RESUMEN Esta investigación aborda la validez del espacio público como auspiciador de la participación política, centrándose en las diversas formas de apropiación del espacio que pueden fomentar dicha participación. El objetivo principal consiste en demostrar las posibilidades de acción política de las y los ciudadanos al expresar su desacuerdo a través de distintos procesos de apropiación del espacio público: la apropiación por dominación, por rebelión, la apropiación vandálica y artística. Se sostiene que la legitimidad de un sistema de gobierno puede cuestionarse o debilitarse según la actuación pública del cuerpo ciudadano contra el Estado o la entidad que ejerce la soberanía sobre el espacio. El análisis se llevará a cabo desde la filosofía política de la vertiente disociativa y el realismo político a través de los conceptos de conflicto, soberanía y desacuerdo.

ABSTRACT This research addresses the validity of public space as a promoter of political participation, focusing on the various forms of appropriation of space that can foster said participation. The main objective is to demonstrate the possibilities of political action of citizens by expressing their disagreement through different processes of appropriation of public space: appropriation by domination, appropriation by rebellion, vandalic, and artistic appropriation. It will be argued that the legitimacy of a government system can be questioned or weakened depending on the public actions of the citizen body against the State or the entity that exercises sovereignty over space. The analysis will be carried out from the political philosophy of the dissociative aspect and political realism, through the concepts of conflict, sovereignty, and disagreement.

Abstract The rebellion of the heir to the Portuguese crown, Afonso, against his father, King Dinis of Portugal (1279-1325), between 1317 and 1323, had a profound influence on the perception we have of the relationship that existed between the sovereign and his heir and successor. The aim of the present essay is to circumvent the occasional limitations imposed by the available sources and adopt a broader approach, taking the Prince's perspective as the starting point whilst seeking to understand, through various testimonies, the manner in which the successor was involved in his father's diplomatic efforts. In so doing, we seek to retrace the different phases of this relationship, while at the same time attempting to highlight instances when the Prince was able to act independently, that is, when his actions were neither conditioned nor regulated by his father's interests.

Résumé Le soulèvement de l'héritier de la couronne portugaise, Alphonse, contre son père, le roi Denis du Portugal (1279-1325), entre 1317 et 1323, a profondément marqué le regard porté sur les relations existant entre le souverain, et son héritier et successeur. Le présent article s’efforce de contourner les limitations parfois imposées par les différentes sources en adoptant une approche de longue durée, en partant justement de la perspective du prince et en cherchant à comprendre, à l'aide de différents témoignages, la manière dont l'héritier a été engagé dans les actions diplomatiques menées par son père, en tentant ainsi de retracer les diverses phases de cette relation, tout en essayant de repérer les actes ou bien les moments où le prince a eu et a pu agir de manière indépendante, c'est-à-dire en évitant que son action soit conditionnée ou contrôlée par les intérêts de son père.

Abstract The rebellion that brought the Komnenoi to power in 1081 was successful because it had many supporters, the most important of which was the Doukai, a lineage that had already controlled imperial power and with which Alexios was linked by marriage. The traditional position of historiography is that this was the beginning of an aristocratic government in which the emperor’s relatives enjoyed a share of power. However, more recent studies dispute the extent of the distribution of power under the Komnenoi (1081-1118), claiming that these emperors were more centralizing and traditional than previously thought. However, in fact, the emperors did distribute power, especially Alexios I (1081-1118), but in a more restricted and ad hoc way. Thus, given the Doukas’ role in the rebellion, it was expected that Alexios I would share power with this family, but he preferred to do so with his mother and brother. The Doukas, feeling aggrieved, spared no effort to gain a foothold in the regime, resulting in a series of internal crises that pitted various members of the family consortium that had seized power against each other. In the end, they were unsuccessful. However, this claim for shared power produced a parallel identity for the Doukas and corresponding discourses, which lasted after the death of Alexios I and continued to exist during the reign of John II (1118-1143). This identity emphasized the role of this family in seizure of power and the legitimization of the new emperor, as well as demanded space and power. This article will deal with these issues.

