Las alumnas negras del curso de medicina son minoría y enfrentan diversos obstáculos durante la formación por ser mujeres negras. El objetivo fue sintetizar el conocimiento producido en estudios empíricos sobre la discriminación racial y de género que sufren estudiantes de medicina negras en el curso. Realizamos una revisión integradora de las bases de datos del PubMed y BVS. Se analizaron en profundidad cincuenta estudios clasificados en tres categorías temáticas: 1- El prejuicio racial sistémico-estructural y estructurador. 2- El racismo como uno de los factores de la inequidad en la Educación Médica. 3- El racismo de género vivido por las estudiantes negras. Se concluyó que, en las escuelas médicas, un espacio social con baja diversidad étnica/racial, atravesado por el racismo estructural, las estudiantes negras son discriminadas por la intersección de las dinámicas de raza, género y clase social.

Black female medical students are a minority and face various obstacles during their training because they are black women. The study aimed to synthesize the knowledge produced in empirical studies on the racial and gender discrimination suffered by black female medical students. We carried out an integrative review using the PubMed and VHL databases. Fifty studies were analyzed in depth and classified into three thematic categories: 1- Systemic-structural and structuring racial prejudice. 2- Racism as one of the factors of inequity in medical education. 3- Genderized racism experienced by black students. It was concluded that in medical schools, a social space with low ethnic/racial diversity and crossed by structural racism, female black students are negatively discriminated by the intersection of race, gender and social class dynamics.

Alunas negras do curso de Medicina são minoria e enfrentam diversos obstáculos durante a formação por serem mulheres negras. Objetivou-se sintetizar o conhecimento produzido em estudos empíricos sobre a discriminação racial e de gênero que sofrem estudantes de Medicina negras no curso. Realizamos uma revisão integrativa nas bases de dados do PubMed e BVS. Foram analisados em profundidade cinquenta estudos classificados em três categorias temáticas: I- O preconceito racial sistêmico-estrutural e estruturante; II- O racismo como um dos fatores da iniquidade na educação médica; e III- O racismo genderizado vivenciado pelas estudantes negras. Concluiu-se que, nas escolas médicas, um espaço social com baixa diversidade étnica/racial e atravessado pelo racismo estrutural, as estudantes negras são discriminadas pela intersecção das dinâmicas de raça, gênero e classe social.

Resumo Este artigo propõe uma reflexão sobre o imperativo do antirracismo na saúde bucal coletiva, a qual, como núcleo e práxis, pode contribuir de forma significativa para a (re)construção de um ethos que contemple a equidade e viabilize a cidadania e a democracia. Como paradigma, assumimos o conceito “Bucalidade” e as diretrizes da Política Nacional de Saúde Integral da População Negra, pela ênfase no direito à saúde como prerrogativa do direito à vida e no combate ao racismo e a todas as formas de discriminação, em quaisquer espaços, como indutor desse ethos. Como exercício crítico, abordamos o status quo da saúde bucal coletiva e apontamos para uma perspectiva pró-equidade racial como uma escolha intencional, política e pactuada socialmente em busca da justiça social. Por fim, trazemos proposições para a implementação desse ethos por assumir o enfrentamento do racismo sistêmico no campo da saúde bucal coletiva como inadiável para a preservação da vida-boca e aprimoramento da democracia. qual práxis reconstrução re construção democracia paradigma Bucalidade “Bucalidade Negra discriminação espaços crítico próequidade pró intencional social fim vidaboca boca

Abstract This article proposes a reflection on the imperative of antiracism in collective oral health, which, as a science, field, core, and praxis, contributes significantly to the reconstruction of an ethos that considers equity and enables citizenship and democracy. As a paradigm, we assumed the concept of “Buccality” and the guidelines of the National Comprehensive Health Policy for the Black Population, emphasizing the defense of the right to health as a prerogative of the right to life and the combat against racism and all forms of discrimination systematically. As a critical exercise, we discussed the status quo of collective oral health. We pointed to adopting a racial pro-equity perspective as an intentional, political choice socially agreed upon with all of society for social justice. Finally, we propose recommendations for dismantling systemic racism in collective oral health. which science field core praxis democracy paradigm Buccality “Buccality Population systematically exercise proequity pro intentional justice Finally

