Abstract: This article presents an analysis of the National Education and Memory Program as a public policy implemented in Argentina to teach the recent past of state terrorism in the realm of educational. As a result of the debates in the field of social memory studies and the particular features of this policy, four tensions surrounding its implementation emerged: the formation of the work team, the tension between institutionality and militancy, and between public policies on memory and civil society, and the debates on representation. This is a systematic analysis of the original stage of a central policy within the universe of reparation policies in Argentina, and the first of its kind. It views the state through a theoretical-methodological lens as a complex actor embroiled in disputes over the meaning of the past.

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es presentar un análisis del Programa Nacional Educación y Memoria como política pública implementada en Argentina para la transmisión del pasado reciente de terrorismo de Estado en el ámbito educativo. A la luz de los debates abiertos en el campo de estudios de la memoria social y de las particularidades de esta política, se reponen cuatro tensiones observadas en su implementación: la conformación del equipo de trabajo, la tensión entre institucionalidad y militancia, la tensión entre políticas públicas de memoria y sociedad civil, y los debates sobre la representación. Se trata de un análisis sistemático sobre la etapa originaria de una política central dentro del universo de políticas reparatorias en Argentina que no cuenta con antecedentes en el campo, y que adopta una perspectiva teórico-metodológica para pensar al Estado como un actor complejo inmerso dentro de las disputas por el sentido del pasado.

Abstract The study exposes the strategies and tactics of radical Islamism in Europe and Spain, to attract and radicalize young Muslims with a religious, media and propagandistic content; from Al Qaeda, Daesh or other related organizations that share the culture of jihad; chain of subjects, actions, messages and propaganda to participate in a process of ideologization, to make use of violence in the jihad against the West, way of life, social and political; and interfere in the democratic, liberal and legal process in Europe. This qualitative research, achieves approximations of individual characteristics and family, social, familiar and economic conditioning factors of the vulnerable groups to the jihadist message; highlighting ignorance or dissolution of their cultural, religious and ritual traditions; absence or weak individual, family or community identity, experience of social, educational, labor or political discrimination and economic inequality; facilitating the process of radicalization until their participation in acts of indiscriminate violence. This research was carried out in the city councils of Fuenlabrada and Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid and Reus and L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Province of Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, Spain; through specialized bibliography, interviews to academic, police and intelligence experts, public attention and social services workers, the contribution of Muslim community representatives; who make emerge these elements and the need to improve strategies and preventive actions in Europe, reducing its impact on the vulnerable population.

Resumen El estudio expone las estrategias y tácticas del islamismo radical en Europa y España, para captar y radicalizar a jóvenes musulmanes de un contenido religioso, mediático, propagandístico; desde Al Qaeda, Daesh u otras organizaciones afines que comparten la cultura de la yihad; cadena de sujetos, actuaciones, mensajes y propaganda para participar en un proceso de ideologización, para hacer uso de la violencia en la yihad contra Occidente, forma de vida, social y política; e interferir en el proceso democrático, liberal y de derecho en Europa. Esta investigación cualitativa logra aproximaciones de características individuales y condicionantes familiares, sociales, familiares y económicas de los grupos vulnerables al mensaje yihadista; destacándose ignorancia o disolución de sus tradiciones culturales, religiosas y ritualidad; ausencia o débil identidad individual, familiar o comunitario, experiencia de discriminación social, educativa, laboral o política e inequidad económica; facilitando el proceso de radicalización hasta su participación en actos de violencia indiscriminada. Esta investigación se realizó en los ayuntamientos de Fuenlabrada y Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid y Reus y L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Provincia de Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, España; a través de bibliografía especializada, entrevistas a expertos académicos, policiales e inteligencia, trabajadores en atención pública y servicios sociales, el aporte de representantes comunitarios musulmanes; quienes hacen emerger estos elementos y necesidad de mejorar estrategias y actuaciones preventivas en Europa, reduciendo su impacto en la población vulnerable.

