Résumé Par la méthode historique-comparative, cet article aborde les impacts, sur les États-Unis, l’Allemagne et le Brésil, des quatre crises économiques internationales survenues jusqu’en 2019, en se concentrant principalement sur leurs effets sur le régime politique et le post-2008. Les pays sélectionnés ont eu des expériences autoritaires distinctes, anciennes ou actuelles. Je conceptualise l’État de manière tridimensionnelle : régime politique, appareil décisionnel et structure de domination politique appuyée sur des coalitions. J’argumente que les conjonctures internationales critiques ont tendance à avoir un impact sur cette tridimensionalité, facilitant l’observation de ses variations et continuités. Je formule et corrobore trois hypothèses sur ces crises : elles ont tendance à augmenter ou diminuer les niveaux de démocratie ou d’autocratie des régimes ou à les changer ; la réponse autocratisante dépend d’une relation de forces pro-entreprises, subordonnant les travailleurs ; l’engagement démocratique des acteurs s’oppose à l’autocratisation. La contribution à la littérature réside dans la manière d’aborder les processus d’autocratisation et de démocratisation, ici étudiés à travers les impacts des crises économiques internationales sur les États. Les conjonctures critiques éclairent les composants clés de la mutabilité du Léviathan. On examine le régime politique par la politique économique des relations entre l’État, les marchés et les classes sociales, et non exclusivement par les variables politico-institutionnelles. On analyse les mécanismes d’intersection de la sphère et des acteurs politico-institutionnels avec les structures et acteurs économiques et sociaux, qui, impactant la tridimensionalité de l’État, entraînent des changements de régime ou dans le régime. historiquecomparative, historiquecomparative historique comparative, comparative historique-comparative ÉtatsUnis, ÉtatsUnis États Unis, Unis États-Unis lAllemagne l Allemagne Brésil jusquen jusqu 2019 post2008. post2008 post 2008. 2008 post-2008 distinctes actuelles lÉtat État coalitions Jargumente J argumente lobservation observation continuités dautocratie d autocratie dune une proentreprises, proentreprises pro entreprises, entreprises pro-entreprises lengagement engagement soppose s oppose lautocratisation. lautocratisation autocratisation. autocratisation l’autocratisation daborder aborder dautocratisation démocratisation Léviathan lÉtat, État, sociales politicoinstitutionnelles. politicoinstitutionnelles politico institutionnelles. institutionnelles politico-institutionnelles dintersection intersection politicoinstitutionnels institutionnels sociaux qui 201 post200 200 post-200 20 post20 post-20 2 post2 post-2 post-

Resumen Por medio del método histórico comparativo, se abordan los impactos en los Estados de Estados Unidos, Alemania y Brasil, de las cuatro crisis económicas internacionales que han ocurrido hasta 2019, enfocándose, principalmente, en sus efectos en el régimen político y en el periodo posterior a 2008. Los países seleccionados tuvieron distintas experiencias autoritarias, antiguas o actuales. Defino al Estado de una forma tridimensional: régimen político, aparato decisor y estructura de dominación política respaldada en coaliciones. Argumento que las respectivas coyunturas críticas internacionales tienden a impactar esta tridimensionalidad, facilitando la observación de sus variaciones y continuidades. Así, formulo y corroboro tres hipótesis sobre esas crisis: tienden a aumentar o disminuir los niveles de democracia o autocracia de los regímenes o a cambiarlos; la respuesta autocratizante depende de una relación de fuerzas proempresarial que subordina a los trabajadores; y el compromiso democrático de los actores opera contra la autocratización. La contribución a la literatura se relaciona con el modo de abordar los procesos de autocratización y democratización aquí investigados por los impactos de las crisis económicas internacionales en los Estados. Las coyunturas críticas vislumbran componentes clave de la mutabilidad del Leviatán. Se investiga el régimen político a partir de la economía política de las relaciones entre Estado, mercados y clases sociales, y no exclusivamente por las variables político-institucionales. Se analizan mecanismos de intersección de la esfera y de los actores político-institucionales con las estructuras y actores económicos y sociales, que, impactando en la tridimensionalidad del Estado, implican cambios de régimen o en el régimen. comparativo Unidos Brasil 2019 enfocándose principalmente 2008 autoritarias actuales tridimensional coaliciones continuidades Así cambiarlos trabajadores Leviatán sociales políticoinstitucionales. políticoinstitucionales institucionales. institucionales 201 200 20 2

