The focus of this manuscript is to present the extension project “(Re)thinking the (in)differences: the deconstructions and resistance to transversal themes in the teaching of Natural Sciences”, as well as analyzing its potential when working with continued training work by teachers, promoting debate, discussion, and reflection on the use of contemporary cross-cutting themes in chemistry and science classes. It was also intended to stimulate class planning, the production of strategies and teaching material by educators motivated by the need to reform thinking and regenerate teaching, considering social themes that seek the empowerment of groups placed on the margins of the education system, so that they undertake training that is a collective achievement and built with social discussions. Rethinking Re indifferences differences (in)differences Sciences, Sciences , Sciences” teachers debate discussion crosscutting cross cutting classes planning system discussions

Resumo Interpreto as relações entre o abandono e a rememoração a partir das possibilidades de ressignificação da Fábrica de Cimento Portland de Perus. Abandonada desde a década de 1970, as instalações da falida Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland são, hoje, objeto de ações culturais de movimentos sociais de Perus, distrito da zona noroeste da Cidade de São Paulo. Estes procuram retomar memórias pessoais e coletivas da chamada Greve dos Queixadas, que tomou a Fábrica durante sete anos e legou ao território uma identidade de luta por direitos e cidadania. A partir da análise de entrevistas, discuto como um desses coletivos, a Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque, elabora uma contranarrativa que se opõe ao esquecimento para anunciar as potencialidades de seu território. Perus 1970 são hoje Paulo Queixadas cidadania entrevistas coletivos Quilombaque 197 19 1

Abstract In this paper, I interpret the relationship between abandonment and remembrance based on possibilities for re-signifying the Perus Portland Cement Factory. Abandoned since the 1970s, the facilities of the bankrupt Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland are today the object of cultural actions organized by social movements in Perus, a district in the northwest of the city of São Paulo. The movements aim to recapture personal and collective memories of the so-called Queixadas Strike, which took over the factory for seven years and left to the territory an identity of struggle for rights and citizenship. Based on the analysis of interviews, I discuss the counter-narrative created by one of these collectives, the Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque, to oppose oblivion and announce the potential of its territory. paper resignifying re signifying Factory 1970s s Paulo socalled so called Strike citizenship interviews counternarrative counter narrative collectives Quilombaque

It is well known that during times of social unrest, replacing the constitution is one of the first proposals to emerge, at least in Latin America, as if this constitutional shift could resolve any problem. Constitutional substitution is not a new phenomenon in Latin America; it actually began after the region’s redemocratization. However, it is striking that, despite similar conditions of social unrest, many other countries in the region have not undergone such an encompassing constitutional reform. Our main focus here is to analyze the persistence of constitutions in Latin American countries. We thus ask: What conditions lead democratic countries to keep their constitutions? Using a configurational approach, our preliminary results are promising. Together, four pathways explain why some countries have not replaced their constitutions in democratic contexts, with special emphasis on the number of rights enshrined in these fundamental laws. unrest emerge America problem regions s redemocratization However reform ask approach promising Together contexts laws

ABSTRACT Introduction: this study links ethical premises and foundations to analyze the dimensions involved in the design of public health policies and health reforms from a social, clinical and public health perspective. Methodology: technological resources and search platforms, applications of inclusion and exclusion criteria were used to select relevant original articles, through a systematic review of the literature, in Medline, Ibecs, Pubmed, Scielo, BVS, Scopus, Web of Science databases, in English and Spanish, about ethics from the clinical, social and public health perspective, organizing the information in scientific tables. Results: the decent living conditions of individuals from any social stratum are related to the guarantees of health care and preservation of living conditions that directly impact health and well-being, and must be supported by institutions and society. Conclusion: regulatory frameworks, connected to human rights, must guarantee equitable access to health care, without discrimination, within the framework of community participation, privacy and social dialogue, influencing policy formulation, accountability, prevention of conflicts of interest and continuous evaluation of effectiveness, leading to the highest impact of health interventions.

