Abstract The present study, exploratory and using document analysis, mapped the criteria established by 62 federal universities for eligibility, for students with disabilities, for the for the Sistema de Seleção Unificada [Unified Selection System] (SISU) quota policy. The public notices and terms of adherence of the 2019 selection processes, based on the fundamentals of the social model of disability, the Convenção sobre os direitos da pessoa com deficiência [Convention on the rights of people with disabilities] and the Lei Brasileira de Inclusão [Brazilian Law of Inclusion] (LBI), were analyzed. The results indicate that the norms align with the medical model and ignore the conception of the Convention and of the LBI. Despite being a unique process, there are significant differences in the criteria and the requirements for the proof of disability at each university, which may weaken the policy and the legal security of the candidates. study analysis 6 eligibility disabilities Unified System SISU (SISU 201 processes Brazilian Inclusion LBI, LBI , (LBI) analyzed process university candidates 20 (LBI 2

Resumo Esta pesquisa, exploratória e de análise documental, mapeou os critérios de elegibilidade à política de cotas do Sistema de Seleção Unificada (Sisu), para estudantes com deficiência, estabelecidos por 62 universidades federais. Foram analisados os editais e os termos de adesão dos processos seletivos de 2019, a partir dos fundamentos do modelo social de deficiência, da Convenção sobre os direitos da pessoa com deficiência e da Lei Brasileira de Inclusão (LBI). Os resultados indicam que as normas se alinham ao modelo médico e desconsideram a concepção da Convenção e da LBI. Apesar de ser um processo unificado, há significativas diferenças nos critérios e exigências para a comprovação da deficiência em cada universidade, o que pode concorrer para a fragilização da política e da segurança jurídica aos candidatos. pesquisa documental Sisu, Sisu , (Sisu) 6 federais 2019 LBI . (LBI) unificado universidade candidatos (Sisu 201 (LBI 20 2

Résumé À partir d’une analyse documentaire, cette étude exploratoire a permis de cartographier les critères d’éligilibité, établis par 62 universités fédérales, concernant la politique de quotas mise en place par le Sistema de Seleção Unificada [système de sélection] (Sisu) pour les étudiants en situation de handicap. Les appels et les normes d’adhésion aux processus de sélection de 2019 ont été analysés selon les fondements du modèle social du handicap, la Convenção sobre os direitos da pessoa com deficiência [Convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées], ainsi que selon la Lei Brasileira de Inclusão [Loi brésilienne pour l’inclusion des personnes handicapées] (LBI). Les résultats indiquent que les normes s’alignent sur un modèle médical et ne tiennent compte ni du concept de la Convention ni de la LBI. Bien qu’il s’agisse d’un processus de sélection unifié, des différences significatives existent dans chaque université concernant les critères et les exigences requises pour évaluer les handicaps, ce qui peut contribuer à fragiliser la politique d’inclusion et à générer une incertitude juridique pour les candidats. dune d documentaire déligilibité, déligilibité éligilibité, éligilibité d’éligilibité 6 fédérales système Sisu (Sisu handicap dadhésion adhésion 201 handicapées, handicapées , Loi linclusion l inclusion LBI . (LBI) salignent s alignent quil qu il sagisse agisse dun unifié handicaps dinclusion candidats 20 (LBI 2

Resumen Esta investigación exploratoria y de análisis documental mapeó los criterios establecidos por 62 universidades federales para la elegibilidad para la política de cupos del Sistema de Seleção Unificada (Sisu) para estudiantes con discapacidad. Fueron analizadas las convocatorias y términos de adhesión de los procesos de selección de 2019, a partir de los fundamentos del modelo social de la discapacidad, de la Convenção sobre os direitos da pessoa com deficiência y de la Lei Brasileira de Inclusão (LBI). Los resultados indican que las normas se alinean con el modelo médico y desconsideran la concepción de la Convención y de la LBI. A pesar de ser un proceso unificado, existen diferencias significativas en los criterios y requisitos para comprobar la discapacidad en cada universidad, lo que puede servir para debilitación de la política y de la seguridad jurídica de los candidatos. 6 Sisu (Sisu 2019 LBI . (LBI) unificado universidad candidatos 201 (LBI 20 2