Abstract This study uses a historical-comparative method to examine the impacts of the four international economic crises that occurred until 2019 on the United States, Germany, and Brazil, focusing primarily on their effects on the political regime and the post-2008 period. The selected countries had different authoritarian experiences, either in the distant past or more recently. The State is conceptualized along three dimensions: political regime, decision-making apparatus, and the structure of political domination supported by coalitions. The argument is that the respective international critical junctures tend to impact this three-dimensionality, making it easier to observe their variations and continuities. Three hypotheses are formulated and corroborated regarding these crises: they tend to increase or decrease the levels of democracy or autocracy in regimes or change them; autocratization depends on a pro-business power balance that subordinates workers; the democratic commitment of actors operates against autocratization. This study’s contribution to the literature lies in the approach to processes of autocratization and democratization, which are investigated here through the impacts of international economic crises on States. Critical junctures shed light on key components of the mutability of the Leviathan. It investigates the political regime through the political economy of the relationships between the State, markets, and social classes, not exclusively through political-institutional variables. Mechanisms of intersection between the political-institutional sphere and economic and social structures and actors are analyzed. These mechanisms impact the three-dimensionality of the State, leading to changes in the regime or within the regime. historicalcomparative historical comparative 201 States Germany Brazil post2008 post 2008 post-200 period experiences recently dimensions decisionmaking decision apparatus coalitions threedimensionality, threedimensionality dimensionality, dimensionality continuities them probusiness pro business workers studys s democratization Leviathan markets classes politicalinstitutional institutional variables analyzed 20 post200 200 post-20 2 post20 post-2 post2 post-

Resumo Aborda-se, pelo método histórico-comparativo, impactos, nos Estados dos EUA, Alemanha e Brasil, das quatro crises econômicas internacionais ocorridas até 2019, focando-se, principalmente, em seus efeitos no regime político e no pós-2008. Os países selecionados tiveram distintas experiências autoritárias, remotas ou atuais. Conceituo o Estado tridimensionalmente: regime político, aparato decisor e estrutura de dominação política escorada em coalizões. Argumento que as respectivas conjunturas críticas internacionais tendem a impactar nesta sua tridimensionalidade, facilitando a observação de suas variações e continuidades. Formulo e corroboro três hipóteses sobre essas crises: elas tendem a aumentar ou diminuir os níveis de democracia ou autocracia dos regimes ou a mudá-los; a resposta autocratizante depende de uma relação de forças pró-empresarial, que subordine os trabalhadores; o compromisso democrático dos atores opera contra a autocratização. A contribuição com a literatura está no modo de abordagem dos processos de autocratização e democratização, aqui investigados pelos impactos das crises econômicas internacionais nos Estados. As conjunturas críticas iluminam componentes-chave da mutabilidade do Leviatã. Investiga-se o regime político pela economia política das relações entre Estado, mercados e classes sociais, e não exclusivamente pelas variáveis político-institucionais. Analisam-se mecanismos de intersecção da esfera e dos atores político-institucionais com as estruturas e atores econômicos e sociais, que, impactando na tridimensionalidade do Estado, ensejam mudanças de regime ou no regime. Abordase, Abordase Aborda se, se Aborda-se históricocomparativo, históricocomparativo histórico comparativo, comparativo histórico-comparativo EUA Brasil 2019 focandose, focandose focando focando-se principalmente pós2008. pós2008 pós 2008. 2008 pós-2008 autoritárias atuais tridimensionalmente coalizões continuidades mudálos mudá los mudá-los próempresarial, próempresarial pró empresarial, empresarial pró-empresarial trabalhadores democratização componenteschave componentes chave Leviatã Investigase Investiga sociais políticoinstitucionais. políticoinstitucionais institucionais. institucionais Analisamse Analisam 201 pós200 200 pós-200 20 pós20 pós-20 2 pós2 pós-2 pós-

Abstract Neoliberalism goes beyond a simple economic program or political ideology; it is a global civilizing project of a practical normative logic that defines the norms of life and social relations. But perhaps the greatest novelty offered by neoliberalism with respect to classical liberalism is the general principle of generalized competition that forces the rejection of cooperation as a basic principle of coexistence, equality and social development. This principle of generalized competition has been incorporated in all social organizations, including academia, as a reference of scientific knowledge. In the last 20 years, Higher Education Institutions have undergone a change of model under the protection of a deep economic and ethical crisis in Spain and the influence of globalization. In this sense, this paper focuses mainly on two issues: generalized competition and changes in higher education institutions in Spain. On the one hand, generalized competition has replaced cooperation as a basic principle in coexistence and social development and, on the other hand, higher education institutions in Spain have undergone changes that have increased inequality and the gender gap, leading to the consolidation of an elitist and patriarchal university.

