Resumen En la vena pluralista postmoderna, que abre paso a nuevas formas de leer los textos y la historia, el bicentenario de la Revolución Francesa (1789) despertó un renovado interés por su triada principista en general, pero sobre todo por la fraternidad en tanto categoría política. Desde los primeros estudios llevados adelante en Europa y América Latina, quedó clara su importancia para la construcción de la paz y la evolución de las democracias. En este artículo, se aborda la fraternidad en el marco de la conformación y consolidación de Somalilandia como un estado independiente (1991-1996), destacando su relevancia para el debate sobre resistencia civil y las formas de lucha no violenta. Debido al indiscutido protagonismo de las mujeres, sobre todo las poetas, es posible subrayar la importancia y particularidades de la participación femenina en los movimientos de resistencia y la relevancia de las artes como medio de lucha.

Resumo Na veia pluralista pós-moderna, que abre caminho para novas formas de leitura dos textos e da história, o bicentenário da Revolução Francesa (1789) despertou um interesse renovado em sua tríade de princípios em geral, mas especialmente na fraternidade como categoria política. A partir dos primeiros estudos realizados na Europa e na América Latina, ficou clara a sua importância para a construção da paz e a evolução das democracias. Este artigo aborda a fraternidade no quadro da formação e consolidação da Somalilândia como Estado independente (1991-1996), destacando a sua relevância para o debate sobre a resistência civil e as formas de luta não violenta. Devido ao indiscutível protagonismo das mulheres, especialmente das poetisas, é possível sublinhar a importância e as particularidades da participação feminina nos movimentos de resistência e a relevância das artes como meio de luta.

Abstract In the postmodern pluralist vein that opens the way to new ways of reading texts and history, the bicentenary of the French Revolution (1789) awakened a renewed interest in its principled triad in general, but above all in fraternity as a political category. Its importance for peace-building and the evolution of democracies became clear from the first studies carried out in Europe and Latin America. This article discusses fraternity in the context of the formation and consolidation of Somaliland as an independent state from Somalia (1991-1996), and its relevance to the debate on civil resistance and the different nonviolent forms of struggle. Given the undisputed prominence of women, especially women poets, it is possible to underline the importance and particularities of female participation in this kind of movements and the relevance of the arts as a means of struggle.

ABSTRACT In the context of current debates on development problems, it is very common to speak of economic transition, of the causes of social crises and to blame, only, national states with internal policies that prevent them from advancing to higher forms of material and spiritual growth, exonerating the great powers and the most important centers of economic and financial power from all kinds of influences. In this sense, even when is visible that most of the analyzes on these issues ignore the struggle sun leashed, historically, with in the socialist experiences and the tribulations because they went through to overcome the agro-industrial and social backwardness in general, it seems convenient to return to the original Marxism and to the practical experience of Lenin, to re-evaluate some of his most important theoretical-methodological contributions and determine which of these could be useful to us today in order to overcome under development. It is precisely what this paper proposes.

RESUMEN En el contexto de los debates actuales sobre los problemas del desarrollo, es muy común hablar de transición económica, de las causas de las crisis sociales y responsabilizar, solo, a los Estados nacionales con las políticas internas que les impiden avanzar a formas superiores de crecimiento material y espiritual, exonerando a las grandes potencias y los más importantes centros de poder económico y financieros de todo tipo de influencias. En este sentido, aun cuando es visible que la mayor parte de los análisis sobre estos temas soslaya las pugnas desatadas, históricamente, dentro de las experiencias socialistas y las tribulaciones porque transitaron para superar el atraso agro-industrial y el social en general, parece conveniente volver al marxismo original y a la experiencia práctica de Lenin, para reevaluar algunas de sus contribuciones teórico-metodológicas más importantes y determinar cuáles de estas podrían sernos útil hoy al objetivo de superar el subdesarrollo. Es, justamente, lo que propone el presente trabajo.