RESUMEN Introducción: este estudio vincula premisas y fundamentaciones éticas, para el análisis de dimensiones involucradas en el diseño de políticas públicas de salud y reformas de salud, desde la perspectiva social, del ámbito clínico y de salud pública. Metodología: se utilizaron recursos tecnológicos y plataformas de búsqueda, aplica criterios de inclusión y exclusión para seleccionar artículos originales relevantes, a través de revisión sistematizada de la literatura, en bases de datos Medline, Ibecs, Pubmed, Scielo, BVS, Scopus, Web of Science, en inglés y español, acerca de la ética desde la perspectiva clínica, social y de la salud pública, organizando la información en tablas científicas. Resultados: las condiciones de vida digna de individuos de cualquier estrato social, se relacionan a las garantías de atención sanitaria y preservación de condiciones de vida que impactan directamente en la salud y el bienestar, debiendo ser respaldados por las instituciones y la sociedad. Conclusión: los marcos regulatorios, conectados a los derechos humanos, deben garantizar el acceso equitativo a la atención a la salud, sin discriminación, en el marco de la participación comunitaria, la privacidad y el dialogo social, influyendo en la formulación de políticas, la rendición de cuentas, la prevención de conflictos de interés y la evaluación continua de la efectividad, conducentes al más alto impacto de las intervenciones en salud.

Abstract Introduction: México has a high rate of teenage pregnancy, which symbolizes a risk to the health and socio-economic development of this group. The prevention of a second pregnancy at this stage is relevant to improve quality of life. Objective: To explore the social representations of prenatal contraceptive counseling based on the experiences and expectations of pregnant adolescents and health providers in a second level care hospital. Methodology: Qualitative study based on Serge Moscovici’s Social Representations Theory with ten primiparous adolescents in any quarter of pregnancy and seven health providers, adolescents without pregnancy condition were excluded. We used semi-structured interviews recorded and analyzed in their integrity through fluctuating reading by two researchers, the discourse of the proposed thematic axes was contrasted. Integrity, confidentiality, and autonomy were respected. Results: The realities represented by adolescents showed a need for knowledge, values, respect, kindness, and patience. Providers evoked paternalistic counseling, but with recognition of focused counseling and reproductive rights. Conclusion: More participants stated that the ideal time to receive counseling is during pregnancy, since pregnant adolescents expressed the need to receive information and have more time lapse between their pregnancies. The expectations of the Prenatal Contraceptive Counseling (CAP by its acronym in Spanish) differed in terms of values to give rise to a paternalistic attitude on the part of the health provider and the preference of adolescents for counseling based on respect, honesty, and trust, among others.

Abstrato Introdução: O México tem um alto índice de gravidez na adolescência, o que simboliza um risco para a saúde e o desenvolvimento socioeconômico desse grupo. A prevenção de uma segunda gravidez nesta fase é relevante para melhorar sua qualidade de vida. Objetivo: Explorar as representações sociais do aconselhamento contraceptivo pré-natal a partir das experiências e expectativas de gestantes adolescentes e profissionais de saúde em um segundo nível de atenção hospitalar. Metodologia: Estudo qualitativo baseado na Teoria das Representações Sociais de Serge Moscovici com dez adolescentes primíparas em qualquer trimestre da gravidez e sete profissionais de saúde; foram excluídas as adolescentes sem condições de gravidez. Foram utilizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas gravadas e analisadas em sua integridade por meio da leitura flutuante de dois pesquisadores, contrastando o discurso dos eixos temáticos propostos. Integridade, confidencialidade e autonomia foram respeitadas. Resultados: As realidades representadas pelos adolescentes mostraram necessidade de conhecimento, valores, respeito, gentileza e paciência. Os prestadores evocaram aconselhamento paternalista, más com reconhecimento de aconselhamento focado e direitos reprodutivos. Conclusão: Um número maior de participantes afirmou que o momento ideal para receber aconselhamento é durante a gravidez, pois as adolescentes grávidas expressaram a necessidade de receber informações e de ter mais tempo entre as gestações. As expectativas da aconselhamento contraceptivo pré-natal (CAP, na sigla em espanhol) diferiram quanto aos valores para dar lugar a uma atitude paternalista por parte do provedor de saúde e a preferência das adolescentes por uma assessoria baseada no respeito, honestidade, confiança, entre outros