Resumen El neoliberalismo va más allá de un simple programa económico o una ideología política, se trata de un proyecto civilizatorio global de una lógica normativa práctica que define las normas de vida y las relaciones sociales. Pero quizás, la mayor novedad que ofrece el neoliberalismo con respecto al liberalismo clásico es el principio general de la competencia generalizada que obliga a rechazar la cooperación como principio básico de la convivencia, la igualdad y el desarrollo social. Ese principio de la competencia generalizada se ha incorporado en todas las organizaciones sociales, incluida la Academia como referente del conocimiento científico. Y es que, en estos últimos 20 años, las Instituciones de Educación Superior, han sufrido un cambio de modelo al amparo de una profunda crisis económica y ética en España y la influencia de la globalización. En este sentido desde este trabajo se centran principalmente dos temas: la competencia generalizada y los cambios en las instituciones de educación superior en España. Por un lado, que la competencia generalizada ha reemplazado a la cooperación como principio básico en la convivencia y desarrollo social y, por otro, que las instituciones de educación superior en España han experimentado cambios que han incrementado la desigualdad y la brecha de género, llevando a la consolidación de una universidad elitista y patriarcal.

Resumen La nueva estructura de la migración internacional en el siglo XXI hace que los gobiernos locales se enfrenten a muchos desafíos. Las restricciones legales, las limitaciones presupuestarias y los determinantes sociales y estructurales juegan un papel en la respuesta de las ciudades a la migración internacional. Los municipios utilizan diferentes estrategias tanto para desarrollar respuestas a la inmigración como para hacer frente a las llamadas restricciones. Si bien la cooperación y la colaboración con organizaciones no gubernamentales son las vías preferidas por los municipios, en este estudio estas estrategias se analizan en el contexto de la búsqueda de foros. Se analiza el papel de la Asociación de Solidaridad con Inmigrantes (Göçmendd), apoyada por la Municipalidad de Şişli, y el de la Asociación de Asistencia y Solidaridad para Refugiados y Solicitantes de Asilo (Mülteciler), establecida por la Municipalidad de Sultanbeyli, ambas organizaciones representativas en los acuerdos de gobernanza migratoria de Estambul.

Abstract The new structure of international migration in the 21st century forces local governments to cope with a range of challenges. Legal restrictions, budget constraints, and social and structural determinants all play a role in cities’ response to international migration. Municipalities use an array of strategies to develop responses to immigration and cope with restrictions. While cooperation and collaboration with non-governmental organizations are the strategies of choice for municipalities, in this study, these strategies are analyzed within the context of venue shopping. The role of the Migrant Solidarity Association (Göçmendd), supported by Şişli Municipality, and the Refugee and Asylum Seekers Assistance and Solidarity Association (Mülteciler), established by Sultanbeyli Municipality, are analyzed. Both organizations are representatives in the Istanbul migration governance arrangements.

Resumen Luego de indagar sobre el lugar que las Fuerzas Armadas ocuparon en el proyecto político venezolano, entre 1999 y 2005, este artículo se propone historiar sobre una serie de elaboraciones y replanteos civiles y militares que abrevaron en este. Se considera que tal lugar guarda relación con un conjunto de intercambios sostenidos en el tiempo, así como con el núcleo de relaciones sociales, académicas y políticas que forjaron una mirada crítica de los militares. Estos, en comunión con civiles académicos y militantes de izquierda, elaboraron, durante décadas, una serie de visiones y acciones. La concepción de Ofensiva Táctica de Masas y la de Defensa Integral de la Nación estructuran este trabajo, que busca asociar elaboraciones conceptuales y acciones, antes y después de la llegada al gobierno. Estas imbricaciones coadyuvaron no solo a la confección de una nueva doctrina militar bolivariana, sino, además, a una mirada crítica sobre la democracia representativa y la organización del sistema político en torno a ella.

Resumo Ao investigar o lugar que as Forças Armadas ocuparam no projecto político venezuelano entre 1999 e 2005, propomo-nos historicizar uma série de elaborações e reconsiderações civis e militares que o alimentaram. Consideramos que tal lugar está relacionado com um conjunto de trocas sustentadas ao longo do tempo, bem como com um núcleo de relações sociais, académicas e políticas que forjaram uma visão crítica dos militares que, em comunhão com académicos civis e militantes de esquerda, elaboraram uma série de visões e acções ao longo de décadas. A concepção da Ofensiva Táctica de Massas em conjunto com a da Defesa Integral da Nação estruturam este trabalho, procurando associar elaborações conceptuais e acções, antes e depois da chegada do governo. Essas sobreposições contribuíram não só para a criação de uma nova doutrina militar bolivariana, mas também para uma visão crítica da democracia representativa e da organização do sistema político em torno dela.

Abstract In order to investigate the place that the Armed Forces occupied in the Venezuelan political project between 1999 and 2005, this work proposes to historicize a series of civilian and military elaborations and reconsiderations that were based on it. It considers that such a place is related to a set of exchanges sustained over time, as well as to a core of social, academic and political relations that forged a critical view of the soldiers. They, in communion with civilian academics and leftist activists, developed a series of visions and actions for decades. The conception of Mass Tactical Offensive together with that of Integral Defense of the Nation structure this work, that seeks to associate conceptual elaborations and actions, before and after the arrival to the government. These overlaps contributed not only to the creation of a new Bolivarian military doctrine, but also to a critical view of representative democracy and the organization of the political system around it.