Resumen: El objetivo de la investigación fue dar a conocer la situación administrativa y jurídica de los sujetos de la administración pública en materia de lucha contra el terrorismo. Se ha comprobado que en Ucrania se ha creado una estructura bastante clara y lógica de órganos estatales en materia de organización y coordinación de la lucha contra el terrorismo. El sistema de entidades antiterroristas es un conjunto de entidades específicas, legalmente definidas, que interactúan con el objetivo de prevenir, detectar, detener y minimizar las consecuencias de las actividades terroristas. En la investigación se utilizaron métodos como el análisis de fuentes biográficas, la síntesis, la deducción, el análisis comparativo y el metaanálisis. Con esto, se estableció que el presidente de Ucrania, la Rada Suprema de Ucrania y el gabinete de ministros de Ucrania son los actores clave en la lucha contra el terrorismo en el sistema de autoridades superiores. Las áreas definitorias de actividad del presidente de Ucrania en la esfera de la lucha contra el terrorismo son las actividades destinadas al apoyo normativo y jurídico de la lucha contra el terrorismo en Ucrania, así como la creación, la liquidación, la reorganización y la gestión de las entidades pertinentes de lucha contra el terrorismo.

Abstract: The purpose of the research is disclosing the administrative and legal status of public administration subjects regarding countering terrorism. It has been established that a fairly clear and logical structure of State bodies regarding organization and coordination of the fight against terrorism has been created in Ukraine. The system of counter-terrorism entities is a set of specific, legally defined entities that interact with the goal of preventing, detecting, stopping, and minimizing consequences of terrorist activities. In the research, methods such as the analysis of biographical sources, synthesis, deduction, comparative analysis and meta-analysis were used. With this, it was established that the President of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine are key actors when countering terrorism in Ukraine in the system of higher authorities. The defining areas of activity of the President of Ukraine in the sphere of countering terrorism are the activities aimed at the regulatory and legal support of countering terrorism in Ukraine, as well as the creation, liquidation, reorganization and management of the relevant counter- terrorism subjects.

Abstract: This article addresses the process of domination and political clientelism by the Mexican state in its coercive relations with the peasants of coastal Guerrero, who were coopted by the Institutional Revolutionary Party in the Regional Union of Copra Producers of the state of Guerrero (URPCEG), the state’s most important peasant organization, which had been hegemonically controlled by caciques since its founding. This article studies and analyzes one of the bloodiest massacres in Mexico in the nineteen sixties, which has been overlooked by the twentieth century historiography. While the focus is on regional history, the problem addressed herein is of national importance and impact, as the massacre of peasants on August 20 1967 in Acapulco constituted the immediate background to the appearance of guerrilla groups in Guerrero and other parts of the country. It’s not an exag geration to state that this was an act of state terrorism that formed part of a counterinsurgency strategy that sought to invoke a peasant insurrection in Guerrero’s Costa Grande region, where there was a simultaneous crisis in the PRI’s structures of political clientelism, as well as an intracacique struggle combined with a mass movement of copra and coffee producers, with agrarian and economic demands.

Resumen: Este artículo aborda el proceso de dominación y el clientelismo político del Estado mexicano para coaccionar a los campesinos de las costas de Guerrero, quienes fueron cooptados por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional en la Unión Regional de Productores de Copra del Estado de Guerrero (URPCEG), la organización campesina más importante de la entidad y que desde sus inicios fue hegemonizada por grupos caciquiles. Un aporte de la investigación es el estudio y análisis de una de las masacres más sanguinarias de los años sesenta en México, que había pasado inadvertida por la historiografía del siglo XX. Si bien el enfoque es de historia regional, la importancia y el impacto del problema aquí presentado tiene trascendencia nacional, ya que la masacre de campesinos del 20 de agosto de 1967 en Acapulco es el antecedente inmediato a la aparición de diferentes guerrillas en Guerrero y en otros puntos del país. No es exagerado afirmar que fue uno de los actos de terrorismo instrumentados por el Estado mexicano como parte de una estrategia contrainsurgente que buscaba conjurar la insurrección campesina en la región de la Costa Grande de Guerrero, donde surgió paralelamente una crisis del clientelismo priista, así como una pugna intercaciquil combinada con un fuerte movimiento de masas de copreros y cafeticultores con demandas agrarias y económicas.