Addressing a myriad of complex social, economic and political issues in the South African context requires that we draw from a variety of voices. This postcolonial reflection draws on the work of Vuyani Vellem's African spirituality to highlight how it can help Africans conceptualise race epistemologically. The contribution emerged out of an article presented at a conference themed 'unthinking West. The article employed the concepts of liminality and threshold to discuss the ambivalence encountered by Vuyani Vellem and highlights how his theological convictions still present unsettling ideological aftershocks within the unjust structures of society. CONTRIBUTION: This contribution is a black liberation theological reflection, which laments how Vellem did not live to witness the full realisation of his dreams regarding the liberation of the black masses. The article identifies racial discrimination and misconceptions on African spirituality as some examples of the 'unsettling aftershocks' regarding challenges, which Vellem confronted within the unjust structures of South African society.

Resumen El objetivo del presente artículo es revisar el papel de la prensa estadounidense como generadora y difusora de emociones hacia ciertos sujetos urbanos. Parto del presupuesto de que las emociones tienen un papel importante en la configuración de las identidades nacionales, locales y grupales (etarias, genéricas, raciales). Las normativas sobre sus formas y momentos (apropiados) de expresión o contención contribuyen a legitimar, subordinar y diferenciar distintos grupos que conviven en un mismo espacio. En el caso de esta investigación, mi análisis se centra en el estudio del manejo de las emociones por parte de la prensa del noreste estadounidense durante los llamados zoot-suit riots o motines de pachucos protagonizados por jóvenes marinos y adolescentes mexicoamericanos en la ciudad de Los Ángeles, California, en el verano de 1943. Mi interés es encontrar similitudes y diferencias en la forma de abordar e interpretar la emocionalidad entre la prensa de dos espacios geográficos distantes: el suroeste y el noreste de Estados Unidos, y determinar si la particularidad de sus desarrollos históricos interviene en la interpretación y lectura emocional, racial y etaria de los acontecimientos.*

Abstract The aim of this article is to rescue the role of the U.S. press as a generator and disseminator of emotions within certain urban subjects. I start from the assumption that emotions play an important role in the configuration of national, local, and group identities (age, gender, race). The regulations on their forms and (appropriate/proper) moments of expression or containment contribute to legitimize, subordinate, and differentiate the dissimilar groups that coexist in a place. With this research, my analysis focuses on the study of the handling of emotions by the press during the so-called zoot suit riots or “motines de pachucos” lead by young Marines and mexican american teenagers in the city of Los Angeles, California during the summer of 1943. One of my interests is to find similarities and differences in the way two different geographical spaces, the Southwestern and Northeastern American regions, approached and interpreted emotionality the events. And answer whether the particularity in their historical developments plays a role in the interpretation and emotional, racial, and age-related reading of the events.

Resumen En las sociedades capitalistas actuales, movimientos como Black Lives Matter, #MeToo surgen como fuerzas que buscan desafiar las estructuras de poder, promoviendo el cambio social. Estos movimientos impactan la política, economía y cultura, planteando preguntas sobre las posibilidades y limitaciones de la acción colectiva en un entorno dominado por la lógica del mercado. Aunque luchan por los derechos y el bienestar de grupos marginados, algunos argumentan que no exigen un cambio sistémico en el modelo económico predominante y que, en ciertos casos, pueden adaptarse a la lógica capitalista en lugar de oponerse a ella. Este artículo analiza cómo estos movimientos desafían o refuerzan las estructuras de poder capitalistas mediante un análisis filosófico de sus dinámicas, desafíos y oportunidades en el marco del capitalismo. Se argumenta que, aunque estos movimientos han generado conciencia sobre problemas específicos, como la discriminación racial y el acoso y abuso sexual, pueden verse limitados en su capacidad para generar un cambio sistémico y desafiar la lógica capitalista que perpetúa las desigualdades. El capitalismo tiende a reproducir y reforzar las normas y estructuras de poder dominantes, lo que puede conducir a enfoques más limitados y superficiales en la lucha por la igualdad y la justicia.