Abstract In recent years, the South Korean philosopher living in Germany, Byung-Chul Han, has been setting new paths for philosophical reflection using the theoretical potential that arises from the understanding of the new social, political and economic realities that mark this era of neoliberal evolution and of technological development in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Thus, topics such as the transformation of biopolitics into psycho-politics become a very relevant point for the analysis of current societies and their drifts. With this background of thought, this article aims to delve into Han’s arguments, exploring the crucial role that emotions play in societies of performance, fatigue and lack of democracy, resorting to the metaphor of the “hamster wheel” as an image evocative of the dynamics of current societies. In this way, an innovative perspective of the complexity of the 21st Century is presented by delving into certain nuances of Han’s thought in connection with the palpable reality of the emotions that act as the fuel that propels each individual in their own “existential wheel”. This articulation with emotional experiences contributes significantly to contemporary discussions about human nature in contexts of technological innovation.

Resumen En los últimos años, el filósofo surcoreano radicado en Alemania, Byung-Chul Han, viene marcando nuevos derroteros para la reflexión filosófica usando el potencial teórico que surge de la comprensión de las nuevas realidades sociales, políticas y económicas, que marcan esta época de evolución neoliberal y de desarrollo tecnológico, en el contexto de la cuarta Revolución Industrial. Así, temas como la transformación de la biopolítica en psicopolítica se convierten en un punto muy relevante para el análisis de las sociedades actuales y sus derivas. Con este trasfondo de pensamiento, el presente artículo tiene por objetivo sumergirse en las argumentaciones de Han, explorando el papel crucial que desempeñan las emociones en las sociedades del rendimiento, del cansancio y de la infocracia, acudiendo a la metáfora de la “rueda del hámster” como imagen evocadora de las dinámicas de las sociedades actuales. De esta forma, se presenta una perspectiva innovadora de la complejidad del siglo XXI, al adentrarnos en determinados matices del pensamiento de Han, en conexión con la realidad palpable de las emociones, que actúan como el combustible que impulsa a cada individuo en su propia “rueda existencial”. Esta articulación con las experiencias emocionales contribuye de manera significativa a las discusiones contemporáneas acerca de la naturaleza humana en contextos de innovación tecnológica.

Abstract: This article analyzes the discussions in the Preliminary Councils of the XXVII Legislature regarding the legitimacy of popular representatives, a discussion in which two political blocks confronted each other: that of the presumed deputies close to President Venustiano Carranza, known as the renovators, and the opposition block, known as the radicals, some of whom were close to Álvaro Obregón or Pablo González, two of the most important Constitutionalist leaders. This discussion reveals the emergent fractures in the triumphant current of the Mexican Revolution, which could first be seen in the Constitutional Congress of 1916-1917, a divide that would hold over into the XXVII Legislature and the one that followed. This division provoked fierce political struggles between congress and the Carranza administration and reduced the latter’s efficacy, as several of its most important initiatives, such as the law on the suspension of guarantees to combat the rebellions against his government, were blocked by the opposition, as they constituted the majority legislative block.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza la discusión en las Juntas Preliminares de la XXVII Legislatura acerca de la legitimidad de los representantes populares, discusión en la cual se enfrentan dos bloques, el de los presuntos diputados más cercanos al presidente Venustiano Carranza, conocidos como renovadores, y el de un bloque opositor, conocido como radical, algunos de cuyos miembros eran cercanos a Álvaro Obregón o a Pablo González, dos de los más importantes líderes del constitucionalismo. Esa discusión muestra la fractura que se estaba produciendo en la corrien te triunfadora de la Revolución, cuyos primeros signos se habían mostrado en el Congreso Constituyente de 1916-1917, división que continuó en la XXVII Legislatura y que se prolongaría también en la siguiente. Esa escisión provocó fuertes disputas políticas del Congreso con el gobierno de Venustiano Carranza y le restó eficacia a éste, pues varias de sus iniciativas más importantes, como la Ley de Suspensión de Garantías para poder combatir las rebeliones que estallaron en su gobierno, se vieron obstaculizadas por la oposición de un sector mayoritario de legisladores.

Abstract: The history of the 1910-1920 revolutionary process in Mexico State is a troubling issue. Here, there was no spectacular drama, it wasn’t the stage for great battles, nor were any major social demands made. What’s curious is that its proximity to the state of Morelos made it into a space for confluence and communications. In the historiography, there have been contrasting views of the approach to the Zapatistas of Morelos. One position has pejoratively labelled it a “contagion,” while others saw similarities and emphasized the state’s agrarian conflicts. There has been a greater diversity of publications in recent years, producing a more nuanced panorama. The objective of this article is to present this debate and the changing interpretations of the Revolution in Mexico State at the end of the twentieth century and beginning of the twenty-first.