Dissenter Protestantism, Pietist, and revivalist movements have played a crucial but often overlooked role in the emergence and development of democracy, the abolition of slavery and the struggle for women's rights. The article focuses on the emergence of dissenter Protestantism in 17th century England, its continuation in the USA and similar movements in other parts of Europe. Drawing on theories from sociology, moral psychology and other behavioural sciences, the article argues that the social impact of dissenter Protestantism was the result of a complex combination of theology, practices, institutions and specific historical circumstances. While the theology of these movements was not unique, their emphasis on following Jesus Christ and sanctification was a significant aspect. Other factors contributing to their impact include the role of friendship and strong social networks, a relative egalitarianism, a certain distance and independence from dominant institutions and cultures and the creation of self-organised and relatively autonomous organisations. This combination of theological and social elements created free spaces that facilitated the development of new or different practices. Another crucial aspect was their ability to integrate reasoning and affective powers, uniting theory with metaphor and narrative. Finally, the specific practices and institutions within these movements allowed individuals to grow and enter into communities that shaped their lives. INTRADISCIPLINARY AND/OR INTERDISCIPLINARY IMPLICATIONS: This article combines theological and historical analysis with theories from sociology, moral psychology and other behavioural sciences. It shows the fruitfulness of using empirical social science for theology and history.

Jacob's instruction to his children in Genesis 49:29 to bury him in Canaan finds relevance in Nigeria in the context of the importance attached to burial on ancestral land. In Nigeria, when it became unlawful to bury in residential areas, the emphasis shifted away from the ancestral land to burial in one's country home. Hence, employing narrative analysis and the descriptive approach, the article examines the pastoral relevance of the text in contemporary Nigeria relative to burial on ancestral land. It finds that burial on ancestral land in ancient Israel and Nigeria served some socio-cultural purposes. In both contexts, the practice signifies that the deceased has died a good death. Burial sites are also a basis for asserting land rights, identity and belonging. The existence of the deceased's tombs on the family land reflects the belief in an existing relationship between a people and their ancestors. The work concludes that while many aspects of the burial customs are no more relevant for contemporary Nigerian Christians, burying on the ancestral land still has socio-cultural values, such as inculcating regard for one's community of origin, the need for regular reunion with relatives, and the importance of acceptable character. Therefore, in contemporary Nigeria, Genesis 49:29 is an appropriate passage for teaching these precepts during Christian burial services.

BACKGROUND: The concept of 'learner voice' has received global attention in recent years, frequently credited to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). The UNCRC recognises that children have (1) the right to express a view and (2) the right to have the view given due weight. However, in many countries, including South Africa, despite legislation that recognises child rights, there is a relative absence of learner voice and participation in school-level decision-making SETTING: The setting of this continuing professional development (CPD) initiative is GADRA Education, a non-governmental organisation (NGO), in Makhanda Eastern Cape METHOD: A consultative participation approach was adopted with Grades 2-4 learners, under the auspices of GADRA Education. Eight child participation consultations were held, followed by a further eight feedback sessions 5 months later. All were audio-recorded RESULTS: The results of the CPD initiative suggest that the model provides a useful framework for increasing child participation in primary schools. However, further deliberation is necessary 'with' learners around choices related to space, audience, and the alternative 'hat' of the facilitating teacher CONCLUSION: Building on our learning, we aim to develop these ideas further through a more sustained research project, involving not only consultative participation but also collaborative participation and child-led participation CONTRIBUTION: Insight into the extent to which the Lundy model of child participation (Lundy 2007) can be used as a framework to guide researchers and practitioners in assisting primary school learners to develop their voice and exert influence in matters concerning them