Abstract In today’s capitalist societies, movements such as Black Lives Matter, #MeToo emerge as forces that seek to challenge power structures, promoting social change. These movements impact politics, economics, and culture, raising questions about the possibilities and limitations of collective action in an environment dominated by the logic of the market. Although they fight for the rights and welfare of marginalized groups, some argue that they do not demand a systemic change in the prevailing economic model and that in certain circumstances they may adapt to capitalist logic rather than opposing it. This article analyzes how these movements either challenge or reinforce capitalist power structures through a philosophical analysis of their dynamics, challenges, and opportunities within the framework of capitalism. It is argued that while these movements have raised awareness of specific issues, such as racial discrimination and sexual harassment and abuse, they can be limited in their ability to generate systemic change and challenge the capitalist logic that perpetuates inequalities. Capitalism tends to reproduce and reinforce dominant rules and power structures, which can lead to more limited and superficial approaches to the fight for equality and justice.

Participatory Institutions were on the rise in Brazil, but social participation was attacked and began to show signs of weakness in 2014, when the National Social Participation Policy was vetoed by the National Congress under weak arguments. In the first months of the Bolsonaro government, Decree 9759/19 extinguished collegiate bodies created by inferior legal instruments and one collegiate affected was the National Council to Combat Discrimination – CNCD. Created in 2001 based on Decree 3952/01, its objective was to promote the social rights of victims of racial discrimination or other forms of intolerance and in 2010, Decree 7.388/10 included the promotion and defense of the rights of the LGBTI+ community in the CNDC competence. CONANDA was not directly extinguished but was emptied as a result of Decree 10.003/19. Starting from qualitative research, which allows us to interpret the social world, we used the documentary analysis methodology with the aim of carrying out a case study on the two councils, and we concluded that after a trajectory of visibility and management of public policies, the suppression of such a space for public debate led to the setback of rights, a fact that reinforces our argument that maintaining participatory institutions is fundamental to strengthening democracy.

As Instituições Participativas estavam em movimento crescente no Brasil, mas, a participação social foi atacada e começou a apresentar sinais de fraqueza em 2014, quando a Política Nacional de Participação Social foi vetada pelo Congresso Nacional sob argumentos pífios. Nos primeiros meses de governo Bolsonaro, o Decreto 9759/19 extinguiu órgãos colegiados criados por instrumentos legais inferiores e um colegiado atingidos foi o Conselho Nacional de Combate à Discriminação – CNCD. Criado em 2001 a partir do Decreto 3952/01 seu objetivo era promover direitos sociais de vítimas de discriminação racial ou outra forma de intolerância e em 2010 o Decreto 7388/10 incluiu na competência do CNDC a promoção e defesa dos direitos da comunidade LGBTI+. O CONANDA não foi diretamente extinto, mas sofreu esvaziamento a partir do Decreto 10.003/19. Partindo da pesquisa qualitativa, que nos permite interpretar o mundo social, utilizamos a metodologia de análise documental com o intuito de realizar um estudo de caso sobre os dois conselhos, e concluímos que após uma trajetória de visibilidade e manejo de políticas públicas, a supressão de tal espaço de debate público levou ao retrocesso de direitos, fato que reforça nosso argumento de que a manutenção das instituições participativas é fundamental para o fortalecimento da democracia. 

Abstract Access to mainstream education by the indigenous peoples can result in their social and economic empowerment. However, indigenous students' assimilation into mainstream education has been a recent phenomenon in the Philippines. Discrimination persists as one of the disturbing experiences of the indigenous students inside the school. It is one of the leading causes of school dropouts among indigenous students and a barrier to pursuing higher education. Objective: To understand the meaning of this problem and explore the experiences and coping mechanisms of the Aeta (indigenous) students at a Philippine state university towards racism in education. Methods: A qualitative ethnographic study was conducted between August and December 2018 and included two indigenous students enrolled at a state university in Pampanga, Philippines. Ethnographic interviews, informal conversations, and participant observation were conducted to gather data, which was then thematically evaluated. Results: After synthesizing the data, three categories developed: 'Ethnicity, Race, and Racism,' ‘Coping with racism, and ‘Meanings of racism.' The first category explored racism as a phenomenon linked to perceived ethnic and racial differences that cause harm to indigenous students on a physical and emotional level. The second category covered indigenous people's active and passive forms of resistance as they dealt with racism in education. The third category presented that racism is associated with a 'social problem’ as it distresses their ethnic community and interferes with their opportunity to obtain a quality education and a 'motivation' for they believe achieving the same societal status as their non-indigenous counterparts through literacy could bring empowerment to their ethnic group; thus eliminate subordination and inferiority. Conclusion: Racism in education remains a significant challenge for the Aeta students and therefore calls for the reform efforts of local agencies and other stakeholders.

