Résumé Cet article vise à comprendre la réception du fascisme par les intellectuels liés à la droite catholique dans les années 1930, en mettant l’accent sur les débats menés dans la revue « A Ordem ». Nous cherchons à montrer comment - dans une analyse contextuelle de la pensée politique qui part de la nécessité de comprendre comment les idées circulent et sont appropriées et contre quels problèmes historiques elles sont mobilisées - les frontières idéationnelles entre conservatisme, réactionnisme, traditionalisme catholique et fascisme sont très ténues. L’accent ici est donc mis sur le répertoire sémantique mobilisé par les acteurs. En fin de compte, l’article vise à comprendre les affinités entre ces langages politiques pour produire une théorisation de la pensée réactionnaire de manière plus large, qui ne tienne pas seulement compte de ses manifestations paradigmatiques du Nord, mais qui soit capable de penser la critique des droites à la démocratie à partir de l’expérience de réception et de circulation de ces langages politiques dans le Sud global. 1930 laccent l accent » conservatisme réactionnisme ténues Laccent L acteurs larticle large Nord lexpérience expérience global 193 19 1

Abstract The purpose of this article is to understand the reception of fascism among intellectuals linked to the Catholic right in the 1930s, with emphasis on the debates held in the magazine A Ordem. We intend to show how – in a contextual analysis of political thought that starts from the need to understand how ideas circulate and are appropriated and against which historical problems they are mobilized – the ideational boundaries between conservatism, reactionaryism, Catholic traditionalism and fascism are very subtle. The emphasis here, therefore, is on the semantic repertoire that the actors mobilize. In the end, the article intends to understand the affinities between these political languages to produce a theorization of reactionary thought in a broader way, which does not only take into account its paradigmatic manifestations of the North, but which is capable of thinking about the right-wing critique of democracy from the experience of reception and circulation of these political languages in the global South. 1930s s Ordem conservatism reactionaryism subtle here therefore mobilize end way North rightwing wing South

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la recepción del fascismo entre los intelectuales vinculados a la derecha católica en la década de 1930, con énfasis en los debates realizados en la revista A Ordem. Buscamos mostrar cómo – en un análisis contextual del pensamiento político que parte de la necesidad de comprender cómo circulan y se apropian las ideas y contra qué problemas históricos se movilizan – las fronteras ideacionales entre conservadurismo, pensamento reaccionario, tradicionalismo católico y fascismo son muy tenues. El énfasis aquí, por lo tanto, está en el repertorio semántico movilizado por los actores. Al final, el artículo se propone comprender las afinidades entre estos lenguajes políticos para producir una teorización del pensamiento reaccionario de manera más amplia, que no solo tenga en cuenta sus manifestaciones paradigmáticas del Norte, sino que sea capaz de pensar la crítica derechista de la democracia desde la experiencia de recepción y circulación de estos lenguajes políticos en el Sur global. 1930 Ordem conservadurismo tenues aquí tanto actores final amplia Norte global 193 19 1

Resumo Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender a recepção do fascismo entre os intelectuais ligados à direita católica nos anos 1930, com ênfase nos debates travados na revista A Ordem. Procuramos mostrar como – em uma análise contextual do pensamento político que parte da necessidade de entender como as ideias circulam e são apropriadas e contra que problemas históricos elas são mobilizadas – as fronteiras ideacionais entre conservadorismo, reacionarismo, tradicionalismo católico e fascismo são muito tênues. A ênfase aqui, portanto, é no repertório semântico mobilizado pelos atores. Ao fim, o artigo pretende compreender as afinidades entre essas linguagens políticas para produzir uma teorização do pensamento reacionário de modo mais amplo, que não leve em conta apenas as suas manifestações paradigmáticas do Norte, mas que seja capaz de pensar a crítica das direitas à democracia a partir da experiência de recepção e circulação dessas linguagens políticas no Sul global. 1930 Ordem conservadorismo reacionarismo tênues aqui portanto atores fim amplo Norte global 193 19 1