Resumen Introducción: México presenta una tasa elevada de embarazo adolescente lo que simboliza un riesgo a la salud y desarrollo socioeconómico de este grupo. La prevención de un segundo embarazo en esta etapa es relevante para mejorar su calidad de vida. Objetivo: Explorar las representaciones sociales de la consejería anticonceptiva prenatal a partir de las experiencias y expectativas de adolescentes gestantes y proveedores de salud en un hospital de segundo nivel de atención. Metodología: Estudio cualitativo basado en la Teoría de las Representaciones Sociales de Serge Moscovici con diez adolescentes primíparas en cualquier trimestre de embarazo y siete proveedores de salud, se excluyeron adolescentes sin condición de embarazo. Se utilizó entrevista semiestructurada grabadas y analizadas en su integridad mediante lectura fluctuante realizada por dos investigadores, se contrastó el discurso de los ejes temáticos propuesto. Se respetó la integridad, confidencialidad y autonomía. Resultados: Las realidades representadas por las adolescentes mostraron necesidad de conocimientos, valores, respeto, amabilidad y paciencia. Los proveedores evocaron una consejería paternalista, pero con reconocimiento de una consejería focalizada y derechos reproductivos. Conclusión: Las experiencias similares de los participantes fueron que el momento ideal para recibir la consejería es durante el embarazo, en virtud de que las adolescentes embarazadas manifestaron necesidad de recibir información y espaciar sus embarazos. Las expectativas de la consejería anticonceptiva prenatal difirieron en los valores para dar lugar a una actitud paternalista por parte del proveedor de salud y la preferencia de las adolescentes por una consejería basada en el respeto, honestidad, confianza, entre otros.

Abstract Introduction: This article identifies the process of construction of the Andean Migration Statute, with emphasis on the participation of non-governmental actors. The Andean Migration Statute is a regional policy that occurs with a long-term bottom-up diffusion process, where the government's intention of regional normative convergence and the need for a change in approach brought about by social actors come together. Objective: it shows the limitations of the regional convergence on migration management. Methodology: this is qualitative research and develops a case study on the configuration of the Andean Migration Statute. It is based on the official documents of the Andean Community and other specialized studies. The theoretical framework is the South America migration governance and the diffusion process of public policy. Conclusions: the Andean Migration Statute incorporated a focus on guaranteeing rights for Andean residents, aligned with global governance on orderly and safe migration. Although this neglects to resolve other regional migration problems such as irregular migration flows and emigration. It is necessary to discuss regional migration governance to refocus attention on unresolved common problems.

Ressumo Introdução: este artigo identifica o processo de construção do Estatuto Migratório Andino, fazendo ênfase na participação dos atores societais. Este estatuto é uma política regional que ocorre num processo de difusão bottom-up de longo prazo, onde a intenção governamental de convergência normativa regional converge com a necessidade de uma mudança da abordagem migratória, trazida pelos atores societais. Objetivo: mostrar as limitações na convergência regional da gestão migratória. Metodologia: esta investigação é qualitativa e desenvolve um caso de estudo ao redor da configuração do Estatuto Migratório Andino; baseada nos documentos oficiais da Comunidade Andina e outros estudos especializados na matéria. O marco teórico é a governança migratória sul-americana e a difusão de políticas públicas. Conclusões: o Estatuto da Migração Andina incorpora o enfoque na garantia de direitos aos residentes andinos, alinhada com a governação global sobre uma migração ordenada e segura. Embora isto, negligência a resolução de outros problemas de migração regional, como os fluxos migratórios irregulares e a emigração. É necessário discutir a governança regional da migração para centrar a atenção nos problemas comuns não resolvidos.