Abstract Public safety in Central America has become a pressing challenge, most evident in the strategies embraced by the leaders of countries such as El Salvador and Costa Rica. Two notoriously divergent approaches lie at the heart of this dichotomy, led by Nayib Bukele in El Salvador and Rodrigo Chaves in Costa Rica. While Bukele advocates for massive imprisonment and militarization as the main measures, Chaves has delegated responsibility to the Legislative and Judicial branches, thereby facing the most violent year in Costa Rican history. This paper aims to explore and analyze these contrasting strategies by examining the safety policies implemented by both leaders, their authoritarian discourses, and the impact of these decisions on public perception. Through this comparative analysis, the effectiveness and sustainability of such approaches to violence mitigation is discussed, providing a comprehensive perspective of how these leaders address the common challenge of protecting the safety of their citizens.

Resumen La seguridad pública en América Central se ha convertido en un desafío apremiante, manifestándose de manera particular en las estrategias adoptadas por los líderes de países como El Salvador y Costa Rica. En el centro de esta dicotomía se encuentran dos enfoques notoriamente divergentes liderados por Nayib Bukele en El Salvador y Rodrigo Chaves en Costa Rica. Mientras Bukele apuesta por el encarcelamiento masivo y la militarización como medidas principales, Chaves ha delegado la responsabilidad en los poderes Legislativo y Judicial, enfrentándose así al año más violento de la historia costarricense. Este ensayo se propone explorar y analizar estas estrategias opuestas, examinando las políticas de seguridad implementadas por ambos mandatarios, así como sus discursos autoritarios y las consecuencias de estas decisiones en la percepción pública. Mediante este análisis comparativo, se busca examinar la efectividad y sostenibilidad de tales enfoques en la mitigación de la violencia, ofreciendo una visión integral de cómo estos líderes abordan el desafío común de proteger la seguridad de sus ciudadanos.

Abstract: This article studies the effects of government actions against insurgency and violent extremist organizations. It is argued that certain state policies and law enforcement actions can have counterproductive effects. Specifically, the “action-reaction” relationship between the surge of foreign troops in Afghanistan and the increase of the number of this force casualties as a result of adverse and counter-reaction in violent extremist jihadist organizations is explored. The findings corroborate and extend other research that suggests that, in certain modern asymmetric conflicts, the more military deployed on the ground, the higher the number of casualties that occur. The study suggests the need for decision-makers in conflicts to ask themselves about the optimal number of people on the ground and to choose courses of action that balance the stated objectives with the risk of troop casualties.

Résumé : Cet article étudie les effets des actions gouvernementales contre la sédition et les organisations extrémistes violentes. On y fait valoir que certaines politiques de l’État et certaines mesures d’application de la loi peuvent avoir des effets contreproductifs. Plus précisément, on explore la relation « action-réaction » entre l’augmentation des effectifs étrangers en Afghanistan et l’accroissement du nombre de victimes de cette force à la suite de la réaction hostile et contestataire des organisations djihadistes extrémistes violentes. Les résultats corroborent et élargissent d’autres recherches qui suggèrent que, dans certains conflits asymétriques modernes, plus il y a de militaires déployés sur le terrain, plus il y a de victimes. L’étude suggère que les décideurs dans les conflits doivent se poser la question du nombre optimal de personnes sur le terrain et choisir des lignes d’action qui équilibrent les objectifs recherchés avec le risque de pertes en vies humaines.