Resumo Este artigo examina um fenômeno social bastante presente na nossa sociedade, mas ainda pouco teorizado na literatura jurídica brasileira: o problema da discriminação estética. Essa expressão designa uma série de práticas discriminatórias baseada na utilização da aparência como critério de julgamento da capacidade profissional dos indivíduos, procedimento que afeta de forma negativa uma quantidade significativa de pessoas, especialmente mulheres e membros de grupos raciais subalternizados. Este trabalho recorre a teorias de discriminação, a estudos sociológicos sobre a beleza e à psicologia social da discriminação para apresentar uma análise da discriminação estética capaz de oferecer uma compreensão de sua dinâmica interna e sua relação com outras práticas arbitrárias que impedem o acesso igualitário a oportunidades profissionais. sociedade brasileira indivíduos pessoas subalternizados profissionais

Abstract This article examines a very common phenomenon in our society which remains widely unacknowledged and undertheorized: the problem of aesthetic discrimination. This concept designates a series of discriminatory practices that uses personal appearance as a criterion for judging the professional capacity, a pattern that negatively affects a significant number of people, especially women and members of racial minorities. This essay develops an analysis of aesthetic discrimination capable of offering an understanding of its internal dynamics and its relationship with other arbitrary practices that impede equal access to professional opportunities based on theories of discrimination, sociological studies on beauty and the social psychology of discrimination. undertheorized capacity people minorities

ABSTRACT In the post-war era, an accusation of “racism at Itamaraty” arose. The purpose of this article is to examine how this subject was treated by the Brazilian press and by Black leaders, based mainly on the repercussion of the episode of alleged racial discrimination that the Black teacher José Pompilio da Hora would have suffered, on the part of the Rio Branco Institute, when he applied for the diplomatic career entrance exam.

RESUMO No período pós-guerra, surgiu a acusação da existência de “racismo no Itamaraty”. A finalidade deste artigo é examinar como esse assunto foi tratado pela imprensa brasileira e pelas lideranças negras, a partir sobretudo da repercussão do episódio de suposta discriminação racial que o professor negro José Pompilio da Hora teria sofrido, por parte do Instituto Rio Branco, quando se inscreveu no concurso admissional para a carreira diplomática.

Abstract We investigated whether racial discrimination accelerates the weight and Body Mass Index (BMI) gain in Blacks and Browns participants of the Brazilian Longitudinal Study of Adult Health (ELSA-Brasil) in four years of follow-up. We compared body weight and BMI between the 1st (2008-2010) and 2nd visit (2012-2014) of 5,983 Blacks and Browns participants. Exposure to racial discrimination and covariates (age, sex, education, and research center) were obtained at the 1st visit. Linear mixed effects models stratified by race/skin color were used. Report of racial discrimination was more frequent among Blacks (32.1%) than Browns (6.3%). During the follow-up period, Blacks and Browns gained an average of 1.4kg and 1.2kg, respectively. This increase was greater among those who reported discrimination when compared to those who did not, both in Blacks (2.1kg vs.1.0kg, p < 0.001) and Browns (1.9kg vs. 1.1kg, p < 0.05). The results of the interaction between racial discrimination and time showed that Blacks, but not Browns, who reported racial discrimination had greater weight and BMI gains between visits. Our results suggest that reducing racial discrimination would contribute to prevent and/or control obesity increase in the country.