Resumen Introducción: este artículo identifica el proceso de construcción del Estatuto Migratorio Andino, con especial énfasis en la participación de los actores no gubernamentales. Este estatuto es una política regional que se produjo con un proceso de difusión bottom-up de largo plazo, donde confluye la intención gubernamental de la convergencia normativa regional y la necesidad de un cambio de enfoque, propiciado por los actores sociales regionales. Objetivo: mostrar el proceso de difusión del Estatuto y las limitaciones que existen en la convergencia regional sobre la gestión migratoria. Metodología: esta es una investigación cualitativa, que desarrolla un estudio de caso sobre la configuración del Estatuto Migratorio Andino, basado en los documentos oficiales de la Comunidad Andina y los estudios académicos al respecto; su marco teórico está en la gobernanza migratoria sudamericana y el proceso de difusión de políticas públicas. Conclusiones: el Estatuto Migratorio Andino incorporó un enfoque de garantía de derechos para los residentes andinos, alineado a la gobernanza global sobre migración ordenada y segura. Aunque descuida resolver otros problemas migratorios regionales como los flujos migratorios irregulares y la emigración. Es preciso discutir la gobernanza regional migratoria para enfocar la atención a los problemas comunes irresueltos.

Abstract Introduction: The problem of energy security has already been addressed from a multidimensional approach, but always associated with a geopolitical, national security or sovereignty issue. Internal security during neoliberalism represents a process of inflation of the penal system. Thus, energy security, even from a multidimensional approach, is blurred if an approach that criminalizes those who self-manage access to the rights to adequate life and housing, to energy and to the city predominates. Objective: The main objective of this article is to propose a new way of understanding the problem of energy security, taking it from a watertight concept to a pendulum between "security/insecurity" that serves to weigh the degree of enjoyment of these rights. Methodology: For this purpose, housing fires between 2018 and 2023 in a city of 640 thousand inhabitants (Salta, Argentina) were collected, analyzed and systematized, and this information was crossed with data from the National Registry of Popular Neighborhoods and the Municipality of Salta. Conclusions: This allowed concluding that reappropriating "energy security" as a shield to guarantee access to rights is a fertile ground not only for academic purposes, but also for legal, social and political ones.

Resumo Introdução: O problema da segurança energética já foi tratado a partir de uma abordagem multidimensional, mas sempre associado a uma questão geopolítica, de segurança nacional ou de soberania. A segurança interna sob o neoliberalismo representa um processo de inflação do sistema penal. Assim, a segurança energética, mesmo a partir de uma abordagem multidimensional, fica embaçada se predominar uma abordagem que criminaliza aqueles que autogerenciam o acesso aos direitos à vida e à moradia adequadas, à energia e à cidade. Objetivo: O principal objetivo deste artigo é propor uma nova forma de entender o problema da segurança energética, levando-o de um conceito estanque para um pêndulo entre "segurança/insegurança" que serve para ponderar o grau de gozo desses direitos. Metodologia: para isso, foram coletados, analisados e sistematizados os incêndios em moradias entre 2018 e 2023 em uma cidade de 640.000 habitantes (Salta, Argentina), e essas informações foram cruzadas com dados do Registro Nacional de Bairros Populares e do Município de Salta. Conclusões: Isso levou à conclusão de que a reapropriação da "segurança energética" como escudo para garantir o acesso a direitos é um terreno fértil não apenas para fins acadêmicos, mas também para fins jurídicos, sociais e políticos.

Resumen Introducción: el problema de la seguridad energética ha sido ya abordado desde un enfoque multidimensional, pero siempre asociado a una cuestión geopolítica, de seguridad nacional o de soberanía. La seguridad interna durante el neoliberalismo representa un proceso de inflación del sistema penal. Así, la seguridad energética, incluso desde un enfoque multidimensional, se desdibuja si predomina un enfoque que criminalice a quienes se autogestionan el acceso a los derechos a la vida y vivienda adecuadas, a la energía y a la ciudad. Objetivo: el objetivo principal de este artículo es proponer una nueva forma de comprender el problema de la seguridad energética, llevándola de un concepto estanco a un péndulo entre “seguridad/inseguridad” que sirva para ponderar el grado de goce de esos derechos. Metodología: para ello, se recopilaron, analizaron y sistematizaron los incendios de viviendas entre 2018 y 2023 en una ciudad de 640 mil habitantes (Salta, Argentina) y se cruzó esa información con datos del Registro Nacional de Barrios Populares y de la Municipalidad de Salta. Conclusiones: ello permitió concluir que reapropiarse de la “seguridad energética” como escudo para garantizar el acceso a derechos es un terreno fértil no sólo a los fines académicos, sino también jurídicos, sociales y políticos.