Resumo A rebelião que levou os Comnenos ao poder, em 1081, foi bem-sucedida e resultante de vários apoios, o mais importante dos quais foi dado pelos Ducas, uma linhagem que já havia controlado o poder imperial e com a qual Aleixo era ligado por matrimônio. A posição tradicional da historiografia é de que esse foi o início de um governo aristocrático no qual os parentes do imperador desfrutavam de uma parcela do poder. Entretanto, estudos mais recentes contestam a extensão da distribuição de poder sob os Comnenos (1081-1118), alegando que esses imperadores eram mais centralizadores e tradicionais do que se pensava anteriormente. No entanto, de fato, os imperadores distribuíram o poder, principalmente Aleixo I (1081-1118), mas de forma mais restrita e pontual. Assim, em função do papel dos Ducas na rebelião, esperava-se que Aleixo I compartilhasse o poder com essa família, mas preferiu fazê-lo com sua mãe e seu irmão. Os Ducas, sentindo-se melindrados, não pouparam esforços para buscar espaço no regime, resultando em uma série de crises internas que contrapuseram diversos membros desse consorcio familiar que havia tomado o poder. Por fim, não foram bem-sucedidos. Contudo, essa reivindicação por poder partilhado produziu uma identidade paralela dos Ducas e discursos correspondentes, os quais perduraram após a morte de Aleixo I e continuaram existindo durante o reinado de João II (1118-1143). Esta identidade enfatizava o papel desta família na tomada do poder e na legitimação do novo imperador, assim como demandava espaço e poder. Este artigo tratará destes temas.

Abstract. This article offers an initial exploration of the process by which youth have colonized nightlife in Mexico City between 1940 and 1960. Given the paucity of historical research on youth and nocturnality, I employ several representative scenes from the film Los Caifanes (1967) as the central axis of my argumentation. The selection of these scenes is based on their recreation of age-specific practices, as identified in historical studies that address the subject tangentially. The following analysis focuses on the construction of various youth typologies, moral panics, forms of control, youthful rebellion, and the transformation of urban nightlife. A social differentiation in nocturnal entertainment forms is observed based on the social class of the youth. The concluding considerations offer a preliminary conclusion: the persistence and adaptation of the sociocultural construction of night to contemporary transformations of urban life.

Resumen. Este artículo es una primera aproximación al proceso de colonización de la vida nocturna por los jóvenes en la Ciudad de México entre 1940 y 1960. Dada la escasez de investigaciones históricas sobre las juventudes y las nocturnidades, recurro a algunas escenas representativas de Los Caifanes (1967) como eje articulador de mi argumentación. La selección de estas escenas parte de que recrean prácticas características de la edad según estudios históricos que tratan tangencialmente el tema. El siguiente análisis se enfoca en la construcción de las distintas tipologías de las juventudes, pánicos morales, formas de control, sublevación juvenil y la transformación de la vida nocturna citadina. Se observa una diferenciación social en las formas de diversión nocturna según la clase social de los jóvenes. Las consideraciones finales ofrecen una conclusión preliminar: la persistencia y la adaptación de la construcción sociocultural de la noche a las transformaciones contemporáneas de la vida citadina.

Abstract: This article analyzes the Yaqui rebellions from 1926 to 1929 in order to understand the factors that led them to come together and unite their forces, making use of Subaltern Studies to observe actions aimed at overthrowing the authorities, dialogue and insurrection. It utilizes journalistic sources that emphasize the interest in the movement in the border region of Sonora and Arizona and the political positions that were constituted around it. It observes that groups of Yaqui rebels turned to dialogue with the authorities and insurrection due to the intervention in their territory and the elimination of policies that benefited their ways of life, as well as that their incorporation was characterized by a reflective consciousness within the group, whose primary objective lay in opposition to the government in power.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza las rebeliones yaquis entre los años de 1926 y 1929, para conocer los factores que los llevaron a integrarse y unificar esfuerzos. Se utilizan los Estudios Subalternos con el objeto de observar las acciones para destituir a las autoridades, el de diálogo e insurrección. Con la finalidad de fundamentar lo anterior, se emplearon fuentes periodísticas donde se destaca el interés del movimiento en la zona fronteriza de Sonora y Arizona, y las posiciones políticas que se conformaron en torno a éste. Como hallazgo se observa que los grupos rebeldes del Yaqui utilizaron el diálogo con las autoridades y la insurrección, por la intervención en su territorio y eliminación de políticas que beneficiaban sus formas de vida. Asimismo, se muestra que su integración se caracterizó por una conciencia reflexiva dentro del grupo, cuyo objetivo principal radicaba en la oposición al gobierno en turno.