Abstract The birth of the liberal system of education in the Roman Empire and its expansion, after the French revolution through pedagogical naturalism along the paths of Western education, its diversification through the new school movement means the installation from the conjunctural to the structural of a soft pedagogy that, with the emergence of emotional intelligences, infantilises education from the devaluation of discipline, effort and study as an arduous and slow process. To this, after the pandemic, online education intensifies and algorithms appear as agile solutions to accelerate and simplify the teaching-learning processes. The desire to make education profitable means the viralisation and hegemony of neoliberal budgets at all levels of education systems, progressively transforming higher education into theme parks at the service of transnationals where gamification replaces pedagogy and didactics replaces epistemologies, emptying universities of knowledge to turn them into higher institutions of entertainment. Re-reading memory not in order to commune with the past, but to analyse the intentions that founded universities as institutions that hosted slow pedagogies, based on study and discipline to dissolve the discourses ascribed to power and to be sources of contextualised and problematic truths, capable of disputing authoritarianisms' status quo through a dialogue of knowledge necessary for the construction of the imaginary of the community.

Resumen El nacimiento del sistema liberal de enseñanza en el imperio romano y su expansión, tras la revolución francesa, a través del naturalismo pedagógico, por las sendas de la educación occidental, su diversificación mediante el movimiento de la escuela nueva, significa la instalación desde lo coyuntural a lo estructural de una pedagogía blanda que, con la emergencia de las inteligencias emocionales, infantiliza la educación desde la devaluación de la disciplina, el esfuerzo y el estudio como un proceso arduo y lento. A ello, tras la pandemia, se intensifica la educación online y aparecen los algoritmos como soluciones ágiles para acelerar y simplificar los procesos de enseñanza-aprendizaje (la educación se vuelve sólo aprendizaje). Los deseos de rentabilizar la educación significan la viralización y hegemonía de los presupuestos neoliberales en todos los niveles de los sistemas educativos, transformando las instituciones de educación superior, progresivamente, en parques temáticos al servicio de las transnacionales donde la gamificación sustituye a la pedagogía y las didácticas a las epistemologías, vaciando las universidades de saberes para convertirlas en instituciones de entretenimiento. Releer el pasado, no para comulgar con él, sino para recuperar las intenciones que fundaron las universidades como instituciones que hospedaron unas pedagogías lentas, basadas en el estudio y la disciplina, capaces de educar sujetos capaces de disolver los discursos adscritos al poder y, ser fuentes de verdades contextualizadas y problemáticas; capaces, en suma, de disputar a los autoritarismos su estatus quo mediante un diálogo de saberes necesario para la construcción del imaginario de lo comunitario.

Abstract: This article addresses the debates within the Mexican left following the defeat of the railroad workers’ movement and the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. Its central hypothesis is that the National Liberation Movement (MLN), led by former president Lázaro Cárdenas, functioned as a transitional space from an old left downstream from revolutionary nationalism and a new left that promoted a political project which sought to transcend these ideological frameworks. Although the MLN had an ephemeral existence in the sixties, many of its militants led peasant mobilizations, student protests, cultural publications and Guevarist guerrilla focos throughout the decade. According to the author, the Mexican left underwent a generational renewal, in which young people, students and intellectuals took center stage as potential revolutionary subjects.

Resumen: El artículo aborda las discusiones de las izquierdas mexicanas tras la derrota del movimiento ferrocarrilero y la irrupción de la revolución cubana en 1959. La hipótesis central del trabajo es que el Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN) encabezado por el expresidente Lázaro Cárdenas fungió como un espacio de transición entre una vieja izquierda tributaria del nacionalismo revolucionario y una nueva que impulsó un proyecto político que buscaba transcender esos marcos ideológicos. Aunque el MLN tuvo una efímera existencia en los sesenta, muchos de sus partidarios protagonizaron a lo largo de la década movilizaciones campesinas, protestas estudiantiles, la irrupción de publicaciones en el ámbito cultural y la fundación de guerrillas basadas en el foquismo guevarista. Según la autora, las izquierdas mexicanas transitaron una renovación generacional donde pasaron a primer plano los jóvenes, estudiantes e intelectuales como sujetos posibles de la Revolución.