Resumo O conceito de experiência, conforme sugerido pelo pragmatismo, obriga a pensar a atividade conjuntamente com a passibilidade. O objetivo do artigo é fundamentar a centralidade desta última na criação artística e pensar sob que modalidades ela é vivida pelos pintores no gesto pictórico. A partir de uma pesquisa etnográfica efetuada numa instituição de apoio social e psiquiátrico onde decorre um ateliê de pintura com o fito de capacitar os seus utentes, concluímos que a passibilidade (i) pode voltar-se para o exterior durante o processo pictórico, ou (ii) para o interior, dando azo a um momento introspectivo que serve como mote para pintar. Demonstramos, assim, que passibilidade e atividade se encontram intrinsecamente acopladas na pintura. experiência pragmatismo pictórico utentes i (i voltarse voltar ii (ii interior pintar Demonstramos assim

Abstract The concept of experience, as suggested by pragmatism, forces us to think about activity together with passibility. The objective of the article is to substantiate the centrality of the latter in artistic creation and to think under what modalities it is experienced empirically by painters in the pictorial gesture. Based on ethnographic research carried out in a social and psychiatric support institution where there is a painting studio with the aim of empowering its users, we conclude that passibility (i) can turn outwards during the pictorial process, or (ii) towards the interior, giving rise to an introspective moment that serves as a motto for painting. We thus demonstrate that passivity and activity are intrinsically coupled in painting. experience pragmatism gesture users i (i process ii (ii interior

Resumen La posmodernidad no se circunscribe únicamente a las profundas transformaciones de las estructuras sociales o culturales originadas en el último siglo, sino también a las de ciertas estructuras políticas tradicionales como el Estado y sus elementos constitutivos. A través de un enfoque normativo, el presente ensayo analiza los cambios del territorio ocasionados por la hegemonía de las fuerzas posmodernas representadas en el capitalismo posindustrializado, la globalización, y la revolución informática y comunicativa. Los resultados preliminares explican dichas dinámicas transformativas a partir de tres procesos interrelacionados: la producción, la organización y la orientación del espacio. En cada uno de esos niveles, el territorio deja de ser un objeto político por naturaleza, capaz de cumplir sus funciones congregacionales en torno a un ideal político comunitario para convertirse, en cambio, en una unidad política que privilegia otro tipo de intereses, ante todo, de índole económica.

Resumo A pós-modernidade não se limita apenas às profundas transformações das estruturas sociais ou culturais que tiveram lugar no último século, mas também às de certas estruturas políticas tradicionais, como o Estado e os seus elementos constitutivos. Através de uma abordagem normativa, este ensaio analisa as mudanças territoriais provocadas pela hegemonia das forças pós-modernas representadas no capitalismo pós-industrializado, na globalização e na revolução da informação e da comunicação. Os resultados preliminares explicam estas dinâmicas transformadoras em termos de três processos inter-relacionados: a produção, a organização e a orientação do espaço. A cada um destes níveis, o território deixa de ser um objeto político por natureza, capaz de cumprir as suas funções de congregação em torno de um ideal político comunitário, para se tornar uma unidade política que privilegia outros interesses, sobretudo económicos.

Abstract Postmodernity is not limited only to the profound transformations of social or cultural structures originated in the last century, but also to certain traditional political structures such as the State and its constituent elements. Through a normative approach, this essay analyzes the changes in the territory caused by the hegemony of postmodern forces represented especially in post-industrialized capitalism, globalization, and the information and communication revolution. The preliminary results explain these transformative dynamics from three interrelated processes: the production, organization, and orientation of space. At each of these levels, the territory ceases to be a political object by nature, capable of fulfilling its congregational functions around a community political ideal, to become, instead, into a political unit that privileges other types of interests, especially, economic ones.

Resumen En el presente artículo1 se explora el procedimiento metodológico de entrevistas virtuales realizadas en una experiencia de investigación social empírica sobre políticas sociales y sociedades 4.0. Las entrevistas virtuales fueron realizadas a personas receptoras de políticas sociales residentes en ciudades del interior de la provincia de Córdoba, Argentina, en el marco del Aislamiento Social Preventivo y Obligatorio, durante el 2020 y 2021. Se realizaron cuarenta entrevistas, identificando diferentes fases en su proceso de implementación. Se identifica que las políticas sociales han incorporado, en sus procesos de implementación, las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC), y en el siglo XXI los fenómenos de lo social acusan signos de hibridez entre el mundo virtual/físico. Ello impacta directamente en las técnicas y procedimientos requeridos para el estudio de las políticas sociales, lo que obliga a revisar las estrategias de abordaje de lo social. Las TIC se han inscripto en las prácticas cotidianas impactando en la identidad, la socialización, las desigualdades y los modos de hacer ciencia. En ese marco, las entrevistas virtuales permiten identificar que la construcción del dato se asume en una interacción donde se solapan y superponen actividades, resignifican las tradicionales fases de la entrevista cara a cara y redefinen las reglas de interacción, habilitando la centralidad del consentimiento informado en cada fase.