Resumo Investigou-se se a discriminação racial acelera o ganho de peso corporal e o Índice de Massa Corporal (IMC) em pretos e pardos participantes do Estudo Longitudinal de Saúde do Adulto (ELSA-Brasil) em quatro anos de seguimento. Comparou-se o peso corporal e o IMC entre a 1ª (2008-2010) e a 2ª visita (2012-2014) de 5.983 participantes pretos e pardos. A exposição à discriminação racial e às covariáveis (idade, sexo, escolaridade e centro de pesquisa) foram obtidas na 1ª visita. Foram utilizados modelos lineares de efeitos mistos estratificados por raça/cor da pele. O relato de discriminação racial foi mais frequente entre pretos (32,1%) do que em pardos (6,3%). Durante o período de acompanhamento, pretos e pardos ganharam uma média de 1,4kg e 1,2kg, respectivamente. Esse aumento foi maior entre os que relataram discriminação, quando comparados aos que não relataram, tanto em pretos (2,1 kg vs. 1,0 kg, p < 0,001) quanto em pardos (1,9kg vs. 1,1kg, p < 0,05). Após ajustes, os pretos, mas não os pardos, que relataram discriminação racial apresentaram maiores ganhos de peso e IMC entre as visitas. Nossos resultados sugerem que a redução da discriminação racial pode contribuir para prevenir e/ou controlar o aumento da obesidade no país.

Resumen El artículo describe y analiza algunas estrategias discursivas usadas en diferentes medios de comunicación a propósito de la representación discursiva de un grupo de indígenas y sus acciones, efectuadas entre septiembre de 2020 y mayo de 2021, las cuales consistieron en el derribamiento de símbolos coloniales en grandes ciudades de Colombia. Apoyados en las premisas de autores como Van Dijk, Van Leeuwen, Wodak, Meyer, Soler y Pardo, distinguimos la discriminación racial enclavada en los discursos públicos, fundada en una tensión que existe entre la memoria oficial y la memoria histórica. Los resultados de este esfuerzo analítico revelan la pervivencia ideológica colonial sobre los indígenas, haciendo del carácter informativo una maquinaria que valida la polarización.

Abstract The article not only describes but also analyzes some discursive strategies that different mass media used in relation to the discursive representation of an indigenous group and what they did from September 2020 to May 2021, such the demolition of colonial symbols in many important cities of Colombia. Supported by the principles of authors like Van Dijk, Van Leeuwen, Wodak, Meyer, Soler and Pardo, we can notice racial discrimination into the public discourse, based on a tension between official memory and historical memory. The results of this analytical work reveal colonial ideological continuity over the indigenous community, making the informative action a machine that creates polarization.

Abstract: Drawing on the critical race theory, this text proposes to investigate how the mechanisms of institutional racism act in the different spheres of the State through an in-depth study of the case of Algendones. Using documentary sources, but also interviews, the work develops a socio-legal analysis of the case of denunciation of racial discrimination in Peru. The methodology is based on storytelling or the experience of the victim in different parts of the process. It starts from the premise that anti-black racism is a system of oppression historically built from the colonial past as a legacy of racial enslavement. This legacy has an impact on legal practice and theory by limiting the scope of the category of the human and, therefore, of the subject of law. Specifically, the category of fungibility is used as an element of survival of racial slavery that acts as an impediment to prosecute a demand for the dignity of a black woman. The study reaches the conclusion that legal recognition of racism as a limited phenomenon restricted to racial discrimination limits the fight to its long-lasting effects. In the same way, the legislative and institutional options to combat discrimination are insufficient to challenge existing institutional/structural racism and, thus, do not promote changes or ruptures in (racial) power relations.