Resumen: Este artículo estudia los efectos de las acciones de los gobiernos contra la insurgencia y las organizaciones violentas extremistas. Se argumenta que ciertas políticas estatales y acciones de las fuerzas del orden pueden tener efectos contraproducentes. En concreto, se explora la relación “acción-reacción” entre el aumento de tropas extranjeras en Afganistán y el aumento del número de bajas de esta fuerza como resultado de la reacción adversa y contestataria en las organizaciones violentas extremistas yihadistas. Los resultados corroboran y amplían otras investigaciones que apuntan a que, en determinados conflictos asimétricos modernos, cuantos más militares se despliegan en el terreno, mayor el número de bajas que se producen. El estudio sugiere la necesidad de que los responsables de tomar decisiones en los conflictos se pregunten sobre el número óptimo de personas en el terreno y elijan líneas de acción que equilibren los objetivos planteados con el riesgo de bajas en las tropas.

On 11 September 2001, the world witnessed a drastic change in the global security landscape that influenced the dynamics of United States counterterrorism. The United States expanded its global alliances, including its financial assistance and cooperation scope, in East Africa as well. A fundamental transformation in the United States Defence Foreign Policy towards Africa was marked by a growing reliance by the United States on African partners, such as Kenya. Despite visible power disparities between the United States and Kenyan asymmetric relations, the two states set an unmatched counterterrorism partnership in East Africa - even with the growing criticism of the United States militarisation in some parts of Africa, such as in the Sahel region, which remains prone to coups despite enduring counterterrorism interventions by the United States. What is particularly interesting is how the asymmetric relations between the United States and Kenya enhanced a stable and multidimensional implementation of counterterrorism in East Africa. The dynamics of these asymmetric relations on counterterrorism demystify the perception that asymmetric relations between powerful and weak states are inherently unstable. Employing secondary data, the study on which this article reports, sought to deconstruct such rhetoric by conceptualising asymmetry whilst identifying five main conceptualisations of asymmetry theory that characterises the asymmetric relations between the United States and Kenya. Thereafter, by taking stock of the multidimensional efforts by the United States and Kenya, it is argued that triangular asymmetries are the significant force multipliers of stability and normalcy in asymmetric relations.

The need for religious moderation in North Sumatra province arises as a result of burning worship [Vihara and Klenteng], exploding bombs and stabbing attempts at churches during worship. This study examines the effect of Islamic education, depression and religiosity on religious moderation in students at state Islamic universities. This study used a cross-sectional design in North Sumatra province with 1125 Muslim students over a period from February 2023 to May 2023. This study used a closed questionnaire involving Islamic education, depression, religiosity and religious moderation using linear regression with 95% CI using JASP version 19. With regard to the notions of depression, religious ideology, religious experiences and religious studies, this research demonstrates that students who have received education in Muslim schools affect religious moderation in students of state Islamic universities. Religious moderation among Islamic students will be improved by providing increased information on religious studies that contain religious moderation. CONTRIBUTION: This article will provide new information about religious moderation carried out by Muslim students in Islamic universities that are often associated with intolerance, terrorism, fanaticism and religion-based violence

Abstract This is an article prepared with the aim of verifying, based on constitutional and infraconstitutional legislation, the insufficiency, or even the non-existence, of the emergency constitutional prescriptions presents in the Constitution to face the problem from arising modern terrorism. The question that motivated the research is the doubt about the sufficiency of the existing mechanisms to face terrorist attacks, mainly the concomitant or successive ones. The hypothesis is that the current mechanisms, ordinary and constitutional, are insuficiente. To develop the work, approaches, at first, the state of siege and the state of defense, which are inscribed in Part V of the Constitucion. Next, a brief analysis of federal law aimed at repressing terrorism is presented, with emphasis on Law 13.260/2016. Finally, a comparison is made between the law and the constitutional emergency model proposed by Bruce Ackerman. Initially this comparison develops through the verification of terrorism as a phenomenon that transcends common criminality, to check, in a second moment, existing emergency constitutional prescription lend themselves, or not, to confront that problem. The legal research methodology adopted for article was dogmatic, through documentary and bibliographical research.