Abstract Purpose: To adapt and validate in Sonora the scale to measure Attitudes towards Transgender People in University Students (EATU), which measures the inclusion of trans people in Higher Education Institutions (HEIS). Methodological design: Quantitative, cross-sectional and non-experimental study. 860 participants were selected among three HEIS, with non-probabilistic and intentional sampling. A 4-point Likert-type scale survey was applied that evaluates transinclusive attitudes. Reliability was obtained with Cronbach's alpha and McDonald's omega. For validity, the sample was randomly divided into two; In subsample 1, an Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was carried out and in subsample 2, the model resulting from the EFA was tested using a Structural Equation Model (SEM). Results: The EFA yielded a final solution EATU of 32 items grouped into 3 dimensions called sensitivity, coexistence and cisexist stigma, with values that demonstrate validity and reliability. The SEM generated a model with indices of fitness in a final solution of 17 items and 3 correlated dimensions with acceptable coefficients. Research limitations: The measurement of transinclusion attitudes in a society where it has been documented that such construct is barely being developing, and the failure to collect demographic data on the sample about their religious beliefs. Findings: A measurement instrument on transinclusive attitudes for key social actors interested in promoting the inclusion of trans people, their human rights and substantive equality.

Resumen Objetivo: Adaptar y validar en el contexto sonorense la Escala para medir Actitudes hacia las Personas Transgénero en Estudiantes Universitarios (EATU) que mide la inclusión de personas trans en Instituciones de Educación Superior (IES). Diseño metodológico: Es un estudio cuantitativo, transversal y no experimental. De tres IES, participaron 860 personas seleccionadas con muestreo no probabilístico e intencional. Se aplicó una escala tipo Likert de 4 puntos que evalúa actitudes transincluyentes. La fiabilidad se obtuvo con alfa de Cronbach y omega de McDonald. Para la validez la muestra se dividió al azar en dos; en la submuestra 1 se llevó a cabo un Análisis Factorial Exploratorio (AFE) y en la submuestra 2 se probó el modelo resultante del AFE mediante un Modelo de Ecuaciones Estructurales (MEE). Resultados: El AFE arrojó una solución final de la EATU de 32 ítems agrupados en 3 dimensiones denominadas sensibilidad, convivencia y estigma cisexista, con valores de fiabilidad superiores a .90 y de cargas factoriales superiores a .36. El MEE generó un modelo con índices de bondad de ajuste en una solución final de 17 ítems y 3 dimensiones correlacionadas con coeficientes superiores a .46. Limitaciones de la investigación: La medición de actitudes de transinclusión en una sociedad donde se ha documentado que tal constructo está en desarrollo y el no recabar datos demográficos en la muestra sobre sus creencias religiosas. Hallazgos: Un instrumento de medida sobre actitudes transincluyentes para actores sociales clave interesados en la promoción de la inclusión de las personas trans, sus derechos humanos y la igualdad sustantiva.

Abstract In recent years, several emblematic cases of girls pregnant due to rape have occupied the Brazilian news. The obstacles they faced to access the right to abortion mobilized the public debate, especially through social networks. In this context, using a theoretical-analytical framework in relation to the narrative disputes and framing of social movements in networks, this article analyzes two of the most recent widely known cases on Twitter/X. To do so, quantitative and qualitative methodologies are employed. On the one hand, message exchange networks are analyzed, along with their influence and contagion relationships and automation in Twitter/X. On the other hand, narratives are categorized based on topic modelling combined with qualitative analysis, highlighting narratives for and against abortion rights in order to understand how the social imaginary is disputed in networks. It is concluded that the narratives for sexual and reproductive rights were successful in influencing the public sphere and in promoting ideas with positive effects for guaranteeing victims’ rights. However, these same narratives reproduced a moral dichotomy between “good” and “bad” abortions. Thus, it is necessary to overcome such antagonisms so that all people may have reproductive freedom in the future.