Abstract: There is an apparent consensus that “corporatism” was one of the dominant aspects of the Mexican political system in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, this term never really corresponded to the conceptual language of the founders of the hegemonic party, who associated the “corporatist state” with fascism and catholicism. This article demonstrates that Mexico’s alleged corporatism had another name and intellectual genealogy. The original reference was to “functional democracy,” a concept invented by José Ingenieros following an analysis of the Soviet revolution. Through a reconstruction of its transnational circulation, this article shows how this concept influenced the discourses of the Latin American left. In Mexico, “functional democracy” became the ideal of many political parties in the 1910s and 20s, until it was consecrated in the statutes of the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM).

Resumen: Existe al parecer un consenso en afirmar que el “corporativismo” fue uno de los rasgos dominantes del sistema político mexicano durante el siglo XX. Sin embargo, este término nunca correspondió realmente con el lenguaje conceptual de los fundadores del partido hegemónico, quienes asociaban el “Estado corporativo” con el fascismo y el catolicismo. Este artículo demuestra que el supuesto corporativismo mexicano tuvo otro nombre y otra genealogía intelectual. La referencia matriz fue la “democracia funcional”, concepto inventado por José Ingenieros a partir de un análisis de la revolución soviética. Mediante la reconstrucción de su circulación trasnacional, este trabajo muestra como dicho concepto irrigó los discursos de las izquierdas latinoamericanas. En México, la “democracia funcional” se convirtió en el ideal de los partidos políticos de las décadas de 1910 y 1920 hasta ser consagrada en los estatutos del PRM.

Abstract Background: During the 19th century, the economic transformations caused by the Industrial Revolution led to a rise in pauperism among vulnerable populations. This phenomenon negatively impacted the health of these populations. Objective: To conduct a historiographical review of Concepción Arenal’s thinking from a nursing perspective. Methodology: This social, historical, and qualitative research focused on the delivery of holistic nursing care to vulnerable individuals based on Concepción Arenal’s social thinking. Data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. Results: Arenal’s book ‘‘La beneficencia, la filantropía y la caridad’’ advocated for the delivery of nursing care at home. To oppose the repulsion caused by hospitals and nursing staff in the 19th century, Arenal supported that nursing care should be carried out by well-educated and trained professional nurses. Conclusion: Arenal was a highly accomplished woman in the field of law. Currently, her ideas are gaining traction within the field of health, particularly in the areas of social and community health.

Resumo Enquadramento: A transformação económica provocada pela revolução industrial, originou inúmeros avanços no campo da tecnologia, no entanto, a nível sociológico determinou a emergência do pauperismo entre as pessoas vulneráveis, deteriorando a sua saúde. Objetivo: Efetuar uma revisão histórica sobre o pensamento de Concepción Arenal a partir da perspetiva da enfermagem. Metodologia: Estudo social, histórico e qualitativo com foco na provisão de cuidados de enfermagem holísticos baseados no pensamento social de Concepción Arenal. Os dados foram recolhidos em fontes primárias e secundárias. Resultados: O seu livro ‘‘La beneficencia, la filantropía y la caridad’’ constitui-se como uma defesa empenhada dos cuidados ao paciente em casa. Arenal defende que esses cuidados deveriam ser realizados por enfermeiros profissionais bem treinados de modo evitar a aversão causada pelos hospitais e pessoal de enfermagem na época. Conclusão: Arenal foi uma mulher de grande sucesso na sua área do direito. Atualmente, as suas ideias e contributo estão a ganhar relelvância no campo da saúde, particularmente nas áreas da saúde social e comunitária.