Resumo Trata-se de artigo elaborado com o objetivo de verificar, com base na legislação constitucional e infraconstitucional, a insuficiência, ou até mesmo a inexistência, dos mecanismos de emergência constitucional presentes na Constituição para o trato do problema advindo do terrorismo moderno. A problematização que motivou a pesquisa é o questionamento acerca da suficiência dos mecanismos existentes para enfrentar os atentados terroristas, principalmente os concomitantes ou sucessivos. A hipótese é de que os atuais mecanismos, ordinários e constitucionais, são insuficientes. Para desenvolver o trabalho, abordam-se, de início, o estado de sítio e o estado de defesa, os quais se encontram inscritos no título V da Carta Política. Em seguida, apresenta-se uma breve análise da legislação ordinária voltada para a repressão ao terrorismo, com destaque para a Lei n° 13.260/2016. Por fim, realiza-se um cotejo entre as normas apreciadas e modelo de emergência constitucional proposto por Bruce Ackerman. Tal cotejo se desenvolve, inicialmente, pela constatação do terrorismo como fenômeno que transcende a criminalidade comum, para, em um segundo momento, apreciar se os mecanismos constitucionais existentes se prestam, ou não, para defrontar o problema. A metodologia de pesquisa jurídica adotada para o trabalho foi a dogmática, por meio de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica.

Abstract This article discusses how denialism of the civil-military dictatorship constitutes a pivotal element in the political propaganda of Jair Bolsonaro and the Brazilian far right. We aim to understand the connections between, on the one hand, the disavowal of our last dictatorship and state terrorism and, on the other, political attempts to undermine the legitimacy of human rights and social movements during the New Republic (1985-2020). We posit that Bolsonaro’s vision for consolidating power entails a reimagining of the republic’s foundations. Crucially, this endeavor involves an attempt to reshape the hegemonic memory regime first established during the redemocratization process. In this sense, the central hypothesis of this article is that historical negationism constitutes a fundamental and structuring axis in the power project of the renewed far right, emerging in a moment of crisis in the modern regime of historicity alongside the rise of presentism. In this regard, the political use of the recent past by the Bolsonaro government hinges on authoritarian political culture, anticommunism, and the purported crusade against corruption. These uses intend to undermine any rights-based agenda, thereby paving the way for the consecration of the neoliberal model. civilmilitary civil military right between hand other 19852020. 19852020 1985 2020 . (1985-2020) Bolsonaros s republics republic foundations Crucially process sense presentism regard culture anticommunism corruption rightsbased based agenda model 1985202 198 202 (1985-2020 198520 19 20 (1985-202 19852 1 2 (1985-20 (1985-2 (1985- (1985 (198 (19 (1 (

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é promover uma reflexão sobre o negacionismo da ditadura civil-militar como parte da ação política de Jair Bolsonaro e da extrema direita brasileira na criminalização dos movimentos sociais. Busca-se compreender como a negação do terrorismo de Estado promovido pela ditadura está relacionada à tentativa política de esvaziar a legitimidade dos direitos humanos e dos movimentos sociais na Nova República (1985-2020). Propomos que o projeto de poder de Bolsonaro inclui uma refundação das bases republicanas, sendo fundamental nesse processo alterar o regime de memória hegemônico construído a partir do processo de redemocratização. Nesse sentido, a hipótese deste artigo é de que o negacionismo histórico é um eixo estruturante no projeto de poder da extrema direita renovada e ocorre em um momento de crise do regime moderno de historicidade e de emergência do presentismo no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o uso político do passado recente pelo governo Bolsonaro se apoia na cultura política autoritária, no anticomunismo e no suposto combate à corrupção. Esses usos pretendem esvaziar qualquer agenda de direitos, favorecendo a consagração do modelo neoliberal. civilmilitar civil militar Buscase Busca 19852020. 19852020 1985 2020 . (1985-2020) republicanas redemocratização sentido Brasil autoritária corrupção neoliberal 1985202 198 202 (1985-2020 198520 19 20 (1985-202 19852 1 2 (1985-20 (1985-2 (1985- (1985 (198 (19 (1 (