Resumen En los últimos años, varios casos emblemáticos de niñas embarazadas debido a violaciones han ocupado las noticias brasileñas. Los obstáculos que ellas enfrentaron para acceder al derecho al aborto movilizaron el debate público, especialmente a través de las redes sociales. En este contexto, utilizando un marco teórico- analítico sobre las disputas narrativas y los encuadres de los movimientos sociales en las redes, en este artículo se analiza el abordaje en Twitter/X de dos de los principales casos más recientes. Para ello, se emplean metodologías cuantitativas y cualitativas. Por un lado, se analizan las redes de intercambio de mensajes, sus relaciones de influencia y contagio y la automatización. Por otro, se categorizan las narrativas a partir de topic modelling combinada con el análisis cualitativo y poniendo énfasis en las narrativas a favor y en contra del derecho al aborto para entender cómo se disputa el imaginario social en las redes. Se concluye que las narrativas por los derechos sexuales y reproductivos tuvieron éxito en influir en la esfera pública y en promover ideas con efectos positivos para la garantía de los derechos de las víctimas. Sin embargo, esas mismas narrativas reprodujeron una dicotomía moral entre abortos “buenos” y “malos”. Por ello, se requiere superar tales antagonismos para que todas las personas tengan libertad reproductiva en un futuro.

Abstract Articulating the ethics of care and cyberfeminism, this article analyzes how imaginaries about abortion and access to abortion have changed in the central highlands of Ecuador. For this purpose, a qualitative methodology is used through semi-structured interviews with a group of young Indigenous women leaders in the province of Chimborazo. In this province, abortion has gradually ceased to be a latent and silenced issue in community agendas and has become part of the conversations of women’s groups. The article illustrates how the influence of the fourth wave of feminism and the Green Wave movement, linked to the use of social networks, has permeated certain community discourses and has influenced the possibility for young Indigenous women in this province to access information and to exercise, in the company of other women, their right to abortion. In this sense, it is concluded that the use of online social networks promotes the weaving of offline networks, which allows women, beyond their geographical location, to have more access to information and, therefore, more possibility of exercising their sexual and reproductive rights.

Resumen Articulando la ética del cuidado y el ciberfeminismo, en este artículo se analiza cómo han cambiado los imaginarios sobre el aborto y el acceso al mismo en la Sierra central del Ecuador. Para ello se emplea una metodología cualitativa a través de entrevistas semiestructuradas a un grupo de jóvenes lideresas indígenas en la provincia de Chimborazo. En dicha provincia el aborto ha ido dejando poco a poco de ser un tema latente y silenciado en las agendas comunitarias, para convertirse en parte de las conversaciones de los grupos de mujeres. Se ilustra cómo la influencia de la cuarta ola del feminismo y del movimiento Marea Verde, ligada al uso de las redes sociales, ha permeado ciertos discursos comunitarios y ha incidido en la posibilidad de que las jóvenes indígenas de esta provincia accedan a información y puedan ejercer, en compañía de otras mujeres, su derecho al aborto. En este sentido, se concluye que el uso de las redes sociales online promueve el tejido de redes offline, lo cual permite a las mujeres, más allá de su ubicación geográfica, tener más acceso a información y, por tanto, más posibilidad de ejercer sus derechos sexuales y reproductivos.

Abstract This article analyzes how different activisms in Chile feminists, LGTBIQ+, antihegemonic masculinities, and groups opposing sexual and reproductive rights contested the gender order during the country’s constituent process, which unfolded between 2020 and 2023. In particular, we explore the way in which anti-abortion groups mobilized, showing that they not only oppose the interruption of pregnancy, but they also try to re-signify gender as a social construct. From the logic of methodological assemblage, we combined the observation of street demonstrations and digital ethnography through a series of interviews with cyber-activists of “pro-life” organizations. From the analysis conducted on the practices and discourses of these groups, three types of political operations have been identified: a redefinition of the framework of rights at stake when debating abortion; a broadening of the affected subject otherwise restricted to the fetus; and a resignification of feminism. These findings allow us to conclude that such activisms do not represent “anti-gender” positions but rather correspond to a neoconservative gender countermovement.