Resumo A atenção primária à saúde é a principal porta de entrada e prioridade na gestão de saúde no Brasil. Contudo, existem desafios importantes na qualidade da atenção, em particular aos mais vulneráveis, especificamente na rede de saúde materna-infantil (RASMI). Esse fato é agravado pelas já conhecidas desigualdades regionais, que historicamente afetam mais as regiões Norte e Nordeste. O objetivo é avaliar no espaço-tempo a estrutura da RASMI em Roraima, na região Norte e no Brasil nos anos de 2012, 2014 e 2017. Para isso, a fonte de dados será o Programa Nacional de Melhoria do Acesso e Qualidade da Atenção Básica (PMAQ-AB), Módulo I. Observou-se melhoria significativa nos indicadores de infraestrutura física, como ambiência/climatização; e na distribuição de insumos/equipamentos necessários à assistência materno-infantil, percebeu-se um crescimento progressivo entre 2014 e 2017. Por outro lado, notou-se piora na disponibilidade de medicamentos e diminuição de quantidade/carga-horária de recursos humanos. O estudo configurou uma importante análise longitudinal, comparativa entre a realidade estadual e nacional, que contribui para a formulação de políticas e programas relativos aos direitos reprodutivos e à assistência materno-infantil. Contudo vulneráveis maternainfantil materna infantil RASMI. . (RASMI) regionais Nordeste espaçotempo espaço tempo Roraima 2012 201 2017 isso PMAQAB, PMAQAB PMAQ AB , (PMAQ-AB) I Observouse Observou se física ambiência/climatização ambiênciaclimatização ambiência climatização insumosequipamentos insumos equipamentos maternoinfantil, maternoinfantil materno infantil, materno-infantil percebeuse percebeu lado notouse notou quantidade/cargahorária quantidadecargahorária quantidade/carga horária quantidade carga humanos longitudinal nacional maternoinfantil. infantil. (RASMI 20 (PMAQ-AB cargahorária quantidadecarga 2

Abstract Primary healthcare is the main gateway and priority for healthcare management in Brazil. However, there are significant challenges in the quality of care, particularly for those most vulnerable, especially maternal and infant healthcare. This fact is exacerbated by regional inequalities, which have historically left the North and Northeast regions at a relative disadvantage. The study involves an analysis of the resources available for maternal and infant healthcare in the state of Roraima, the North region, and Brazil as a whole in 2012, 2014, and 2017, using data from Module I of the National Program for the Improvement of Access and Quality of Primary Care (PMAQ-AB). There was a significant improvement in physical infrastructure indicators (e.g., ventilation and air conditioning) as well as improvement in the distribution of supplies and equipment needed for maternal and infant care between 2014 and 2017. However, the availability of medicines and the number of human resources and hours worked diminished. The study offers a crucial longitudinal analysis, comparing the situation in Roraima and Brazil, whose findings could contribute to the development of programs and public policymaking for reproductive rights and maternal and infant health. However vulnerable inequalities disadvantage region 2012 2017 PMAQAB. PMAQAB PMAQ AB . (PMAQ-AB) e.g., eg e g (e.g. conditioning 201 diminished health (PMAQ-AB e.g. (e.g 20 e.g 2

Abstract Primary healthcare is the main gateway and priority for healthcare management in Brazil. However, there are significant challenges in the quality of care, particularly for those most vulnerable, especially maternal and infant healthcare. This fact is exacerbated by regional inequalities, which have historically left the North and Northeast regions at a relative disadvantage. The study involves an analysis of the resources available for maternal and infant healthcare in the state of Roraima, the North region, and Brazil as a whole in 2012, 2014, and 2017, using data from Module I of the National Program for the Improvement of Access and Quality of Primary Care (PMAQ-AB). There was a significant improvement in physical infrastructure indicators (e.g., ventilation and air conditioning) as well as improvement in the distribution of supplies and equipment needed for maternal and infant care between 2014 and 2017. However, the availability of medicines and the number of human resources and hours worked diminished. The study offers a crucial longitudinal analysis, comparing the situation in Roraima and Brazil, whose findings could contribute to the development of programs and public policymaking for reproductive rights and maternal and infant health.

Resumo A atenção primária à saúde é a principal porta de entrada e prioridade na gestão de saúde no Brasil. Contudo, existem desafios importantes na qualidade da atenção, em particular aos mais vulneráveis, especificamente na rede de saúde materna-infantil (RASMI). Esse fato é agravado pelas já conhecidas desigualdades regionais, que historicamente afetam mais as regiões Norte e Nordeste. O objetivo é avaliar no espaço-tempo a estrutura da RASMI em Roraima, na região Norte e no Brasil nos anos de 2012, 2014 e 2017. Para isso, a fonte de dados será o Programa Nacional de Melhoria do Acesso e Qualidade da Atenção Básica (PMAQ-AB), Módulo I. Observou-se melhoria significativa nos indicadores de infraestrutura física, como ambiência/climatização; e na distribuição de insumos/equipamentos necessários à assistência materno-infantil, percebeu-se um crescimento progressivo entre 2014 e 2017. Por outro lado, notou-se piora na disponibilidade de medicamentos e diminuição de quantidade/carga-horária de recursos humanos. O estudo configurou uma importante análise longitudinal, comparativa entre a realidade estadual e nacional, que contribui para a formulação de políticas e programas relativos aos direitos reprodutivos e à assistência materno-infantil.