Abstract. The voluntary departure of hundreds of young women, born and socialised in Europe, to Daesh-controlled territories has raised many legitimate questions. Why do women choose to adhere to ideologies that appear to disempower them? Can they really embrace such patriarchal violence? Women have traditionally been seen as the victims of violence, particularly Islamic terrorist violence, often thought of as a male prerogative. Even years after Daesh’s defeat on the ground, the ambiguity of female violence remains a compelling issue, particularly when faced with social and legal challenges posed by female returnées. To offer a gendered analysis of women in/with violent ideologies and address their agency this paper will analyse representations of “acceptable”and “unacceptable” forms of female violence by focusing on the intersection between femininity, vulnerability, empowerment, sexuality and violence.

Resumen. La salida voluntaria de cientos de mujeres jóvenes, nacidas y criadas en Europa hacia los territorios controlados por el Daesh ha suscitado muchas preguntas legítimas: ¿Por qué las mujeres eligen adherirse a ideologías que parecen desempoderarlas? ¿Pueden realmente asumir semejante violencia patriarcal? Tradicionalmente se ha considerado a las mujeres como víctimas de la violencia, en particular de la violencia terrorista islámica, a menudo considerada una prerrogativa masculina. Incluso años después de la derrota del grupo Daesh en el territorio, la violencia femenina sigue siendo un tema de actualidad, sobre todo ante los retos sociales y jurídicos que plantean las mujeres retornadas. Para ofrecer un análisis de género de las mujeres con ideologías violentas y abordar su agencia, este artículo analizará las representaciones de formas “aceptables” e “inaceptables” de violencia femenina, enfocándose en la intersección entre feminidad, vulnerabilidad, empoderamiento, sexualidad y violencia.

Abstract This work summarizes different important historical periods in Tucuman’s history, from the painful General Onganía’s Coup in 1966 to the reflective tone of present day. We will particularly emphasize the work at the Escuelita de Famaillá that mirrors our memory, truth and justice.

Resumen Este trabajo intenta mostrar las distintas etapas por las que atravesamos como sociedad tucumana, desde el año 1966, con el golpe de estado perpetrado por el general Onganía, hasta lo que sucede hoy en este espacio de memoria, la Escuelita de Famaillá en particular y el trabajo sobre la memoria, la verdad y la justicia en general.

The pursuit of a cost-effective and green synthetic approach to chemical sensors and their application in the sensing of toxic and harmful substances is a never-ending exercise for scientists and researchers. Preparation of fluorescent carbon dots (C-dots) from biomass using water as a solvent and a hydrothermal autoclave to provide the required synthesis temperature offers a cheap and environmentally friendly synthetic approach. Herein, we report a faster, less costly and ecofriendly hydrothermal synthetic approach of carbon dots from Citrullus vulgaris peels as a precursor. The as-prepared carbon dots exhibited hydroxyl, carbonyl and amide functional groups on the surface and an amorphous structure with a particle size distribution of 1.7-3.0 nm. Moreover, the carbon dots displayed intense blue emission fluorescence at 470 nm after excitation at 400 nm. The as-prepared carbon dots demonstrated effective application without further modification towards the selective and sensitive optical recognition of 2-nitrophenol used in the manufacture of explosives. A limit of detection of 2.28x10-7 M was achieved, and no fluorescence quenching was observed in the presence of other nitroaromatic and benzene derivatives indicating excellent selectivity towards 2-nitrophenol. Finally, further studies are required to investigate the potential for the as-prepared carbon dots to monitor nitroaromatic pollutants in real environmental systems. SIGNIFICANCE: • Terrorism is an ever-increasing problem, and law enforcement agencies are continuously searching for and detecting explosives hidden in travel luggage, mail packages, vehicles and aircrafts using sophisticated equipment which are not available in developing countries such as Botswana. • This work unveils a facile and environmentally friendly approach towards the detection of 2-nitrophenol used in the manufacture of explosives by employing highly luminescent C-dots obtained from locally available agricultural waste. • The utilisation of agricultural waste can help advance a sustainable waste management programme and promote a circular economy.