Résumé Cet article analyse la procédure méthodologique des entretiens virtuels réalisés dans le cadre d'une expérience de recherche sociale empirique sur les politiques sociales et les sociétés 4.0. Les entretiens virtuels ont été menés auprès de bénéficiaires de politiques sociales résidant dans des villes de l'intérieur de la province de Córdoba, en Argentine, dans le cadre de l'Isolation Sociale Préventive et Obligatoire, pendant les années 2020 et 2021. Quarante entretiens ont été réalisés, ce qui a permis d’identifier différentes phases dans leur processus de mise en œuvre. Il a été observé que les politiques sociales ont intégré, dans leurs processus de mise en œuvre, les Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication (TIC), et au XXIe siècle, les phénomènes sociaux présentent des signes d'hybridité entre le monde virtuel et physique, cela impacte directement les techniques et les procédures nécessaires à l'étude des politiques sociales, ce qui oblige à réviser les stratégies d'approche sociale. Les TIC se sont intégrées dans les pratiques quotidiennes, impactant l'identité, la socialisation, les inégalités et les modes de faire de la science. Dans ce contexte, les entretiens virtuels aident à identifier que la construction des données est assumée dans une interaction où les activités se chevauchent et se superposent, redéfinissant les phases traditionnelles de l'entretien en face à face et reformulant les règles d'interaction, en permettant la centralité du consentement éclairé à chaque étape.

Abstract This article explores the methodological procedure of virtual interviews carried out in an empirical social research experience on social policies and 4.0 societies. The virtual interviews were carried out with recipients of social policies residing in cities in the interior of the province of Córdoba, Argentina, within the framework of the Preventive and Mandatory Social Isolation during 2020 and 2021. Forty interviews were carried out, identifying different phases in their implementation process. It is identified that social policies have incorporated, into their implementation processes, Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), and in the 21st century, social phenomena show signs of hybridity between the virtual/physical world. This directly impacts the techniques and procedures required for the study of social policies, which forces to review the strategies for approaching social issues. ICTs have become part of everyday practices, impacting identity, socialization, inequalities, and the ways in which science is conducted. In this framework, virtual interviews allow for the identification of data construction in an interaction where activities overlap and intersect, reshaping the traditional phases of face-to-face interviews and redefining interaction rules, enabling the centrality of informed consent in each phase.

Resumen Lejos de tratarse de un colectivo homogéneo de funcionarios, los comisarios de la policía de la provincia de Buenos Aires presentan diferentes perfiles a la hora de construir poder y conducir la fuerza. Entre esos perfiles, los jefes denominados «callejeros» constituyen el grupo con mejor reputación no solo entre colegas y subordinados, sino también ante determinados actores sociales, políticos y mediáticos ajenos a la institución. En este artículo, analizamos la participación mediática en la construcción de sentidos vinculados al policía callejero. Lo hacemos a través de un ejemplo de caso: la cobertura del ascenso a la jefatura de la fuerza de un comisario general, identificado como un «policía de calle», realizada entre mayo y junio del año 2017 por una serie de programas televisivos y radiales. Como veremos en nuestro caso testigo, la producción y reproducción de narrativas asociadas a los quehaceres policiales dista de ser una tarea exclusiva de las agencias de seguridad, siendo promovida, además, por actores externos a las fuerzas.

Abstract Far from being a homogeneous group of officers, the «comisarios» in the police province of Buenos Aires have different profiles when it comes to building power and leading the force. Among these profiles, the so-called "callejeros" chiefs are the group with the best reputation not only among colleagues and subordinates, but also among certain social, political and media actors outside the institution. In this article, we analyze the participation of the media in the construction of meanings linked to the street police. We do so through a case example: the coverage of the promotion to the chief of the force of a «comisario general», identified as a «policía de calle», carried out between May and June 2017 by a series of television and radio programs. As we will see in our witness case, the production and reproduction of narratives associated with police tasks is far from being an exclusive task of security agencies, being promoted, moreover, by actors outside the forces.