Resumen En el presente artículo se analiza la forma en que los diferentes activismos en Chile feministas, LGTBIQ+, masculinidades antihegemónicas y grupos que se oponen a los derechos sexuales y reproductivos disputaron el orden de género durante el proceso constituyente del país, desarrollado entre 2020 y 2023. En particular, se explora el modo en que los grupos antiabortistas se movilizaron con el fin de comprender que no solo se oponen a la interrupción del embarazo, sino que tratan de resignificar el género como constructo social. Desde la lógica del ensamblaje metodológico, se combinó la observación de manifestaciones callejeras y la etnografía digital, a través de una serie de entrevistas a ciberactivistas de organizaciones “provida”. A partir del análisis realizado sobre las prácticas y discursos de estos grupos, se han identificado tres tipos de operaciones políticas: una redefinición del marco de los derechos en juego al debatir sobre el aborto; una ampliación del sujeto afectado restringido al feto; y una resignificación del feminismo. Estos hallazgos permiten concluir que tales activismos, más que a posiciones “antigénero”, corresponden a un contramovimiento neoconservador de género.

Resumo Este artigo reflete sobre a necessidade urgente de fortalecimento dos valores democráticos e do exercício da cidadania desde a infância frente à crescente implantação do modelo de militarização em escolas públicas brasileiras. Parte-se da análise das diretrizes do Programa Nacional das Escolas Cívico-Militares (PECIM), estabelecido entre 2019 e 2022. Foram realizados estudos bibliográfico e documental, buscando responder às questões: Que tipo de cidadão a escola pública tende a formar por meio da cidadania praticada nos padrões de ensino, valores e comportamentos adotados pelos militares? Que ethos valorativo norteia a defesa dos militares no comando da gestão e dos processos educativos das escolas públicas brasileiras? Em oposição à militarização escolar, defende-se um projeto de educação para a democracia, fundamentado no exercício da cidadania desde a infância, com vistas à efetivação de um com vistas à efetivação de um ethos valorativo mais afinado com a sociedade democrática e com a garantia de direitos e de justiça social. brasileiras Partese Parte se CívicoMilitares Cívico Militares PECIM, PECIM , (PECIM) 201 2022 documental questões ensino escolar defendese defende democracia social (PECIM 20 202 2

Abstract This article reflects on the urgent need to strengthen democratic values and the exercise of citizenship from childhood onwards, in view of the growing implementation of the militarization model in Brazilian public schools today. It starts with the analysis of the guidelines of the National Program of Civic-Military Schools (PECIM) between 2019 and 2022. Bibliographic and documentary studies were carried out seeking to answer the questions: What type of citizen does public school tend to form through citizenship practiced in the teaching standards, values and behaviors adopted by the military? What ethos of values guides the defense of the military in command of the management and educational processes of Brazilian public schools? In opposition to school militarization, an education project for democracy based on the exercise of citizenship since childhood is defended, with a view to implementing an ethos of values more in tune with a democratic society and the guarantee of rights and social justice. onwards today CivicMilitary Civic Military PECIM (PECIM 201 2022 questions standards defended justice 20 202 2

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es subrayar las condiciones que impactan directamente a la población migrante en contextos sociohistóricos concretos en las fronteras Colombia-Venezuela y México- Centroamérica, donde se profundiza una situación precaria agravada por la violencia asociada a problemas de orden político. Dichas condiciones de deterioro precipitan la decisión de migrar y han convertido a la movilidad en la única estrategia para preservar la vida. Al examinar las circunstancias particulares, se evidencia que los cambios en las dinámicas transfronterizas están emparentados con una acción estatal que privilegia el control fronterizo y que la persistente precarización de la población en tránsito es acentuada por el accionar criminal. Así mismo, las respuestas sociales oscilan entre la asistencia y la protección de la población migrante, y la hostilidad que acompaña la estigmatización. migración transfronteriza, violencia y derechos humanos, acción estatal, México-Centroamérica, Colombia-Venezuela

Abstract This article aims to highlight the conditions directly impacting the migrant population in specific sociohistorical contexts on the Colombia-Venezuela and Mexico-Central America borders. Here, a precarious situation worsens, aggravated by violence. These are conditions associated with problems of a political order, which highlight the role of persistent violence in the deterioration of a dignified life, precipitating the decision to migrate and turning mobility into the only strategy to preserve life. An examination of the particular circumstances shows that the changes in cross-border dynamics are related to state actions that favor border control, a persistent precariousness of the population in transit deepened by criminal activities and some social responses that oscillate between assistance and protection of the migrant population, alongside the hostility that accompanies stigmatization.