Resumen Marco contextual: Durante el siglo XIX, la transformación económica derivada de la revolución industrial provocó el pauperismo en las personas vulnerables, hecho que les deterioró su salud. Objetivo: Revisar historiográficamente el pensamiento de Concepción Arenal Ponte, desde una perspectiva enfermera. Metodología: Investigación social, histórica y cualitativa, relacionada con los cuidados de enfermería proporcionados de una forma holística a la persona vulnerable, a través del pensamiento social de Concepción Arenal. Recopilación de información: en fuentes primarias y secundarias. Resultados: Su obra ‘‘La beneficencia, la filantropía y la caridad’’ es una defensa cerrada del cuidado del paciente en su domicilio. Y para evitar la repulsa que, por entonces, causaban los hospitales y el personal de enfermería, Arenal defendió que dicho cuidado fuese realizado por enfermeras profesionales bien formadas y entrenadas. Conclusión: El pensamiento de Arenal, mujer muy destacada dentro del campo del derecho, comienza a ser actualmente muy relevante dentro del campo sanitario y cobra un especial interés tanto en el área social como en el área de la salud comunitaria.

Abstract This article discusses the growth of noir in France and the United States of America (USA) in the 1980s and 1990s. Under its various forms such as the polar, the sub-genre embraces a leftist agenda, aiming at exploring the rise of domestic issues such as race, gender discrimination, and poverty to expose the dark side of neoliberalism and its ideologies of equality, prosperity, and justice. A decolonial reading of Didier Daeninckx’s Meurtres pour mémoire (1983), Daniel Pennac’s La petite marchande de prose (1989), and Walter Mosley’s Black Betty (1994) demonstrates how the process of narration and a conscious focus on “decent people” threaten ideologies of nation building, consumerism, and gender/racial equality. Through the works of Walter Mignolo and Achille Mbembé, we aim to show how neoliberal capitalism follows the same pattern of appropriation of resources and bodies that has been in place since the Industrial Revolution. A pattern deconstructed by noir writers with the aim of promoting more humanity.

Resumo Este artigo discute o crescimento da literatura noir em França e nos Estados Unidos da América nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Sob as suas diversas formas, como a polar, o subgénero abraça uma agenda esquerdista, com o objetivo de explorar a ascensão de questões internas como raça, discriminação de género e pobreza, para expor o lado negro do neoliberalismo e as suas ideologias de igualdade, prosperidade e justiça. Uma leitura descolonizante de Meurtres pour mémoire (1983) de Didier Daeninckx, La petite marchande de prose (1989) de Daniel Pennac, e Black Betty (1994) de Walter Mosley, demonstra como o processo de narração e o foco consciente nas “pessoas decentes” ameaçam as ideologias de construção da nação, consumismo e igualdade de género/raça. Através das obras de Walter Mignolo e Achille Mbembé, pretendemos mostrar como o capitalismo neoliberal segue o mesmo padrão de apropriação de recursos e corpos existente desde a Revolução Industrial. Um padrão desconstruído pelos escritores noir com o objetivo de promover mais humanidade.

Abstract: In recent years, anger has emerged as a crucial category for analyzing contemporary political phenomena such as democratic elections, protests, collective violence, social movements, and crises of institutional representation. However, it has also become a vague or empty signifier among commentators and journalists trying to describe these events. This article begins with a brief philosophical overview of anger, tracing its evolution from Greco-Roman antiquity to the French Revolution. This historical journey sets the stage for the second part, where the article proposes a conceptualization of political anger through three contemporary shifts: first, a shift toward a realistic understanding that diminishes the relevance of the negationist perspective rooted in ancient and Enlightenment moral, philosophical, and theological views; second, a shift toward a collective and political dimension that has overshadowed individual ethical or religious interpretations; and third, a shift toward the ethical and moral legitimization of anger. For political anger to transcend its status as an empty signifier, as has often happened in Western public debate since 2016, it must be conceptualized as an emotion that is explanatory-identifying the passionate motivation or justice-driven response behind countless recent political phenomena-political-recognizing the latent presence of thymos in various contemporary expressions-and comparative-considering historical, geographical, national contexts and related emotions like hatred and resentment. The ways in which anger is used, abused, expressed, and represented are shaped by the contexts, actors, and causes in which it is experienced as a potentially explosive passion.