Resumen: La historia del proceso revolucionario de 1910 a 1920 en el Estado de México es un tema inquietante. En este lugar no se dieron los pasajes más espectaculares, no fue el escenario de grandes batallas ni tampoco se hicieron públicas demandas radicales. Lo curioso es que su cercanía con el estado de Morelos lo posicionó como un espacio de confluencia y comunicación. En la historiografía, el acercamiento con el zapatismo morelense se ha visto de forma contrastante. Una posición lo denominó peyorativamente “un contagio”, mientras que otros vieron sus semejanzas y señalaron el conflicto agrario en la entidad. En tiempos recientes, las publicaciones se han diversificado y arrojan un panorama más matizado. Por ello, el objeto del artículo es mostrar este debate y los cambios en las interpretaciones de la Revolución en territorio mexiquense a fines del siglo XX e inicios del XXI.

Abstract: This essay shows a historical alternative that the United Railways of Yucatan could travel. It presents the reorganization project of 1942 analyzing circumstances, actors and expectations that fed it. For this purpose, two sections are developed that frame and precede said alternative; in them it realizes, among other points, the origins of the company, the tensions that gave birth to it, the first effects that the revolution imposed on it and that continued to overwhelm it, its dependence on the predominance of henequen, the fragility of its finances, the onerous weight of their “english debt” and the various subnational and federal efforts to revitalize them. The last section studies the financial basis of the private project of 1942 that sought to revive them and, for reasons that are clarified, did not prosper. It goes without saying that it seems pertinent to rescue this forgotten experience now that the new Mayan train takes effect.

Resumen: Este ensayo muestra una alternativa histórica que pudieron recorrer los Ferrocarriles Unidos de Yucatán. Presenta el proyecto reorganizativo de 1942 analizando circunstancias, actores y expectativas que lo alimentaron. Para tal fin se desarrollan dos apartados que enmarcan y preceden a esa alternativa; en ellos se da cuenta, entre otros puntos, de los orígenes de la empresa, las tensiones que la alumbraron, los primeros efectos que le impuso la revolución y que continuaron agobiándola, su dependencia respecto a la predominancia del henequén, la fragilidad de sus finanzas, el oneroso peso de su “deuda inglesa” y los diversos esfuerzos estatales y federales para revitalizarlos. El último apartado estudia la base financiera del proyecto privado de 1942 que pretendía revivirlos y, que por razones que se aclaran, no prosperó. Huelga observar que parece pertinente rescatar esta experiencia olvidada ahora que cobra vigencia el nuevo tren maya.

Abstract Based on the actions regarding Salazar’s statue in Santa Comba Dão in 1975 and 1978, we aim to reflect on how the democratic “normalisation” imposed a narrative based on the reconciliation and pacification of society, the devaluation of the Revolution and the idea that it was the 25th of November, instead of the Revolution, that ensured the pacification and democratisation of the country. The way of evoking the past and its public uses, was fundamental in the political struggle at the turn of the 1970s into the 1980s - a time of greater tension and confrontation than it is usually perceived and pivotal regarding political violence - notably in 1978, a decisive year in the process of settling accounts with the past. Representations of that past, especially of the revolution, were essential in legitimising the post-November 25th status quo, which had not completely closed the debate on the model of society.

Resumo A partir dos acontecimentos de que foi alvo a estátua de Salazar em Santa Comba Dão em 1975 e 1978, procuraremos refletir sobre como a “normalização” democrática se traduziu numa narrativa assente na reconciliação e pacificação, na desvalorização da Revolução e na ideia de que fora o 25 de Novembro, e não aquela, a garantir a democratização e a pacificação automática do país. A forma de evocar o passado e os seus usos públicos é fundamental no combate político na viragem da década de 1970 para 1980 - período de maior tensão e confrontação do que normalmente é percecionado e de charneira no que concerne à violência política - sobretudo, em 1978, ano decisivo no “ajuste de contas” com o passado. As representações desse mesmo passado, especialmente da Revolução, eram essenciais na legitimação do status quo pós 25 de Novembro que não encerrara completamente o debate sobre o modelo de sociedade.