Resumo O presente Artigo jurídico tem por meta central confrontar e fomentar interações entre o instituto do compliance e os direitos fundamentais, teórica e faticamente considerados. Assim, o texto, resultado de pesquisa que se vale de metodologias analítico-bibliográfica, dedutiva, indutiva e propositiva, em uma montagem que permite a comunhão dos métodos citados, pretende avançar em uma das facetas do advento do compliance, a saber, a relativa à sua chegada em meio à figura de inúmeros direitos fundamentais já clássica e constitucionalmente consagrados. Ora de acordo, ora contrariamente, políticas de compliance merecem um exame aprofundado, a fim de que se possa confirmar ou não a hipótese segundo a qual conflitam, harmonizam-se ou, simplesmente, são redundância epistemológica dentro do universo maior das ciências jurídicas. Criações classificatórias e exemplificações serão trazidas à tona, com foco maior destinado a específica legislação brasileira, em direção à qual se fundará toda a construção e evolução deste Artigo.

Abstract This legal article aims to confront and foster interactions between the compliance institute and fundamental rights, in theoretical and factual terms. Thus, the present text, resulting from analytical-bibliographic, deductive, inductive and propositional methodology research, intends to advance in one of the facets of the advent of compliance, namely, the relative to its arrival amid the figure of a lot of fundamental rights already classically and constitutionally established. At times in agreement, at times in contrast, compliance policies deserve a deep examination, in order to confirm or not the hypothesis according to which they contrast, harmonize or, simply, are epistemological redundancy inside the larger universe of legal sciences. Classificatory creations and examples will be brought to light, with a greater focus on specific Brazilian legislation, towards which the entire construction and evolution of this Article will be based.

Abstract The state’s institutional capacity and regulatory framework are important fields of disputes over space production and recognition of social rights. Such disputes gain special relevance in the city of Rio de Janeiro, marked by intense social inequalities. In this context, slum upgrading policies consolidated between the 1990s and 2010s represent an important recognition of slums as popular housing spaces. The article analyzes the slum upgrading policies implemented in Rio de Janeiro during this period, focusing on institutional models and regulatory frameworks. It places the policies within the local political contexts, having the right to adequate housing as a guide. The study reveals the continuity and relative centrality of these policies in the analyzed period; however, it highlights important contradictions and limitations. states state s rights inequalities context spaces period frameworks contexts guide however limitations

Resumo A capacidade institucional e o aparato normativo do Estado são importantes campos de disputas pela produção do espaço e pelo reconhecimento de direitos sociais. Tais disputas ganham especial relevância na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, marcada por intensas desigualdades sociais. Nesse quadro, as políticas de urbanização de favelas consolidadas entre as décadas 1990 e 2010 representam importante reconhecimento das favelas enquanto espaços de moradia popular. Este artigo analisa as políticas de urbanização de favelas realizadas no Rio de Janeiro nesse período, focando nos modelos institucionais e conteúdos normativos, situando-as nas conjunturas políticas locais e tendo o direito à moradia como norteador. Observam-se a continuidade e centralidade relativa dessas políticas no período analisado, contudo, são ressaltadas importantes contradições e limitações. sociais quadro 199 201 popular normativos situandoas situando norteador Observamse Observam se analisado contudo limitações 19 20 1 2

Resumen El objetivo fundamental del trabajo es señalar y analizar algunos supuestos teóricos de la teoría de los derechos humanos y del modelo social de la discapacidad. En efecto, estas teorías constituyen la base teórica de la Convención de los Derechos Humanos de las Personas con Discapacidad, que junto al Protocolo Facultativo han sido adoptadas por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas en la resolución 61/106 el 13 de diciembre de 2006, vigente desde el 3 de mayo de 2008. La Convención es el primer texto jurídico de tutela internacional que caracteriza la discriminación contra las personas con discapacidad a causa de la discapacidad, como una violación de los derechos humanos. De acuerdo con nuestro criterio, el tratado es un texto que implica una revolución: es de hecho un nuevo paradigma interpretativo que transforma profundamente nuestra manera de explicar la relación entre el individuo con discapacidad y la sociedad a la cual pertenece porque plantea, por primera vez en la historia, que la discapacidad como fenómeno es esencialmente una construcción social, un hecho social cuya causa es esencialmente social.