Resumen: En los últimos años, la ira ha devenido en categoría de análisis de fenómenos políticos contemporáneos, como elecciones democráticas, protestas, violencia colectiva, movimientos sociales y crisis de la representación institucional, pero se ha convertido en tópico o significante vacío entre comentaristas y periodistas para describirlos. En la primera parte, el artículo formula una breve descripción filosófica de la ira desde la Antigüedad grecolatina hasta la Revolución Francesa. Este recorrido es el preámbulo de la segunda parte, donde se propone una conceptualización de la ira política a partir de tres giros contemporáneos: primero, hacia una concepción realista, que lleva a que la corriente negacionista -caracterizada por las perspectivas morales filosóficas y teológicas antiguas e ilustradas- pierda relevancia; segundo, hacia una dimensión colectiva y política que se ha impuesto sobre una lectura personal ética o religiosa; y tercero, hacia su legitimación ética y moral. Para que la ira política deje de ser un significante vacío como ha ocurrido en el debate público occidental desde 2016, su conceptualización como emoción debe ser explicativa -identificando la motivación pasional o respuesta justiciera en incontables fenómenos políticos recientes-, política -reconociendo el carácter latente del thymos en las múltiples expresiones contemporáneas- y comparativa -en términos históricos, geográficos, nacionales y con emociones afines como el odio y el resentimiento-, pues sus usos, abusos, expresiones y representaciones están condicionadas por los contextos, los actores y las causas donde la ira se experimenta como una pasión potencialmente explosiva.

Resumo: Nos últimos anos, a ira se tornou categoria de análise de fenômenos políticos contemporâneos, como eleições democráticas, protestos, violência coletiva, movimentos sociais e crises de representação institucional, mas se tornou um tópico ou significante vazio entre comentaristas e jornalistas para descrevê-los. Na primeira parte, o artigo formula uma breve descrição filosófica da ira desde a Antiguidade greco-latina até a Revolução Francesa. Esse é o preâmbulo da segunda parte, que propõe uma conceitualização da ira política com base em três mudanças contemporâneas: primeira, em direção a uma concepção realista, que leva a corrente negacionista - caracterizada por perspectivas morais filosóficas e teológicas antigas e iluminadas - a perder sua relevância; segunda, em direção a uma dimensão coletiva e política que foi imposta a uma leitura pessoal ética ou religiosa; e terceira, em direção à sua legitimação ética e moral. Para que a ira política deixe de ser um significante vazio, como tem sido no debate público ocidental desde 2016, sua conceituação como emoção deve ser explicativa - identificando a motivação passional ou a resposta justa em inúmeros fenômenos políticos recentes -, política - reconhecendo a natureza latente do thymos em múltiplas expressões contemporâneas - e comparativa - em termos históricos, geográficos, nacionais e com emoções relacionadas, como o ódio e o ressentimento -, já que seus usos, abusos, expressões e representações são condicionados pelos contextos, pelos atores e pelas causas em que a ira é vivenciada como uma paixão potencialmente explosiva.

Abstract: One hundred years after the publication of History and Class Consciousness, it is imperative to revisit the classic work of Georg Lukács to discuss the relevance of his ideas in a world where the capitalist mode of production does not cease to show its devastating effects. To do so, we divide the article into two sections. In the first part, we place Lukács’ work in dialogue with that of Hegel and Marx in order to clarify the status of violence as an ontological condition of history, allowing us to determine the theoretical-practical framework from which social revolution can be conceptualized. In the second section, we analyze Lukács’ notion of class consciousness not as a historical fatality but as an act of self-determination of the proletariat. We compare this proposal with the current situation of gentrification of the proletariat which, far from invalidating the Hungarian author’s proposal, constitutes its reversal and the platform for its actualization. Ultimately, it is about the proletarian still today taking control and becoming, through class consciousness, the subject-object of history. We conclude by reinterpreting Lukács’ terms in a practice that counters a reactionary position in order to combat both the reactionary movements and the hedonistic immobilism of the proletariat.