Abstract This work proposes an interpretation of the biblical story of the Maccabees, their rebellion, and religious, political, and military resistance against the imperial imposition, through some perspectives collected from Walter Benjamin's writings about youth. Topics like the religious situation before the horizon of the Enlighten Era; the importance that religion has in youth social movements; messianism as it is reinterpreted by the Romantic movement of the Jewish Intellectuals of the so call Mittel Europa as studied by the academic Michael Löwy will be highlighted to, finally, rehearse a reflection on the ideology of military sovereignty in contrast to utopian messianism.

Resumen Este trabajo plantea un ejercicio de interpretación del relato bíblico1 de los macabeos, su rebelión y resistencia religiosa, política y militar frente a la imposición imperial desde algunas perspectivas recogidas de los escritos de Walter Benjamin sobre la juventud. Se ponen de relieve temas como la situación religiosa ante el horizonte de la Ilustración; la relevancia que tiene la religión en los movimientos sociales juveniles; el mesianismo reinterpretado por el movimiento romántico de los intelectuales judíos de la Mitteleuropa, según lo ha estudiado el académico Michael Löwy para, finalmente, ensayar una reflexión sobre la ideología de la soberanía militar en contraste con el mesianismo utópico.

Résumé Cet article s’appuie sur la documentation diplomatique transmise à Vienne par les représentants de l’empire autrichien à Madrid entre 1808 et 1825. Bien qu’ils fassent référence aux événements du Mexique, ils ne les qualifient pas de mouvements d’indépendance. Les nouvelles que le chargé d’affaires Lazzaro Brunetti envoie à Vienne à partir de 1820 ne manifestent pas, dans un premier temps, une conviction absolue d’une situation d’indépendance. Mais, dès 1822, elles témoignent déjà d’un changement significatif dans la perception des batailles sur le territoire mexicain et des actions des députés de la Nouvelle Espagne aux Cortes du Triennat, faisant même de la reconnaissance de l’indépendance un thème central de leurs correspondances. Ce point de vue se généralisera en Europe après 1823, transformant l’Amérique en un enjeu majeur de la politique monarchique de l’époque.

Abstract The article is based on the diplomatic documentation that the representatives of the Austrian Empire in Madrid sent to Vienna between 1808 and 1825. Although they would refer to the events in Mexico, they didn’t describe them as independence movements. Until 1820 they didn’t show the conviction of a real and absolute independence, but from 1822 on they already made it clear that the situation had changed to the point of even thematize the recognition of the independence. The latter became widespread in Europe after 1823 and made America a subject of the monarchical politics of the time.

Resumen Al analizarse las guerras de independencia en la América española suele recurrirse a variadas fuentes, incluyendo informes diplomáticos. Aquellos provenientes de Austria, sin embargo, no han sido tomados en cuenta hasta la actualidad. Entre 1808 y 1825, los representantes del Imperio austríaco en Madrid, enviaron a Viena despachos que informaban sobre los sucesos americanos, y aunque harían referencia a los acontecimientos en México, no los describieron como movimientos independentistas. Las noticias que el encargado de negocios, Lazzaro Brunetti, envió a Viena desde 1820, no mostraron inicialmente el convencimiento de una independencia absoluta, por lo contrario, a partir de 1822, ya ponían en claro que había cambiado la manera de entenderse las batallas en territorio mexicano, así como la acción de los diputados novohispanos en las Cortes del Trienio Liberal, al punto de incluso tematizar el reconocimiento de la independencia. Esto último se generalizaría en Europa después de 1823 y convertiría a América en un tema de la política monárquica de la época.

Theology plays a role in how we think about human agency for social change. One's conception of God's relationship to humanity, or lack thereof, can suppress or empower resistance to oppressive systems. The prophetic revolutionary fighter Aline Sitoë Diatta1 remains an inspirational symbol of resistance, not only for the Diola people of Senegal but also more broadly throughout West Africa.2 As "La femme qui était plus qu'un homme"-the woman who was more than a man-her legendary impact on subsequent generations offers the opportunity to investigate the empowering influence of the Diola3 indigenous faith tradition, awasena path, on moral and ethical formation. Employing the womanist theological ethics of Katie G. Cannon and Delores Williams, along with the quare theory of E. Patrick Johnson, this paper theorizes an ethic of resistance and an ethic of control. The paper will then explore Diatta's use of both ethics based on an analysis of an African short film, À La Recherche Aline. Diatta's embodiment of an ethic of resistance and an ethic of control within modern reenactments of her story depict her rebellion against colonialism as empowered by the awasena path and its theology. The film reflects a modern reception history of Diatta that continues to inspire those of African descent to defend against attacks on their personhood by white supremacy.