ABSTRACT This essay wishes to expose and dismantle the ontological and political premises giving its ground to contemporary surveillance practices. It argues that surveillance policies and technologies are not abuses, but rather the continuation of Western political theory and practice which has always been apprehended as a security project establishing social classes to secure and others to be protected from. Surveillance practices pretend to protect our lives from insecurity on the streets, terrorism or a virus, while they actually conspire against our individual and collective autonomy, define norms of legal and illegal behavior, criminalize precarious social groups, make terrorist networks harder to identify, create an over-expanding market for risk assessment companies and national states, undermine claims for social justice and colonize the public sphere with war language. The essay denounces how the security project led together by public and private actors is thus one of securing a lucrative business for the powerful and an exploitative social order for the powerless. It suggests a few paths to counter the discourse at its basis.

RESUMEN El ensayo propone exponer y desmantelar las premisas ontológicas y políticas que dan pie a las prácticas de vigilancia contemporáneas. Argumenta que las políticas y las tecnologías de vigilancia no son abusos sino la continuación de la teoría y práctica política occidental siempre pensada como un proyecto de seguridad estableciendo clases sociales para proteger y otras de las que protegerse. Mientras pretenden proteger nuestras vidas de la inseguridad en las calles, del terrorismo o de un virus, las prácticas de vigilancia maquinan en contra de nuestra autonomía individual y colectiva, definen normas de comportamientos lícitos e ilícitos, criminalizan a grupos sociales precarios, dificultan la identificación de las redes terroristas, crean un mercado en expansión para las empresas de evaluación de riesgos y los estados nacionales, debilitan las reivindicaciones de justicia social y colonizan la esfera pública con un lenguaje bélico. El ensayo denuncia que el proyecto de seguridad liderado en conjunto por personas públicas y privadas se encarga de asegurar un negocio lucrativo para quienes ostentan el poder y un orden social explotador para quienes han sido desposeídas. Sugiere algunos caminos para oponer el discurso en su fundamento.

Résumé La Triple Frontière entre le Brésil, l'Argentine et le Paraguay est, le plus souvent, considérée comme une terre marginale, sans loi, au mépris de sa nature de pôle énergétique, commercial, éducatif et touristique. L'objectif de cet article est de voir si les représentations de la région frontalière dans les deux journaux les plus lus du pays, Folha de S.Paulo et O Globo, tendent à renforcer ces images, en utilisant les concepts de framing et d'agenda-setting. Pour cela, une analyse qualitative a été réalisée, complétée avec le software Nvivo, afin de mesurer la fréquence du lexique associé à la région. Les résultats indiquent qu'il y a une prédominance de questions liées aux illégalités. Sur le total des textes trouvés avec les mots Triple Frontière, 55,5% dans O Globo et 47% dans Folha faire référence à des illégalités. La racine terror- était présente respectivement dans 39% et 40% des textes. Nous concluons que la couverture médiatique de la région ne suit pas des événements spécifiques (event-driven), et que l'absence de voix dissonantes parmi les principales sources de rapports, les forces de sécurité, tend à renforcer l'image d'une région précaire, et à favoriser des solutions de surveillance et de contrôle des frontières. Brésil lArgentine l Argentine souvent marginale loi énergétique commercial touristique Lobjectif L objectif pays SPaulo S Paulo images dagendasetting. dagendasetting d agenda setting. setting d'agenda-setting cela réalisée Nvivo quil qu il illégalités 555 55 5 55,5 47 terror 39 40 eventdriven, eventdriven event driven , (event-driven) labsence absence rapports sécurité limage image dune précaire frontières 55, 4 3 (event-driven