ABSTRACT "We are the trash, but the most important thing." The expression of a chambermaid sums up the fundamental tension of the so-called "care crisis", between the subordination of its protagonists due to the intersection of gender, class and foreign inequalities and the essential nature of this work for the sustain-ability of social life. This research adopts this perspective to offer proposals for improving the socio-legal methodology for analysing care-related rights. It does so based on the sector of chambermaids in tourist establishments in Spain and in particular through the experience of the Seville Union of Chambermaids (Kellys). Their experience allows us to reformulate the legal approach to their social rights. To this end, we present (1) the main violations of rights they identify; (2) the political-legal analysis these workers carry out on the inequalities that underlie these discriminations, as well as some reform proposals; and (3) the strategies for protection and self-protection of rights that they implement, both individually and collectively.

RESUMEN "Somos la basurilla, pero lo más importante." La expresión de una camarera de piso resume la tensión fundamental de la llamada "crisis de los cuidados", entre la subordinación de sus protagonistas por la intersección de las desigualdades de género, clase y extranjería y el carácter esencial de esa labor para la sostenibilidad de la vida social. Esta investigación adopta dicha perspectiva para ofrecer propuestas para mejorar la metodología socio-jurídica de análisis de los derechos relacionados con el cuidado. Lo hace a partir del sector de camareras de piso de establecimientos turísticos en España y en particular a través de la experiencia del Sindicato de Camareras de Piso (Kellys) de Sevilla. Su experiencia permite reformular el abordaje jurídico de sus derechos sociales. Para ello se exponen (1) las principales vulneraciones de derechos que identifican; (2) el análisis político-jurídico que las trabajadoras realizan sobre las desigualdades que subyacen a esas discriminaciones, así como algunas propuestas de reforma; y (3) las estrategias de tutela y autotutela de derechos que implementan, tanto individuales como colectivas.

ABSTRACT Although the Colombian Constitutional Court has issued a large number of rulings on the rights of the LGBTQ population, little attention has been paid to assessing the impact of these rulings beyond the mere formal recognition of rights. This article focuses on ruling T-063 of 2015, which recognized the right of trans people to change their gender markers on official documents without undergoing a voluntary judicial process. Drawing on interviews and documentary sources, this article shows that the mobilization that emerged in support of this litigation, both during the judicial review process and after the decision was issued, influenced the positive effects that this decision had in the legal, political, and social fields. I argue that the availability of participatory mechanisms -especially amicus curiae briefs (or intervenciones)-and the multisectoral composition of the network of actors involved in the mobilization are two crucial factors for understanding the positive impact of ruling T-063/15 on the legal recognition of gender identity.

RESUMEN Aunque la Corte Constitucional de Colombia ha promulgado una amplia serie de sentencias sobre los derechos de la población LGBTQ, hasta ahora muy pocas investigaciones se han interesado en evaluar el impacto de estos fallos más allá de sus implicaciones para el reconocimiento formal de derechos. Este artículo analiza el impacto de una de estas decisiones, la sentencia T-063 de 2015, la cual reconoció el derecho de las personas trans a cambiar el componente sexo en sus documentos de identificación sin tener que recurrir a un proceso de jurisdicción voluntaria. Con base en entrevistas y la revisión de fuentes documentales, este trabajo muestra que la movilización que se desencadenó a favor de este litigio, tanto durante el proceso de revisión judicial como después de la promulgación del fallo, influyó en los efectos positivos que tuvo esta sentencia en los campos legal, político y social. Argumento que la existencia de mecanismos participativos -en particular de los escritos de intervención- y la composición multisectorial de la red de actores que participó en la movilización son dos factores cruciales para entender el impacto positivo de la sentencia T-063/15 sobre el reconocimiento legal de la identidad de género.