Resumen: A cien años de la publicación de Historia y conciencia de clase, resulta necesario revisitar la clásica obra de Georg Lukács para discutir la actualidad de sus planteamientos en un mundo donde el modo de producción capitalista no deja de mostrar sus efectos devastadores. Para esto, dividimos el artículo en dos apartados. En la primera parte, ponemos en diálogo la obra de Lukács con la de Hegel y Marx para precisar la violencia como condición ontológica de la historia, y establecer cuál es el estatuto teórico-práctico desde el cual se puede pensar la revolución social. En el segundo apartado, analizamos la noción de conciencia de clase de Lukács no como una fatalidad histórica, sino como un acto de autodeterminación del proletariado. Asimismo, cotejamos esta propuesta con la situación actual de aburguesamiento del proletariado que, lejos de invalidar el planteamiento del autor húngaro, constituye su revés y la plataforma de su actualización. Se trata, a fin de cuentas, de que todavía hoy el proletario tome el timón y devenga, por medio de la conciencia de clase, sujeto-objeto de la historia. Concluimos con una reinterpretación de los términos de Lukács en una práctica que deseche una posición reaccionaria para combatir frontalmente tanto los movimientos reaccionarios como el inmovilismo hedonista del proletariado.

Resumo: cem anos após a publicação de História e consciência de classe, é necessário revisitar a obra clássica de Georg Lukács para discutir a atualidade de suas proposições em um mundo onde o modo de produção capitalista continua a mostrar seus efeitos devastadores. Para isso, dividimos o artigo em duas seções. Na primeira parte, colocamos aobra de Lukács em diálogo com a de Hegel e Marx, a fim de definir a violência como condição ontológica da história e estabelecer o status teórico-prático a partir do qual a revolução social pode ser pensada. Na segunda seção, analisamos a noção de Lukács de consciência de classe não como fatalidade histórica, mas como ato de autodeterminação do proletariado. Além disso, comparamos essa proposta com a situação atual de burguesização do proletariado que, longe de invalidar a abordagem do autor húngaro, constitui sua reversão e a plataforma para sua atualização. Em última análise, é uma questão de o proletário ainda hoje assumir o controle e tornar-se, por meio da consciência de classe, o sujeito-objeto da história. Concluímos com uma reinterpretação dos termos de Lukács em uma prática que descarta uma posição reacionária a fim de combater de frente tanto os movimentos reacionários quanto o imobilismo hedonista do proletariado.

The concept of digital transformation (DT) has revolutionized different facets of society including institutions of learning, where it has continued to influence teaching, learning and research. Over time and with the continued technological advancements in biological science disciplines, it has become clear that the increased convergence between these disciplines and digital systems application will become more apparent. For example, the advent and application of next-generation sequencing (NGS), machine learning (ML), artificial intelligence (AI) and other automated biological processes have afforded unique huge data sets with high societal impact. As such, digitalization of the bioeconomy remains necessary. The digitalization of the biosciences has birthed emerging concepts like "digital biology", "engineered biology" and "bio-revolution" and involve computer-centered biosciences. These are built around the integration of scientific data, modeling at several levels, as well as networked science. Nonetheless, it is still plagued by information derivation policies and technicality issues. Although, digital biology has seen a major boost in recent years with the emergence of new and updated digital biology databases and platforms for advanced computational modelling, and connection and visualization of bio-data at a molecular level, more efforts are needed from governmental stakeholders (policy makers), industry and academia to enhance the impact of computational automation and digital transformation in bioscience activities. Hence, a steady upscale in digitalization of the biosciences would ensure bioprocess development, increase teaching, research efficiency and productivity, birth more innovative future applications for various industries, and thereby impact several aspects of life. This article presents how selected biological science disciplines have been digitally transformed through data analytics and how the concept could be further explored in advancing teaching, learning and research.