Resumen La Triple Frontera entre Brasil, Argentina y Paraguay es, muchas veces, vista como una tierra marginal, sin ley, desconsiderando su carácter de polo energético, comercial, educativo y turístico. El foco del presente artículo es determinar si las representaciones de la región fronteriza en los dos periódicos más leídos del país, Folha de S.Paulo y O Globo, tienden a reforzar esas imágenes, haciendo uso de los conceptos de framing y agenda-setting. Para ello, fue realizado un análisis cualitativo, complementado con el software NVivo a través de la medición de frecuencia del léxico más frecuentemente asociado a la región. Los resultados señalan que existe un predominio de los asuntos vinculados a ilegalidades, con énfasis en el terrorismo. Del total de textos encontrados con las palabras Triple Frontera, 55,5% en O Globo y 47% en Folha contenían referencias a ilegalidades. La raíz terror- estuvo presente, respectivamente, en el 39% y el 40% de los textos. Concluimos que la cobertura de prensa sobre la región no sigue acontecimientos puntuales (event-driven), y que la ausencia de voces disonantes entre las principales fuentes de reportajes, las fuerzas de seguridad, tiende a reforzar la imagen de una región insegura, y a favorecer soluciones de vigilancia y control de la frontera. Brasil veces marginal ley energético comercial turístico país SPaulo S Paulo imágenes agendasetting. agendasetting agenda setting. setting agenda-setting ello cualitativo ilegalidades terrorismo 555 55 5 55,5 47 terror respectivamente 39 40 eventdriven, eventdriven event driven , (event-driven) reportajes seguridad insegura frontera 55, 4 3 (event-driven

Abstract The Tri-Border Area between Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay is often seen as a lawless region, which ignores its character as a center of energy resources, commerce, and tourism. The focus of this article is to identify the representations about the region in Brazil’s two most widely read newspapers, the Folha de S.Paulo and O Globo, and if they reinforce these images. To do so, the concepts of framing and agenda-setting are used. A qualitative analysis was complemented by the use of NVivo software to detect the words most frequently associated with the region. The results indicate a predominance of issues related to illegalities in the press coverage, especially terrorism. Of the total texts about the Tri-Border Area published between 2011 and 2019, 55.5% in O Globo and 47% in Folha contained references to illegalities. The root terror- was present, respectively, in 39% and 40% of the texts. We conclude that the press coverage of the region does not follow specific events (event-driven). Members of security forces are the preeminent sources of reports, and the absence of dissonant voices tends to reinforce the region’s image of insecurity and the need for solutions that involve support border surveillance and control solutions. TriBorder Tri Border Brazil Argentina resources commerce tourism Brazils s newspapers SPaulo S Paulo images so agendasetting agenda setting used terrorism 201 2019 555 55 5 55.5 47 terror present respectively 39 40 eventdriven. eventdriven event driven . (event-driven) reports regions 20 55. 4 3 (event-driven 2

A Tríplice Fronteira entre Brasil, Argentina e Paraguai é muitas vezes associada a uma terra sem lei, o que desconsidera suas características de polo energético, comercial e turístico. O foco deste artigo é observar quais são as representações sobre a região nos jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo e se elas tendem a reforçar essa imagem. Para tanto, são usados os pressupostos teóricos de framing e agenda-setting. Também optou-se por uma análise qualitativa, complementada pelo software NVivo, que detectou o léxico que mais frequentemente é associado à região. Os resultados demonstram uma prevalência de assuntos ligados a ilegalidades, com ênfase em terrorismo. Do total de textos sobre a Tríplice Fronteira publicados entre 2011 e 2019, 55,5% deles, em O Globo, e 47%, na Folha de S.Paulo, referem-se a ilegalidades. O radical terror- esteve presente, respectivamente, em 39% e 40% dos textos. Este artigo sugere que a cobertura jornalística feita pelos dois veículos de comunicação não segue acontecimentos pontuais e carece de vozes dissonantes das forças de segurança. Isso tende a reforçar a imagem de região insegura e, que, por isso, demandaria soluções de vigilância e controle. Brasil lei energético turístico SPaulo S Paulo tanto agendasetting. agendasetting agenda setting. setting agenda-setting optouse optou qualitativa NVivo ilegalidades terrorismo 201 2019 555 55 5 55,5 deles 47 47% referemse referem terror presente respectivamente 39 40 segurança isso controle 20 55, 4 3 2