Abstract The main objective of this paper is to point out and analyze some theoretical assumptions of the Human Rights Theory and the Social Model of Disability. In fact, these theories constitute the theoretical basis of the Convention on the Human Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which, together with the Optional Protocol, were adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in resolution 61/106 on December 13, 2006, in force since May 3, 2008. The Convention is the first legal text of international protection that characterizes discrimination against persons with disabilities on the basis of disability as a violation of human rights. According to our criteria, the treaty is a text that implies a revolution: it is in fact a new interpretative paradigm that profoundly transforms our way of explaining the relationship between the individual with disabilities and the society to which he or she belongs because it states, for the first time in history, that disability as a phenomenon is essentially a social construction, a social fact whose cause is essentially social.

Resumé L’objectif principal de ce document est de mettre en évidence et d’analyser certaines hypothèses théoriques de la théorie des droits de l’homme et du modèle social du handicap. En fait, ces théories constituent le fondement théorique de la Convention relative aux droits de l’homme des personnes handicapées qui, avec le protocole facultatif, a été adoptée par l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies dans sa résolution 61/106 du 13 décembre 2006 et est entrée en vigueur le 3 mai 2008. La Convention est le premier texte juridique de protection internationale qui caractérise la discrimination à l’égard des personnes handicapées sur la base du handicap comme une violation des droits de l’homme. Selon nos critères, le traité est un texte qui implique une révolution : il s’agit en fait d’un nouveau paradigme interprétatif qui transforme profondément notre façon d’expliquer la relation entre l’individu handicapé et la société à laquelle il appartient, car il affirme, pour la première fois dans l’histoire, que le handicap en tant que phénomène est essentiellement une construction sociale, un fait social dont la cause est essentiellement sociale.

Resumen Es un lugar común señalar que los órganos jurisdiccionales límite son la última barrera de defensa de los derechos fundamentales, el estado de derecho, la división de poderes, y por lo mismo, de la democracia constitucional. No obstante, existen sentencias de última instancia que constituyen ejemplos muy ilustrativos de las prácticas argumentativas que se utilizan para disimular decisiones que pueden estar sistemáticamente politizadas, y por tanto, ser perjudiciales para los derechos electorales fundamentales, para la certeza y legalidad de los actos y resoluciones electorales, así como para la celebración de elecciones libres, auténticas y periódicas. La práctica de utilizar la legitimidad democrática de la función judicial para socavar intencionalmente el núcleo de la democracia está poco teorizada. No obstante, es muy posible que hacia el futuro estas formas de ataque se añadan al conjunto de herramientas autoritarias ejercidas por parte de grupos de talante antidemocrático. Esto es, la circunstancia de que sean los tribunales y no los actores políticos los que adopten una medida antidemocrática con la ventaja de la dificultad para su identificación, dada la tradición asignada al poder judicial en el estadio) constitucional democrático de derecho, hace indispensable revisar el uso de la ponderación propia de la representación argumentativa. Esto, para evitar que mediante la interpretación constitucional se erosione la democracia y se tolere la ausencia del consenso social mínimo sobre los argumentos que se propone sostener con relativa estabilidad temporal. Más todavía, cuando se trata de quienes integran la jurisdicción constitucional especializada en materia de elecciones y democracia. En México, el máximo órgano jurisdiccional electoral es el TEPJF. Dicho órgano ha emitido decisiones controversiales y trascendentes para la democracia electoral que permiten un análisis jurídico crítico, el cual sirva de insumo a la actividad legislativa, sobre todo en temas de participación ciudadana como la revocación de mandato y la imposición de sanciones por su difusión por parte de servidores públicos, así como en los casos de violencia política en razón de género (VPG) y la privación del modo honesto de vivir (MHV) como sanción. Asimismo, resulta notorio el tema de las sentencias sobre la modificación o abandono defectuoso de la jurisprudencia en tópicos como la asunción de competencia sobre actos parlamentarios en la integración de los órganos administrativos o de gobierno del Congreso de la Unión, y los mensajes de los legisladores sobre los cuales se ha determinado que no están protegidos por el principio de inviolabilidad parlamentaria.

