect panel data estimations were computed to predict incentive-induced employee productivity spillover effects based on secondary firm-based data sets MAIN FINDINGS: Incentive scheme-induced employee productivity spillover effects were generally similar for all the different industry and geographic areas. The spillovers increased with greater firm-sizes, higher profitability levels, introduction of greater levels of monetary-based incentive schemes (especially for unionised employee segments), and allocation of incentive schemes to the middle- age employee grouping (35 years-55 years) as well as higher skilled employees PRACTICAL/MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS: The effective introduction of incentive schemes in the workplace is an important mechanism for creating positive employee productivity spillover effects and it is generally common for all firms irrespective of the industry or geographic area CONTRIBUTION/VALUE-ADD: Improved understanding of incentive-induced employee productivity spillovers in the South African workplace will enable the effective alignment of incentive schemes with firm profitability