Abstract The book Antropologías feministas en rebeldía en Chiapas y Centroamérica [which could translate as Feminist Anthropologies in Rebellion in Chiapas and Central America] by Marisa Ruiz Trejo journeys through important debates about different forms of feminism, anthropology, and the social sciences. Through recovering the buried works of rebellious women researchers, anthropologists, writers, and ethnographers in peripheral contexts, the author crystallizes a compelling feminist policy that seeks to vindicate women’s fruitful contributions in a region that inspired the construction of situated, committed, and embodied knowledge. These contributions deeply challenge the androcentrism rooted in the canonical ways of producing knowledge in the fields of anthropology and the social sciences. At the same time, they are an invitation to search for new questions and debates within the field of feminisms in rebellion, in dialogue with earlier and current generations of feminist researchers.

Resumen El libro Antropologías feministas en rebeldía en Chiapas y Centroamérica de Marisa Ruiz Trejo recorre importantes debates sobre los feminismos, la antropología y las ciencias sociales. A través de la recuperación de trabajos soterrados de investigadoras, antropólogas, escritoras y etnógrafas rebeldes en contextos periféricos, la autora cristaliza una apuesta política feminista que busca reivindicar las fructíferas contribuciones a la antropología de las mujeres de una región cuya realidad las inspiró a construir conocimientos situados, comprometidos y encarnados. Estos aportes constituyen un cuestionamiento profundo al androcentrismo arraigado en las formas canónicas de producir conocimiento en los campos de la antropología y las ciencias sociales. Al mismo tiempo, nos invita a plantear la búsqueda de nuevas preguntas y debates en los feminismos en rebeldía, lo anterior en diálogo con previas y actuales generaciones de investigadoras feministas.

Resumo: O pós-modernismo ocidental é uma tendência cultural de pensamento que surgiu nas décadas de 1960 e 1970. Sua influência envolve muitos campos, como arte, literatura, filosofia e estética, o que indica que uma grande mudança ocorreu em toda a sociedade ocidental e também tem um impacto profundo na cultura e na arte contemporâneas. Ao analisar a influência de longo alcance do pós-modernismo, na música e na filosofia, este artigo fornece estratégias de desenvolvimento e sugestões para a música e a filosofia, sob o pano de fundo do pós-modernismo. Este texto estudou os efeitos positivos e negativos do pós-modernismo na filosofia e na música, sob dois aspectos: música e filosofia. A influência positiva do pós-modernismo na filosofia e na música manifesta-se na defesa da igualdade, da harmonia entre o homem e a natureza, da inovação e do espírito crítico. É claro que a tendência de pensamento do pós-modernismo também tem alguns efeitos negativos, os quais devem ser vistos dialeticamente, em seu impacto sobre a música e a filosofia. Com a premissa de incentivar a inovação, respeitar a liberdade e a diferença, deve-se estabelecer uma autoconfiança de valor, de modo a promover o desenvolvimento da filosofia e da música. O pós-modernismo é uma forma cultural do período posterior do capitalismo. No campo da música, é necessário não apenas aderir à rebeldia e à abertura trazidas pelo pós-modernismo, mas também dar importância ao valor artístico das obras musicais para evitar a produção e a proliferação de obras musicais vulgarizadas. A influência do pós-modernismo na música e na filosofia, que estudamos neste artigo, tem um significado prático importante.