Abstract This text analyzes, from the perspective of framing, how newspapers framed the “Spanish influenza” suffered by the inhabitants of Chiapas in 1918. It was found that initially, they tried to minimize the lethality of the disease, but when the deceased increased and was verified the seriousness of the situation, they highlighted the measures dictated by political and health authorities, the generated solidarity, and marginally the economic consequences. The most frequently used frame was human interest, followed by solutions/recommendations and attribution of responsibility, in a context where Chiapas was experiencing military conflicts, eventho these had already decreased, from the Mexican Revolution.

Resumen Este texto analiza, desde la perspectiva del framing, la forma en que los periódicos enmarcaron la “influenza española” que padecieron los habitantes de Chiapas en 1918. Se encontró que en un principio trataron de minimizar la letalidad de la enfermedad, pero cuando los fallecidos incrementaron y se comprobó la gravedad de la situación, destacaron las medidas dictadas por las autoridades políticas y sanitarias, la solidaridad generada y, de forma marginal, las consecuencias económicas. El frame que más se empleó fue de interés humano, seguido por el de soluciones/recomendaciones y de atribución de responsabilidad, en un contexto en el que Chiapas vivía enfrentamientos militares, aunque ya disminuidos, de la Revolución mexicana.

Abstract: This article compares the cases of Brazil, Chile and Argentina -countries that experienced military coups, dictatorships, armed insurgencies and state terror in the sixties and seventies- with that of Mexico, where similar phenomena occurred, despite the country’s revolution that did away with military coups. The aspects emphasized in this comparative analysis are the political system, armed underground organizations, counterinsurgency and its death toll, the struggle for human rights and memory. It also includes a description of the Mexican Operation Condor -focused on the elimination of drug cultivation- in order to emphasize its similarities with its South American counterpart in spite of their lack of an organic connection. The general argument is that a comparative perspective offers a new angle from which to understand the causes and escalation of political violence in cases that have not been considered to be analogous by examining the juxtaposition of local, transnational and global contexts. This article is based on archival research, the contemporary press, interviews, official reports and secondary sources.

Resumen: En este artículo se comparan los casos de Brasil, Chile y Argentina, países que experimentaron golpes de Estado, dictaduras, insurgencia armada y terror estatal en las décadas de los sesenta y los setenta, con el de México, donde ocurrieron fenómenos similares a pesar de que el país tuvo una revolución que eliminó de escena los golpes militares. Los aspectos que se destacan en el análisis comparativo son el sistema político, las organizaciones armadas clandestinas, la contrainsurgencia y sus saldos, la lucha por los derechos humanos y la memoria. Asimismo, se incluye una descripción de la Operación Cóndor mexicana -enfocada en la eliminación de cultivos de droga- para enfatizar sus similitudes con su contraparte sudamericana, a pesar de que no había ninguna conexión orgánica entre ambas. El planteamiento general es que la perspectiva comparativa ofrece un nuevo ángulo para entender las causas y el escalamiento de la violencia política en casos que no se consideraban equiparables, al examinarse la yuxtaposición de los contextos local, transnacional y global. El artículo se basa en investigación de archivo y hemerográfica, entrevistas, informes oficiales y fuentes secundarias.

Abstract: This article provides an approach to the history of revolutionary liberationism in Mexico, focused on the justification of violent revolution as a political mechanism. It analyzes how Catholic theology was combined with Marxism to justify violence as a mechanism of social change in the late sixties and early seventies of the twentieth century. It is centered on established actors and publications in Mexico, with a transnational approach that addresses the regional dynamics of Catholic liberationism. Its primary sources include books, magazines and bulletins published by liberationist groups or intellectuals at the time, as well as educational gazettes, discourses and official documents.

Resumen: Este artículo es un acercamiento a la historia del liberacionismo revolucionario en México, centrado en la justificación de la revolución violenta como recurso político. Analiza cómo se conjugó la teología católica con el marxismo para justificar la violencia como recurso de cambio social a finales de los sesenta y principios de los setenta del siglo XX. Se centra en actores y publicaciones establecidos en México, con un enfoque transnacional que atiende las dinámicas regionales del liberacionismo católico. Se usan como fuentes primarias libros, revistas y boletines publicados por grupos o intelectuales liberacionistas de la época, así como a gacetas, discursos y documentos oficiales del Magisterio.

Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

Abstract Introduction: This study examines the technological revolution in the realm of connected medical devices, which are redefining the monitoring, diagnosis, and treatment of diseases. It analyzes how the integration of advanced technologies is driving personalized and remote healthcare. Objectives: To evaluate the advancements in connected medical devices and their impact on improving disease monitoring and diagnosis. The study investigates how these technologies are changing the dynamics of healthcare delivery and identifies the associated challenges and opportunities. Methodology: A qualitative approach is used, linking research questions with theories and outcomes. The study is based on analyses of wearable devices and implantable systems, combining literature review with expert interviews and data analysis. This methodological approach allows for a deep understanding of the interaction between technology and medical practice. Results: The findings show that connected medical devices offer significant advantages in terms of precision and efficiency, enabling real-time monitoring and better clinical decision-making. Technical, ethical, and regulatory challenges are identified, but innovative solutions to overcome them are also highlighted. Conclusions: The research underscores the importance of a qualitative approach in studying connected medical devices. The results emphasize the need for a robust methodological framework to evaluate both technological advancements and associated challenges. This study contributes to understanding how connected medical devices are transforming healthcare, highlighting the necessity of integrated and multidisciplinary approaches to maximize benefits and minimize risks.

Resúmen Introducción: Este estudio examina la revolución tecnológica en el ámbito de los dispositivos médicos conectados, que están redefiniendo el monitoreo, diagnóstico y tratamiento de enfermedades. Se analiza cómo la integración de tecnologías avanzadas está impulsando la atención médica personalizada y a distancia. Objetivos: Evaluar los avances en dispositivos médicos conectados y su impacto en la mejora del monitoreo y diagnóstico de enfermedades. Se investiga cómo estas tecnologías están cambiando la dinámica de la atención médica y cuáles son los desafíos y oportunidades asociados. Metodología: Se utiliza un enfoque cualitativo, vinculando preguntas de investigación con teorías y resultados. El estudio se basa en análisis de dispositivos wearables y sistemas implantables, combinando la revisión de literatura con entrevistas a expertos y análisis de datos. Este enfoque metodológico permite una comprensión profunda de la interacción entre la tecnología y la práctica médica. Resultados: Los hallazgos muestran que los dispositivos médicos conectados ofrecen significativas ventajas en términos de precisión y eficiencia, permitiendo un seguimiento en tiempo real y una mejor toma de decisiones clínicas. Se identifican retos técnicos, éticos y regulatorios, pero también se destacan soluciones innovadoras para superarlos. Conclusiones: La investigación subraya la importancia de un enfoque cualitativo en el estudio de los dispositivos médicos conectados. Los resultados enfatizan la necesidad de un marco metodológico robusto para evaluar tanto los avances tecnológicos como los desafíos asociados. Este estudio contribuye a la comprensión de cómo los dispositivos médicos conectados están transformando la atención médica, enfatizando la necesidad de abordajes integrados y multidisciplinarios para maximizar sus beneficios y minimizar los riesgos.

Resumen El presente artículo reconstruye el nacimiento y funcionamiento del proyecto de divulgación higiénica organizado por las autoridades de Yucatán entre 1915 y 1930, y reflexiona sobre si la educación y la propaganda higiénica cobraron importancia en las estrategias seguidas por las autoridades revolucionarias para salvaguardar la salud de los habitantes del estado. También describe el proceso de transformación de las instituciones de salubridad que desembocó en la creación de organismos como las delegaciones sanitarias en diversas áreas de Yucatán.

Abstract This article reconstructs the creation and functionality of the hygienic dissemination project, organized by the Yucatan authorities between 1915 and 1930, and ponders on whether hygienic education and propaganda became important for revolutionary authorities in their quest to safeguard the state’s citizens’ health. This paper also describes the transformation process of health institutions that led to the creation of organizations such as health delegations in various areas of Yucatán.