Resumen: A partir de la teoría crítica de la raza, este texto propone revelar cómo actúan los mecanismos del racismo institucional en las diferentes esferas del Estado a través del estudio en profundidad del caso de Algendones. Utilizando fuentes documentales, pero también entrevistas, el trabajo desarrolla un análisis sociojurídico de una denuncia de discriminación racial en el Perú. La metodología se basa en el storytelling o el relato de la experiencia de la víctima en diferentes partes del proceso. Se parte de la premisa de que el racismo antinegro es un sistema de opresión históricamente construido desde el pasado colonial como un legado de la esclavitud racial. Este legado tiene un impacto en la práctica y teoría jurídica al limitar el alcance de la categoría de lo humano y, por tanto, del sujeto de derecho. Concretamente, se utiliza la categoría de la fungibilidad como elemento de supervivencia de la esclavitud racial que actúa como impedimento para procesar una reivindicación de la dignidad de una mujer negra. Se concluye que el reconocimiento legal del racismo como un fenómeno limitado y restringido a la discriminación racial condiciona el combate contra sus efectos de larga duración. Del mismo modo, las opciones legislativas e institucionales para combatir la discriminación son insuficientes para cuestionar el racismo institucional/estructural existente y, por lo tanto, no promueven cambios o rupturas en las relaciones (raciales) de poder.

Abstract Racial issues and their struggles find a parallel with issues related to people with disabilities, when we think about their struggles, the lack of representation, of opportunities make up a context of discrimination present in many societies. The black deaf community has been politically organizing as a minority, drawing attention to its guidelines with the aim of increasing communicational accessibility to non-formal education spaces, such as museums. The non-formal education spaces have a high representation to deconstruct the integration system that insists on permanence in our society. As a goal, we need to defend inclusive education, aimed at welcoming and quality learning for all, and we must always be vigilant so that the accessibility policy in our country is on the government agenda, ensuring that inclusion takes place in our society. Nothing about us without us enters the agenda of discussions and reflections in the area of human sciences, strengthening the foundations of modem society in order to transform an excluding modus operandi through new paradigms and representations of the “other” marked by its cultural and cultural plurality. identity.

Resumo Questões raciais e suas lutas encontram um paralelo com as questões relacionadas às pessoas com deficiência, quando pensamos em suas lutas, a falta de representatividade, de oportunidades compõem um contexto de discriminação presente em muitas sociedades. A comunidade surda negra vem se organizando politicamente enquanto minoria, chamando a atenção para as suas pautas com o objetivo de aumentar a acessibilidade comunicacional aos espaços de educação não-formais, como exemplo, os museus. Os espaços de educação não formais possuem uma representatividade elevada para desconstruirmos o sistema de integração que insiste na permanência em nossa sociedade. Como meta, precisamos defender a educação inclusiva, voltada para um acolhimento e aprendizagem para todas(os) de qualidade e devemos estar sempre vigilantes para que a política de acessibilidade em nosso país esteja na pauta governamental, garantindo que a inclusão se concretize em nossa sociedade. Nada sobre nós sem nós entra na pauta de discussões e reflexões na área das ciências humanas fortalecendo os alicerces da sociedade dos tempos modernos, a fim de transformar um modus operandi excludente através de novos paradigmas e representações do “outro” marcado pela sua pluralidade cultural e de identidade.

Abstract We investigated whether racial discrimination accelerates the weight and Body Mass Index (BMI) gain in Blacks and Browns participants of the Brazilian Longitudinal Study of Adult Health (ELSA-Brasil) in four years of follow-up. We compared body weight and BMI between the 1st (2008-2010) and 2nd visit (2012-2014) of 5,983 Blacks and Browns participants. Exposure to racial discrimination and covariates (age, sex, education, and research center) were obtained at the 1st visit. Linear mixed effects models stratified by race/skin color were used. Report of racial discrimination was more frequent among Blacks (32.1%) than Browns (6.3%). During the follow-up period, Blacks and Browns gained an average of 1.4kg and 1.2kg, respectively. This increase was greater among those who reported discrimination when compared to those who did not, both in Blacks (2.1kg vs.1.0kg, p < 0.001) and Browns (1.9kg vs. 1.1kg, p < 0.05). The results of the interaction between racial discrimination and time showed that Blacks, but not Browns, who reported racial discrimination had greater weight and BMI gains between visits. Our results suggest that reducing racial discrimination would contribute to prevent and/or control obesity increase in the country.