Abstract: Western postmodernism is a cultural trend of thought that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s. Its influence involves many fields, such as art, literature, philosophyand aesthetics, which indicates that a major change has taken place in the whole Western society, and also has a profound impact on contemporary culture and art. By analyzing the far-reaching influence of postmodernism on music and philosophy, this paper provided development strategies and suggestions for music and philosophy under the background of postmodernism. This paper studied the positive and negative effects of postmodernism on philosophy and music from two aspects: music and philosophy. The positive influence of postmodernism on philosophy and music is manifested in advocating equality, harmony between man and nature, innovation and critical spirit. Of course, the postmodernism trend of thought also has some negative effects, which should be viewed dialectically on its impact on music and philosophy. On the premise of encouraging innovation, respecting freedom and difference, self-confidence value should be established, so as to promote the further development of philosophy and music. Postmodernism is a cultural form in the later period of capitalism. In the field of music, it is necessary to not only adhere to the rebellion and openness brought by postmodernism, but also attach importance to the artistic value of music works to prevent the production and proliferation of vulgar music works. The influence of postmodernism on music and philosophy, studied in this paper, has important practical significance.

Resumo: Com o triunfo do capitalismo, ao final da Guerra Fria, a década de noventa viu emergir um sentimento otimista apoiado na ideia de um progresso ilimitado. Tal sentimento, como afirma Fisher (2020), foi questionado a partir das crises das primeiras décadas do século XXI, fazendo emergir um sentimento melancólico sobre o futuro. Essa nova fase do capitalismo tem produzido, na cultura pop, uma série de produtos de temática existencial, porém, com tom desesperançoso sobre os rumos da sociedade. A problemática aqui visa a analisar a cultura pop, através de um prisma existencial sartriano, buscando compreender como a cultura pop cria clichês inspirados no existencialismo histórico, produzindo o que será chamado de “existencialismo vulgar”, em contraponto com o existencialismo histórico de Sartre. A hipótese se desdobra em duas partes: 1- O existencialismo vulgar promove uma revolta hedonista, que não ameaça o sistema, reduzindo a crise a uma forma de conduta “neutralizada”; 2- Tal conduta se sustenta em um imaginário que se funda em produções da cultura pop, nas quais se manifestam uma melancolia e um fatalismo em relação a tentativas de transformação radical da sociedade.

Abstract: With the triumph of capitalism at the end of the Cold War, the 1990s witnessed the emergence of an optimistic sentiment grounded in the idea of limitless progress. However, as Fisher (2020) asserts, this sentiment was called into question by the crises of the early 21st century, giving rise to a melancholic outlook on the future. This new phase of capitalism has generated a series of existential-themed products in popular culture, albeit with a despairing tone regarding the direction of society. The issue at hand aims to analyze popular culture through a Sartrean existential prism, seeking to understand how the cultural industry creates clichés inspired by historical existentialism, producing what we will refer to as “vulgar existentialism,” in contrast to Sartre’s historical existentialism. Our hypothesis unfolds in two parts: 1- Vulgar existentialism promotes a hedonistic rebellion that does not threaten the system, reducing the crisis to a “neutralized” form of conduct; 2- Such conduct is sustained by an imaginary rooted in popular culture productions that manifest melancholy and fatalism in relation to attempts at radical societal transformation.

Resumen El artículo se centra en el estudio de los Azules, un colectivo cercano al movimiento hippie y a la contracultura que se mantuvo activo en Hermosillo, Sonora, durante los años setenta. El objetivo es aportar elementos para responder a las preguntas ¿por qué se creó un colectivo de estas características en Hermosillo?, ¿quiénes eran los Azules?, y ¿qué los unía? Para ello utilizo la perspectiva de los outsiders o sociología de la desviación de Howard Becker. Según el autor, todas las sociedades crean reglas que, en teoría, deben seguir quienes deseen ser aceptados en sus dinámicas internas. Aquellos que rompen dichas reglas (o supuestamente lo hacen) suelen ser considerados sujetos marginales o desviados. En este artículo propongo que la sociología de la desviación es útil para analizar a los Azules ya que, como se verá, la mayoría de sus prácticas desconocían los valores dominantes del contexto en el que interactuaron.

Abstract: This article focuses on the study of the Azules, a collective close to the hippie movement and counterculture that was active in Hermosillo, Sonora during the seventies. The objective is to provide elements to answer the questions why a collective like this was created in Hermosillo? who were the Azules? and what united them? To do so, I use the outsiders perspective or sociology of deviance developed by Howard Becker. According to the author, all societies create rules that, in theory, must be followed by those who wish to be accepted in their internal dynamics. Those who break such rules (or supposedly do so) are usually considered marginal or outsiders. In this article I propose that the sociology of deviance is useful for analyzing the Azules because most of their practices did not respect the dominant values of the context in which they acted, as will be seen.