Abstract It is commonplace to state that the borderline courts are the last obstacle in the defense of fundamental rights, the rule of law, the division of powers, and hence, of constitutional democracy. Nevertheless, there are judgments of last resort which are very illustrative examples of argumentative practices used to conceal decisions that may be systematically politicized, and therefore can be detrimental to fundamental electoral rights, to the certainty and legality of electoral acts and resolutions, as well as to the holding of free, authentic, and periodical elections. The practice of using the democratic legitimacy of the judicial function to intentionally undermine the core of democracy is barely theorized. However, it is highly possible that in the future these types of attack will be part of the authoritarian tools used by groups of an anti-democratic nature. That is to say, the circumstance that the courts and not the political actors are the ones that implement undemocratic measures with the advantage of the difficulty for its identification, given the traditional role assigned to the judiciary in the democratic constitutional state of law, makes it essential to review the use of the weighting of the argumentative representation. This, in order to prevent democracy from being damaged by constitutional interpretation and to avoid the tolerance for the absence of a minimum social consensus on the arguments that it intends to sustain with relative temporary stability. Even more so, when it comes to those who make up the constitutional jurisdiction specialized in elections and democracy. In Mexico, the Superior Court of the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary (TEPJF) is the highest electoral court. This body has issued controversial and transcendent decisions for electoral democracy which can be subject to critical legal analysis as an input for legislative activity. This is particularly related to issues concerning citizen participation such as the revocation of mandate and the imposition of sanctions due to its diffusion by public servants, as well as cases of gender-based political violence (VPG, by its acronym in Spanish) and the deprivation of an honest way of living (MHV, by its acronym in Spanish) as a sanction. Another topic worth considering is the rulings on the modification or defective abandonment of the jurisprudence in matters such as the assumption of competence over parliamentary acts in the integration of the administrative or government bodies by the Congress of the Union, and the messages of the legislators, which are not protected by the principle of parliamentary immunity, as has been established.

On Wednesday, 19 July 2023, the President of South Africa ratified the 18th Constitutional Amendment Bill in terms ofwhich South African Sign Language (SAGT) was declared as South Africa s 12th official language. South Africa was the sixth country to grant legal recognition to its sign language in 1996, only four years after the United Nations ' 1992 Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities and three years after South Africa had adopted its 1993 constitution which ushered in the political transition period in South Africa. Against this "lightning fast" recognition stands the full officialisation of the language in 2023, which was only realised after a further period of 27 years (after 1996). This inevitably raises the question of why the latter took relatively longer and why the initial constitutional recognition and officialisation in education in 1996 had happened relatively quickly. This question is investigated on the basis of a comparative study between the two "eras of officialisation" viewed in terms of a framework of language policy and language planning against the background of related international case studies. The investigation found that in both cases DeafSA as a sign language campaigner played a central role in achieving the organisation's aims. It was also found that the relative "speed" with which the first recognition had been achieved could largely be attributed to the political Zeitgeist of the so-called Mandela era.

Op Woensdag, 19 Julie 2023 het die President van Suid-Afrika die 18de Grondwetlike Wysigingswetsontwerp bekragtig ingevolge waarvan Suid-Afrikaanse Gebaretaal (SAGT) as Suid-Afrika se 12de amptelike taal verklaar word. Suid-Afrika was die sesde land wat in 1996 reeds wetlike erkenning aan sy gebaretaal verleen het, slegs vier jaar na die Verenigde Nasies se 1992 Verklaring oor die Regte van Persone wat aan Nasionale of Etniese, Godsdienstige en Linguistiese Minderhede behoort en drie jaar ná Suid-Afrika sy 1993-grondwet aanvaar het wat die politieke oorgangstydperk in Suid-Afrika ingelui het. Teenoor hierdie relatief "blitsige" erkenning staan die volle verampteliking van die taal in 2023 wat eers na verloop van 'n verdere 27 jaar (ná 1996) gerealiseer het. Dit laat onvermydelik die vraag ontstaan waarom laasgenoemde relatief langer geneem het en waarom die grondwetlike erkenning en verampteliking in die onderwys van 1996 relatief vinnig gebeur het. Hierdie vraag word ondersoek aan die hand van 'n vergelykende studie tussen die twee "eras van verampteliking" vanuit 'n taalbeleid- en -beplanningsraamwerk en teen die agtergrond van verwante internasionale gevallestudies. Die ondersoek bevind dat in beide gevalle DoweSA as gebaretaalkampvegter 'n sentrale rol gespeel het by die bereiking van die organisasie se oogmerke. Ook word bevind dat die relatiewe "spoed" van die eerste erkenning grootliks toegeskryf kan word aan die politieke tydsgees van die sogenaamde Mandela-era.