Resumo A turbulenta situação da Nicarágua no final da década de 1970 constituiu um desafio significativo para os militares que lideraram a última ditadura militar na Argentina (1976-1983). Divididos em setores muitas vezes opostos, desenvolveram diversas avaliações, encontraram diferentes motivações e, consequentemente, promoveram diferentes atividades relacionadas ao país centro-americano. Este artigo procura contribuir para o debate mais amplo sobre as atividades extraterritoriais argentinas durante a última ditadura, tomando como caso as relações externas entre a Nicarágua e a Argentina (1977-1979) e investigando as motivações de tais atividades. Isso é possível através da leitura e análise detalhada de um extenso corpus de documentos pertencentes ao Ministério das Relações Exteriores da Argentina. Os elementos que emergiram desta análise permitem-nos discutir aquelas obras que analisam apenas uma causa - a perseguição aos exilados argentinos na Nicarágua revolucionária - ou apenas um setor das Forças Armadas - os nacionalistas ou "linha dura" -. Argumenta-se que entre as variáveis que explicam a política externa errática e contraditória em relação à Nicarágua, deve-se levar em conta o tipo de diplomacia envolvida (militar, econômica ou oficial) e o momento histórico específico (antes ou depois da revolução nicaraguense).

Resumen La convulsionada situación nicaragüense de fines de los 70 constituyó un desafío significativo para los militares que encabezaron la última dictadura militar en Argentina (1976-1983). Divididos en sectores, muchas veces enfrentados, desarrollaron diversas evaluaciones, encontraron motivaciones distintas y, en consecuencia, impulsaron actividades también distintas relativas al país centroamericano. El presente artículo busca aportar al debate más amplio sobre las actividades extraterritoriales argentinas durante la última dictadura, tomando como caso las relaciones exteriores entre Nicaragua y Argentina (1977-1979), y profundizando en las motivaciones de dichas actividades. Busca aportar a través de la lectura y análisis detallado de un corpus extenso de documentos pertenecientes a la Cancillería argentina. Los elementos surgidos de este análisis permiten discutir con aquellos trabajos que analizan solo una causa -la persecución de exiliados argentinos en la Nicaragua revolucionaria- o solo un sector de las Fuerzas Armadas -los nacionalistas o duros-. Se sostiene que entre las variables que explican la política exterior errática y contradictoria hacia Nicaragua debe tomarse en cuenta el tipo de diplomacia implicada (militar, económica u oficial) y el momento histórico específico (antes o después de la revolución nicaragüense).

Abstract The turbulent situation in Nicaragua the late 1970s constituted a significant challenge for the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983). Divided into often opposing sectors, they developed various evaluations, found different motivations and, consequently, promoted different activities related to the Central American country. This article seeks to contribute to the broader debate on Argentine extraterritorial activities during the last dictatorship by focusing on the foreign relations between Nicaragua and Argentina (1977-1979) and delving into the motivations for said activities. It does so through the reading and detailed analysis of an extensive corpus of documents from the Argentine Foreign Ministry. I argue that among the variables that explain the "erratic and contradictory" foreign policy towards Nicaragua, the type of diplomacy involved (military, economic or official) and the specific historical moment (before or after the Nicaraguan revolution) must be taken into account. This analysis stands in sharp contrast to previous works that analyze only one cause - the persecution of Argentine exiles in revolutionary Nicaragua - or only one sector of the Armed Forces - the nationalists or "hardliners".

Resumo Objetivo: Compreender o significado que o rodízio da Atenção Primária à Saúde representou para os médicos em formação no último ano da Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de Antioquia. Métodos: Realizou-se um estudo hermenêutico com aplicação de técnicas da teoria fundamentada. A fonte de informação foram 100 ensaios realizados pelos estudantes após o rodízio no seu internato entre os anos 2011 e 2016. Com codificação aberta obtiveram-se 1837 códigos, que foram agrupados em 18 categorias descritivas e foram identificadas 158 dimensões com as suas respectivas propriedades. Posteriormente, foi construída uma categoria analítica com a matriz paradigmática própria da teoria fundamentada. Resultados: Encarar a realidade da prática médica em um primeiro nível de atenção durante o rodízio de Atenção Primária à Saúde, representou um antes e um depois no plano pessoal e profissional nos estudantes de Medicina de uma universidade pública de Medellín, levando-os a aterrissarem abruptamente no complexo contexto do país e a tomarem uma posição no seu ofício de médicos, pois a sua formação prévia foi principalmente em hospitais de alta complexidade. Conclusão: O rodízio de APS expõe os estudantes aos problemas sociais, às necessidades da população colombiana e à crise do sistema de saúde. Isso exige deles uma reflexão sobre quem eles são e o tipo de médicos que eles desejam ser. Este rodízio torna-se, aliás, em uma oportunidade para fortalecerem conhecimentos, explorarem sentimentos e reconhecerem que a medicina também deve abordar os problemas da alma.