Resumen: En este trabajo se revisa la participación del presidente municipal de Pátzcuaro, José María Guizar, y del propietario Ladislao Molina en una rebelión contra el gobernador de Michoacán Francisco J. Múgica. Los rebeldes estaban inconformes con las políticas de reparto agrario promovidas por Múgica, pero también eran hombres afines al presidente Obregón, con quien Múgica había mantenido diversos diferendos. En esta rebelión Guizar y sus hombres recorrieron los pueblos de la ribera del lago de Pátzcuaro exigiendo armas, caballos, préstamos forzosos, destruyendo vías de comunicación y asaltando estaciones de tren. Las acciones de Ladislao Molina se relacionaron tanto con esta rebelión como con diversos actos de intimidación a los comités agrarios impulsados por el gobernador y con el asesinato de los líderes agraristas de Opopeo.

Abstract: This article analyzes the participation of Pátzcuaro Mayor José María Guizar and the landowner Ladislao Molina in a rebellion against Michoacán Governor Francisco J. Múgica. The rebels opposed the land redistribution policies promoted by Múgica, but they also acted out of loyalty to President Obregón, with whom Múgica had many public disagreements. In this rebellion, Guizar and his men traversed the towns on the shores of Lake Pátzcuaro, demanding weapons, horses and forced loans, destroying communication lines and attacking train stations. The actions of Ladislao Molina were connected to this rebellion, as well as to the intimidation of the agrarian committees promoted by the governor and the murder of the agrarian leaders of Opopeo.

Resumen La historia de las Jefaturas de Operaciones Militares en México ha sido prácticamente inexplorada. Este artículo ofrece un acercamiento a la creación y funcionamiento de esta organización territorial militar entre 1917 y 1923, que comprende los gobiernos de Venustiano Carranza y Álvaro Obregón, antes del desarrollo de la rebelión delahuertista. La división militar reflejó las dificultades de la pacificación del país y de la recentralización política. Esos procesos no concluyeron con el ascenso del grupo Sonora al poder en 1920, por el contrario, su arribo propició el desarrollo de nuevos movimientos rebeldes, algunos locales y otros planeados por exiliados desde Estados Unidos. Los levantamientos obligaron al Ejecutivo federal a reorganizar, cual tablero de ajedrez, a los hombres que comandaban las jefaturas, quienes casi siempre se convirtieron en operadores políticos del centro, pero también en cómplices ocasionales de las sublevaciones e incluso en líderes de las mismas.

Résumé L’histoire des Quartiers Généraux des Opérations Militaires au Mexique a été pratiquement inexplorée. Cet article propose une approche de la création et du fonctionnement de cette organisation militaire territoriale entre 1917 et 1923, qui comprend les gouvernements de Venustiano Carranza et Álvaro Obregón, avant le développement de la rébellion Delahuertista. La division militaire a reflété les difficultés de pacification du pays et de recentralisation politique. Ces processus ne se sont pas arrêtés avec la montée au pouvoir du groupe Sonora en 1920; au contraire, leur arrivée a entraîné le développement de nouveaux mouvements rebelles, certains locaux et d’autres planifiés par des exilés des ÉtatsUnis. Les soulèvements ont obligé l’exécutif fédéral à réorganiser, à la manière d’un échiquier, les hommes qui commandaientles Quartiers Généraux, qui sont presque toujours devenus des opérateurs politiques du centre, mais aussi parfois des complices occasionnels des soulèvements et même des leaders de ceux-ci. Jefaturas de Operaciones Militares

Summary The history of the Headquarters of Military Operations in Mexico has been practically unexplored. This article offers an approach to the creation and operation of this territorial military organization between 1917 and 1923, which includes the governments of Venustiano Carranza and Álvaro Obregón, before the development of the Delahuertista rebellion. The military division reflected the difficulties of pacifying the country and political recentralization. These processes did not end with the rise of the Sonora group to power in 1920; on the contrary, their arrival led to the development of new rebel movements, some local and others planned by exiles from the United States. The uprisings forced the federal Executive to reorganize, like a chessboard, the men who commanded the headquarters, who almost always became political operators of the center, but also occasional accomplices of the uprisings and even leaders of them.