Resumen La crisis del neoliberalismo es la crisis de Occidente, incapaz de reorientar su curso y amenazada por contradicciones internas y externas. La emergencia del posmodernismo generó un nuevo ethos acrítico que relativiza los derechos y libertades occidentales. La invasión de la lógica mercantil capitalista en la escuela, bajo el paradigma neoliberal, ha desplazado cualquier formación política de la escuela, contribuyendo para la relatividad cultural contemporánea. En el presente trabajo revisaremos el curso del neoliberalismo desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días, y analizaremos su impacto en la escuela occidental. Este viaje se realiza desde un enfoque crítico. Se detectan dos consecuencias principales: la sustitución del conocimiento por competencias laborales y la promoción de una homogeneidad que beneficia a la competitividad, pero deteriora la cultura democrática. Concluimos con la exigencia de que las escuelas abandonen las narrativas relativas y abracen los valores democráticos para mejorar la coexistencia y la participación política. Occidente externas occidentales neoliberal contemporánea días occidental crítico principales competitividad democrática

Abstract The crisis of neoliberalism is the crisis of the West, unable to redirect its course and threatened by internal and external contradictions. The emergence of the postmodernism has generated a new uncritical ethos that relativises Western rights and freedoms. The invasion of capitalist mercantile logic into the school, under the neoliberal paradigm, has displaced any political training from the school, contributing to contemporary cultural relativity. In the present work we will review the course of neoliberalism from its origins to the present day, and we will analyse its impact on the Western school. This journey is carried out from a critical approach. Two main consequences are detected: the substitution of knowledge by labour competences, and the promotion of a homogeneity that benefits competitiveness, but deteriorates democratic culture. We conclude with the requirement for schools to abandon relative narratives and embrace democratic values in order to improve the coexistence and the political participation. West contradictions freedoms school paradigm relativity day approach detected competences competitiveness culture participation

Resumo A crise do neoliberalismo é a crise do Ocidente, incapaz de reorientar o seu curso e ameaçada por contradições internas e externas. A emergência do pós-modernismo gerou um novo ethos acrítico que relativiza os direitos e liberdades ocidentais. A invasão da lógica mercantil capitalista na escola, sob o paradigma neoliberal, deslocou qualquer formação política da escola, contribuindo para a relatividade cultural contemporânea. No presente trabalho iremos rever o curso do neoliberalismo desde as suas origens até aos nossos dias, e analisaremos o seu impacto na escola ocidental. Esta viagem é levada a cabo a partir de uma abordagem crítica. São detetadas duas consequências principais: a substituição do conhecimento por competências laborais, e a promoção de uma homogeneidade que beneficia a competitividade, mas deteriora a cultura democrática. Concluímos com a exigência de que as escolas abandonem as narrativas relativas e abracem os valores democráticos para melhorar a coexistência e a participação política. Ocidente externas pósmodernismo pós modernismo ocidentais neoliberal contemporânea dias ocidental crítica principais laborais competitividade democrática

Resumen: El artículo aborda un tema particularmente sensible para la investigación científica como lo son los estudios que involucran directamente a niños y niñas. El valor social y la relevancia científica de la investigación en este campo es indudable, sin embargo, su justificación requiere especial detenimiento en las condiciones para el ejercicio de sus derechos antes, durante y después del proceso de investigación. La naturalización de su denominación como “población vulnerable” y el ejercicio de su autonomía relativa, son dos dimensiones principales aquí. El artículo navega por preguntas que no se resuelven aquí precisamente, ¿qué garantías para el proceso efectivo de asentimiento informado?, ¿cómo acompañar en la toma de decisiones sin sustituir al niño y la niña? Sin embargo, sí avanza en la instalación de dilemas y aspectos conceptuales y reflexivos sustantivos en la práctica científica.

Summary: The article deals with a particularly sensitive topic for scientific research, such as research studies that directly involve boys and girls. The social value and scientific relevance of research in this field is unquestionable; however, its justification requires special care regarding the conditions of children’s rights before, during and after the research process. The naturalization of their denomination as a “vulnerable population” and the exercise of their relative autonomy are the two main dimensions of this study. This paper explores questions that are not answered in it precisely: what guarantees informed consent during the effective process? How to accompany the decision making process without replacing the boy and the girl? However, the study makes progress regarding the setting of substantive conceptual and reflective dilemmas and aspects in scientific practice.