Resumen Objetivos: comprender el significado que la rotación de Atención Primaria en Salud tuvo para los médicos internos en formación del último año de la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Antioquia. Metodología: se realizó un estudio hermenéutico que aplicó técnicas de la teoría fundamentada. La fuente de información estuvo conformada por 100 ensayos realizados por los estudiantes tras la rotación en su internado entre 2011 y 2016. Con codificación abierta se obtuvieron 1837 códigos, los cuales se agruparon en 18 categorías descriptivas y se identificaron 158 dimensiones con sus respectivas propiedades. Posteriormente, se construyó una categoría analítica con la matriz paradigmática propia de la teoría fundamentada. Resultados: enfrentarse a la realidad del ejercicio médico en un primer nivel de atención durante la rotación de Atención Primaria en Salud, marcó un antes y un después desde lo personal y profesional en los estudiantes de Medicina de una Universidad Pública de Medellín, llevándolos a aterrizar abruptamente en el complejo contexto del país y a tomar una postura en su quehacer como médicos, ya que su formación previa fue principalmente en hospitales de alta complejidad. Conclusión: la rotación de Atención Primaria en Salud expone a los estudiantes a los problemas sociales, las necesidades de la población colombiana y la crisis del sistema de salud. Esto los obliga a reflexionar acerca de quiénes son y qué tipo de médicos quieren ser. Esta rotación se convierte, además, en una oportunidad para afianzar conocimientos, explorar sentimientos y reconocer que la medicina también debe abordar los problemas del alma.

Abstract Objective: to understand the meanings that the Primary Health Care rotation had for the interns from the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Antioquia during their last year of training. Methodology: a hermeneutical study was conducted using techniques from grounded theory. Information was obtained from 100 essays written by the students after having finished their rotations during an internship period between 2011 and 2016. A total of 1837 codes resulted from the open coding process; these were grouped into 18 descriptive categories, and 158 dimensions were identified along with their respective properties. Subsequently, an analytical category was built using a paradigm matrix, which is typical of grounded theory. Results: facing the reality of the medical profession at a first-level institution during their Primary Health Care rotation was a personal and professional milestone for these students from a public university of Medellín city. Their rotations suddenly connected them with Colombia›s complex context, thus forcing them to take a stance regarding their day-to-day work. This contrasts with their previous training, which took place at high level hospitals for the most part. Conclusion: Primary Health Care rotations expose students to the social problems of the Colombian population, its needs and the crisis of the healthcare system. This in turn forces them to reflect on who they are and what kind of doctors they want to become. The rotations also provide an opportunity to strengthen their knowledge, explore their feelings and understand that medicine should also approach the issues of the soul.

ABSTRACT The shipyards Center Company as part of the structure of the Military Industry Union, meets of needs to the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the National Economy, with services and products competitive and quality, providing technical naval construction, services modernization, defectation, repair and ships maintenance, boats and all floating media, both in the shipyard and outside its facilities in addition to supporting the national and territorial economy. As part of this corporate purpose, the productive processes. They generate waste that affect the environment of the poof the popular counal of the Reina systematically. Accordingly, decisions have been taken to minimize impact about the environment however, it is not counted, with systemic environment however quality indicators scientifically founded that allow to evaluate the impact and facilitate the decision-making process. As parts of the investigation, a group of environmental quality indicators proposed their validation and its feasibility of use is verified from the experimentation carried out. This makes it possible to verify the importance of the use of the proposed indicators in reducing the impact on the environment of the Queen People's Council and to obtain the procedures for their subsequent generalization.

RESUMEN La Empresa Astilleros Centro, como parte de la estructura de la Unión de Industria Militar, satisface necesidades de las FAR y la economía nacional con servicios y productos competitivos y de calidad, prestando servicios técnicos navales de construcción, modernización, defectación, reparación y mantenimiento de buques, embarcaciones y demás medios flotantes, tanto en el astillero como fuera de sus instalaciones además de apoyar la economía nacional y territorial. Como parte de su objeto social, los procesos productivos generan desechos que impactan en el medio ambiente del Consejo Popular Reina de manera sistemática. En consecuencia, se han tomado decisiones para minimizar el impacto sobre el medio ambiente, sin embargo, no se cuenta con un sistema de indicadores de calidad ambiental fundamentados científicamente, que permitan evaluar el impacto y facilitar el proceso de toma de decisiones al respecto. Como parte de esta investigación se proponen un grupo de indicadores de calidad ambiental, su validación y se comprueba su factibilidad de uso a partir de la experimentación realizada. Ello permite constatar la importancia del uso de los indicadores propuestos en la reducción del impacto sobre el medio ambiente del Consejo Popular Reina y obtener los procedimientos para su posterior generalización.

Abstract: Within the framework of his philosophy of money Locke develops a concept of it as something that belongs to the nature of things but whose value must be politically promulgated only once and forever. In his opinion the money is gold or silver, and its order is dictated by the order of natural reason which forces men to build their institution respecting this natural norm of things with the attitude of an unbreakable promise. Beyond the fixation that arrange the value of the money to the intrinsic nature of good social order, State intervention in the creation and management of money is instead judged as essentially pernicious. This article studies the function that this peculiar concept of money plays as an early antecedent of the liberal myth of economics as a supposed scientific discipline whose epistemic object would be the market understood analogously, under the influence of the deistic ideas of the 18th century, as a product of the spontaneous and virtuous order of society.