Abstract Contemporary audio-visual sources offer us a unique opportunity to learn about the key role of television in the transmission of historical events such as the Portuguese Carnation Revolution of 1974. The objective of this article is to explain how TVE (Spanish Television) told the Spaniards about this popular uprising in order to analyse the evolution of the discourse of the public entity and Spanish society from the end of the dictatorship to the victory of the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party) in 1982.

Resumo As fontes audiovisuais contemporâneas oferecem-nos uma oportunidade única de conhecer o papel fundamental da televisão na difusão e transmissão de acontecimentos históricos como a Revolução dos Cravos de 1974, em Portugal. O objetivo deste artigo é explicar como a TVE (Televisão Espanhola) informou os espanhóis sobre esta revolta popular, a fim de analisar a evolução do discurso do canal público e da sociedade espanhola desde o final da ditadura espanhola até à vitória do PSOE (Partido Socialista Operário Espanhol) em 1982.

Resumen Las fuentes audiovisuales contemporáneas nos ofrecen una oportunidad única para conocer el papel clave de la televisión en la difusión y transmisión de eventos históricos como la Revolución de los Claveles de 1974, en Portugal. El objetivo de este artículo es explicar cómo desde TVE (Televisión Española) se contó a los españoles este levantamiento popular para analizar la evolución del discurso del ente público y de la sociedad española desde el fin de la dictadura española hasta la victoria del PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) en 1982.

Abstract This article intends to rescue the history of thousands of women workers who fought for the right to work and for better living conditions during the Portuguese revolutionary period. We have chosen as object of analysis the sector of electronic components production, where the workforce was mostly women. For this purpose, we mainly selected the factories of the ITT group - Standard Electrical and Semiconductors -, Plessey and Applied Magnetics. With April 25, 1974, the possibilities for change were latent and were experienced by the working class, even though the historiography of this period is predominantly male. Contrary to this perception, we highlight how women not only participated, but were active agents in the struggles unleashed in the various spaces, with emphasis on the factory confrontations.

Resumo O presente artigo tem por objetivo resgatar a história de milhares de mulheres operárias que lutaram pelo direito ao trabalho e por melhores condições de vida durante o período revolucionário português. Escolhemos, enquanto objeto de análise, o setor da produção de componentes eletrónicos onde a força de trabalho era maioritariamente feminina. Para este fim, selecionamos sobretudo as fábricas do grupo ITT - Standard Elétrica e Semicondutores -, Plessey e Applied Magnetics. Com o 25 de Abril de 1974, as possibilidades de mudança eram latentes e foram experimentadas pela classe trabalhadora, ainda que a historiografia deste período seja predominantemente masculina. Contrariando essa perceção, destacamos como as mulheres não apenas participaram, mas foram agentes ativas nas lutas desencadeadas nos diversos espaços sociais com destaque para os confrontos fabris.

Abstract At the II Congress of the Socialist Party, in 1976, the only opposition list to the leadership of Mário Soares obtained twenty-five percent of the delegates’ votes. At the head of the group were Carmelinda Pereira and António Aires Rodrigues - constituent and first legislature deputies - who, accused of organizing a trotskyist faction, would be expelled in the following months. This article intends to explain the action of this group in the period opened by the 25th of April 1974, contextualizing its trajectory in the immediately previous years. Among the sources analyzed are interviews carried out with the protagonists, national and international newspapers of the time and documentation from the Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, the Fundação Mário Soares and the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo.

Resumo No II Congresso do Partido Socialista, em 1976, a única lista de oposição à direção de Mário Soares obteve 25% dos votos dos delegados. À cabeça do grupo estavam Carmelinda Pereira e António Aires Rodrigues - deputados constituintes e da I legislatura - que, acusados de organizarem uma fração trotskista, seriam expulsos nos meses seguintes. Este artigo pretende explicar a ação deste grupo no período aberto pelo 25 de Abril de 1974, contextualizando o seu percurso nos anos imediatamente anteriores. Entre as fontes analisadas contam-se entrevistas realizadas aos protagonistas, jornais nacionais e internacionais da época e documentação proveniente do Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, da Fundação Mário Soares e do Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo.