Resumo: O artigo trata de um tema particularmente sensível para a pesquisa científica, os estudos que envolvem diretamente meninos e meninas. O valor social e a relevância científica da pesquisa neste campo é inquestionável, porém, sua justificativa requer cuidados especiais nas condições de exercício dos direitos da criancas, durante e após o processo de pesquisa. A naturalização de sua denominação como “população vulnerável” e o exercício de sua autonomia relativa são as duas dimensões principais deste paper. O artigo explora por questões que não são aqui resolvidas de forma precisa: quais sao as garantias para o processo efetivo de assentimento informado? Como acompanhar o proceso da tomada de decisões sem substituir o menino e a menina? No entanto, realizamos um avanço na instalação de dilemas e aspectos conceituais e reflexivos substantivos na prática científica.

The South African law of delict is traditionally classified as a private-law discipline. This classification is usually made with reference to the actor, power and interest theories. According to the actor theory, private law regulates disputes between non-state actors inter se while public law regulates disputes involving the state. The power theory maintains that private law regulates disputes between equals while public law brings equality where inequality exists. The interest theory dictates that there are some interests that are individualistic (where private law steps in) while other interests belong to the public at large (the playing field of public law). In this article honouring Prof Willemien du Plessis's contribution to legal history it is argued that none of the above traditional theories of classification can be used effectively to classify the South African law of delict as a purely private-law discipline. Instead, our law of delict fulfils a hybrid role, straddling public and private law, with much transformative potential. Actor theorists fail to account for the fact that the South African law of delict today regulates disputes between non-state actors inter se as well as the law on state liability. The power theory crumbles in the South African law of delict's private-law classification because oftentimes one of the strong reasons invoked to impose liability on a wrongdoer is that wrongdoer's position of relative power over the victim. The interest theory sheds doubtful light on the classification of the South African law of delict because it is difficult to justify how individual-rights infringements are either purely private or public. In the end, relaxing the absoluteness of the claim that the South African law of delict exclusively falls in the domain of private law could assist us in recognising the role that delict could play in transforming South African society in line with constitutional aspirations, fostering the responsible use of power, and working towards the collective wellbeing of our society.

Resumen Este trabajo tiene como propósito esclarecer si el derecho al olvido, como ha sido propuesto y desarrollado por la Corte de Justicia de la Unión Europea, debería ser reconocido como un nuevo derecho en el sistema interamericano de derechos humanos (SIDH). En este texto, tras explorar las distintas vías por las que este reconocimiento podría materializarse, se sostiene que las fuentes formales del SIDH no han concedido a la privacidad informativa, en la forma del “derecho al olvido”, el estatus de un nuevo derecho adscrito al artículo 11 de la Convención Americana de Derechos Humanos (CADH). Del mismo modo, se sostiene que la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos no podría otorgarle razonablemente un estatus de dicha naturaleza, sin armonizar, al mismo tiempo, su contenido con otras garantías de la CADH, principalmente las referidas a la protección del derecho a la libertad de expresión.

Résumé Le but de ce travail est de clarifier si le “droit à l’oubli”, tel que proposé et developpé par la Court de Justice de l’ Union Européene, doit être reconnu comme un droit implicite dans le Système Interaméricain des Droits de l´homme. Dans cet article, après avoir exploré les différentes manières dont cette reconnaissance pourrait se matérialiser, il est soutenu que les sources formelles du Système Interaméricain n’ont pas accordé le “droit à l’oubli” le statut d’un nouveau droit dérivé de l’article 11 de la Convention Américaine relative aux Droits de l’homme. De même, il est soutenu que la Cour Interaméricaine de Droits de l’homme ne pouvait lui accorder un statut de cette nature sans harmoniser raisonnablement son contenu avec d’autres garanties de la Convention, principalement celles faisant référence à la protection du droit à la liberté d’expression.

Abstract This work aims to clarify whether the right to be forgotten as framed by the European Court of Justice should be recognized as an implicit right to the American Convention on Human Rights. After exploring the different avenues for its recognition, it argues that the formal sources of the Inter-American Human Rights System have not granted informational privacy in the form of the “right to be forgotten” the status aforementioned. Moreover, it upholds that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights could not reasonably grant it such a status, without harmonizing its content with other rights, particularly the guarantees that protect the right to freedom of expression.