Resumen: En el marco de su filosofía de la moneda Locke desarrolla un concepto de ésta como algo que pertenece a la naturaleza de las cosas, pero cuyo valor debe promulgarse políticamente una sola vez y para siempre. A su juicio la moneda es el oro o la plata, y su ordenamiento está dictado por el orden de la razón natural, lo que obliga a los hombres a erigir su institución respetando esta norma natural de las cosas con la actitud de una promesa inquebrantable. Más allá de la fijación que ordena el valor de la moneda a la naturaleza intrínseca del buen orden social, la intervención estatal en la creación y gestión de la moneda es juzgada en cambio como esencialmente perniciosa. El presente artículo estudia la función que cumple este peculiar concepto de la moneda en cuanto antecedente temprano del mito liberal de la economía como una supuesta disciplina científica cuyo objeto epistémico sería el mercado, entendido éste análogamente, bajo el influjo de las ideas deístas del siglo XVIII, como un producto del orden espontáneo y virtuoso de la sociedad.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.

ABSTRACT Several authors have drawn attention to the fact that, with the explosion of data, we have entered a second era of the internet, also called the age of datafication. The unusually disruptive character that this explosion has provoked in the societies we inhabit seems at first sight indecipherable. However, I have made an effort to seek to understand some of the main traits capable of designing the tensions of contemporary forces. I called this effort the diagnosis of the contemporary, whose characteristics and consequences are discussed in this article. data internet datafication indecipherable However forces article

RESUMO Vários autores têm chamado a atenção para o fato de que, com a explosão de dados, entramos em uma segunda era da internet, também chamada de era da dataficação. O caráter disruptivo inusitado, que essa explosão tem provocado nas sociedades que habitamos, à primeira vista parece indecifrável. Entretanto, tenho feito o esforço de buscar compreender alguns dos traços principais capazes de desenhar as tensões de forças do contemporâneo. Dei a esse esforço o nome de diagnóstico do contemporâneo cujas característica e suas consequências estão discutidas neste artigo. dados internet dataficação inusitado habitamos indecifrável Entretanto artigo

Resumen El abandono rural es un fenómeno global promovido por causas biofísicas, socioeconómicas y socioproductivas, que conduce a la desaparición de prácticas agrícolas tradicionales y tiene graves impactos en la seguridad alimentaria y los medios de vida locales. Este fenómeno es más complejo en las tierras secas, ya que es poco probable que se recuperen las tierras productivas perdidas debido a la disponibilidad limitada de recursos hídricos. Los objetivos de este estudio son identificar tierras agrícolas abandonadas en un sector del este del oasis norte de Mendoza (Argentina) y determinar las principales causas que conducen este proceso. Se empleó una perspectiva interdisciplinaria, que incluye la implementación de la técnica de diferencia del Índice de Vegetación de Diferencia Normalizada (NDVI) a partir de imágenes Landsat, el análisis de boosted regression trees para evaluar causas espacialmente explícitas y la evaluación de la percepción de los productores locales y sus asesores técnicos mediante una encuesta digital. Las tierras agrícolas abandonadas aumentaron un 92% entre 2002 y 2020 y los principales factores identificados por ambas fuentes de información (modelo espacial y percepción social) fueron la accesibilidad, el tipo de cultivo, las condiciones de vida vulnerables de la población local, la disponibilidad de agua de riego, la disponibilidad de mano de obra y la falta de rentabilidad. El enfoque propuesto busca contribuir al monitoreo de los recursos productivos y a un ordenamiento territorial con una visión holística y de largo plazo.

Abstract Rural abandonment is a global phenomenon promoted by biophysical, socio-economic, and socio-productive causes, leading to the disappearance of traditional agricultural practices and serious impacts on food security and local livelihoods. This phenomenon is more complex in drylands since the lost of productive land is unlikely to be recovered due to the limited availability of water resources. This study aimed to identify abandoned agricultural lands in a sector located east of the northern oasis of Mendoza (Argentina) and determine the main driving forces leading this process. The interdisciplinary perspective employed included the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) difference technique implemented on Landsat images, the boosted regression trees analysis of spatially explicit drivers, and a digital survey providing perception assessments from local producers and their technical advisors. Abandoned agricultural land has increased by 92% between 2002 and 2020, being accessibility, crop type, vulnerable living conditions of the local population, availability of irrigation water and labor, and the lack of profitability, the main drivers identified by both sources of information (spatial model and social perception). The proposed approach contributes to monitore productive resources and land-use planning with a holistic and long-term vision.