Abstract: This article pursues to characterize the behavior of cultural periodicals in Cuba, between 1990 and 2010, in the light of the crisis brought about by the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Starting from the principle that these publications reflect, in all aspects that guarantee their existence, the dynamics, trends and phenomena of socio-historical-cultural events, the paper explores and analyzes the sequence of cancellations, closures, intermittencies and resilience strategies used by magazines, tabloids, bulletins and periodicals in correlation with economic, logistic, ideological, social, and aesthetic aspects. Based on the examination of primary and documentary sources, the study reveals the processes that led to the diversification of management formulas and work alternatives, the implementation of local solutions over state ones, the emergence of literary groups outside official institutions, or the use of digital media as a new support.

Resumen: Este artículo busca caracterizar el comportamiento de las publicaciones periódicas culturales en Cuba, entre 1990 y 2010, a la luz de la crisis que trajo consigo la disolución de la Unión Soviética. Partiendo del principio de que dichas publicaciones reflejan, en todos los aspectos que garantizan su existencia, las dinámicas, tendencias y fenómenos del acontecer socio-histórico-cultural, el trabajo explora y analiza la secuencia de cancelaciones, cierres, intermitencias y estrategias de resiliencia usadas por las revistas, tabloides, boletines y anuarios culturales en correlación con aspectos de orden económico, logístico, ideológico, social y estético. Basado en el examen de fuentes primarias y documentales, el estudio revela los procesos que llevaron a la diversificación de fórmulas y alternativas de gestión, la implementación de soluciones locales sobre las estatales, la emergencia de grupos literarios ajenos a instituciones oficiales, o el empleo del medio digital como nuevo soporte.

Abstract: Since the 2011 revolution, Tunisia has undergone a transformative phase characterized by emerging models of governance that prioritize grassroots initiatives and community participation in local affairs. Despite its manifold challenges, this political renewal has unfolded during political, socioeconomic, and security crises. Through a case study of the commune of Mhamdia, this article aims to examine two key aspects: (1) how communes can approach built heritage amidst the presence of national, international, governmental, non-governmental, profit, and non-profit actors, and (2) how heritage management can pose challenges, occasionally leading to the destruction of historical elements. This qualitative analysis, rooted in practitioner research, explores shifting paradigms and evolving dynamics within traditional and novel practices, shedding light on their impact on built heritage. The results demonstrate that, similar to national players, local elites also leverage built heritage to fortify their legitimacy, albeit through different means.

Resumen: Desde la revolución de 2011, Túnez ha experimentado una fase transformadora caracterizada por modelos emergentes de gobernanza que priorizan las iniciativas de base y la participación comunitaria en los asuntos locales. Esta renovación política, a pesar de sus múltiples desafíos, se ha llevado a cabo en períodos de crisis recurrentes que abarcan los dominios político, socioeconómico y de seguridad. A través de un estudio de caso del municipio de Mhamdia, este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar dos aspectos fundamentales: (1) cómo las comunas pueden abordar el patrimonio construido en presencia de actores nacionales, internacionales, gubernamentales, no gubernamentales, lucrativos y sin fines de lucro, y (2) cómo la gestión del patrimonio puede ser desafiante y llevar en ocasiones a la destrucción de elementos históricos. Este análisis cualitativo, enraizado en la investigación práctica, busca explorar los paradigmas cambiantes y las dinámicas en evolución tanto en prácticas tradicionales como novedosas, arrojando luz sobre su impacto en el patrimonio construido. Los resultados demuestran que, al igual que los actores nacionales, las élites locales también aprovechan el patrimonio construido para fortalecer su legitimidad, aunque a través de medios diferentes.

This research explores the employability of Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) college graduates in the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) era in South Africa. It examines the role of TVET lecturers in providing skills that are relevant to the contemporary period. The study uses qualitative research inspired by the interpretivist approach, and a purposive sampling strategy to get the perspectives of TVET lecturers and employers. It was observed that TVET lecturers play a minimal role in the development of the curriculum due to a rigid top-down approach from the Ministry of Higher Education. Companies are forming partnerships with TVET colleges by offering places for in-service training, practicals and internships. The study reveals that South African businesses have adopted 4IR-related technologies, requiring a skilled TVET force that is ready for these transformations. The findings highlight the need for regular curriculum transformation and the importance of TVET education in producing artisans, technologists and technicians that are vital for the South African economy on an ongoing basis.