Resumo Investigou-se se a discriminação racial acelera o ganho de peso corporal e o Índice de Massa Corporal (IMC) em pretos e pardos participantes do Estudo Longitudinal de Saúde do Adulto (ELSA-Brasil) em quatro anos de seguimento. Comparou-se o peso corporal e o IMC entre a 1ª (2008-2010) e a 2ª visita (2012-2014) de 5.983 participantes pretos e pardos. A exposição à discriminação racial e às covariáveis (idade, sexo, escolaridade e centro de pesquisa) foram obtidas na 1ª visita. Foram utilizados modelos lineares de efeitos mistos estratificados por raça/cor da pele. O relato de discriminação racial foi mais frequente entre pretos (32,1%) do que em pardos (6,3%). Durante o período de acompanhamento, pretos e pardos ganharam uma média de 1,4kg e 1,2kg, respectivamente. Esse aumento foi maior entre os que relataram discriminação, quando comparados aos que não relataram, tanto em pretos (2,1 kg vs. 1,0 kg, p < 0,001) quanto em pardos (1,9kg vs. 1,1kg, p < 0,05). Após ajustes, os pretos, mas não os pardos, que relataram discriminação racial apresentaram maiores ganhos de peso e IMC entre as visitas. Nossos resultados sugerem que a redução da discriminação racial pode contribuir para prevenir e/ou controlar o aumento da obesidade no país.

Resumen El presente trabajo se inscribe en los estudios sobre las migraciones contemporáneas a Chile, campo iniciado en los años noventa al momento de una transición democrática y una economía presentada como exitosa. Expone breves referencias a la migración hacia Chile proveniente de Haití y algunos elementos de la historia de Haití que conforman una situación migratoria particular. El objetivo es identificar el racismo presente en las interacciones entre profesionales de los centros de la red pública de salud y pacientes haitianos/as que acuden a ellos en Santiago de Chile. Este trabajo proviene de un proyecto mayor que analizó la sociabilidad y las competencias culturales de estos profesionales al interactuar con migrantes. Desde una metodología cualitativa se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a profesionales de la red pública de salud y grupos focales a pacientes haitianos. El marco de referencia se centra en el racismo como sistema y como relación social, en la discriminación racial y sus efectos en las personas. Se analizan las palabras de los/as pacientes y los/as profesionales, se presentan algunas conclusiones sobre el racismo y la violencia registradas como forma de sociabilidad, entendiéndola como el modo en que se da el trato entre dos actores, uno de ellos en una posición superior. Estos procesos precisan ser reflexionados para dar cuenta del sufrimiento producido en hombres, mujeres y niños/as haitianos que buscan atención en la red de salud pública. Por último, se avanzan algunas orientaciones tendientes a superarlos.

Abstract The present work is inscribed within the field of contemporary migration studies in Chile, a line of investigation initiated during the nineties. At the time, various people from South America and the Caribbean arrived to the country, which was undergoing a democratic transition and presented itself as a successful economic model. Twenty-five years later, migrants from Haiti began arriving. Despite not constituting the largest group of migrants, they have become one of the most targeted by Chilean society, the media, the political class and government authorities. Since the election of Sebastián Piñera in 2018, certain measures were taken that signaled a policy aimed towards reducing Haitian presence in the country: namely, a “humanitarian” return plan exclusively for Haitians and the creation of a consular visa as the main permit in order to enter the country. During the COVID-19 pandemic, they were singled out as disobedient to the measures imposed by the state of emergency and the sanitary restrictions put in place. Chilean society agrees with restrictive norms and policies and looks with suspicion at a migrant group that it perceives as different. Chile, a country colonized in the name of humanist and republican values, which upholds cultural homogeneity, does not look favorably on the arrival of migrants from elsewhere in the region, and even less so on a migrant group whose skin color has been negatively evaluated, to the point of linking it to physical, cultural and psychological characteristics. This work makes brief references of the context of migrating to Chile, of doing so from Haiti, and of some elements of Haiti’s history that make up this particular migratory situation. The proposed objective is to identify racism present within the interactions between public health workers and Haitian patients who approach them for help or treatment in the city of Santiago. This work stems from a larger project that analyzed the sociability and cultural skills of different public health professionals interacting with migrants. Employing a qualitative methodology, semi-structured interviews were conducted with professionals from the public health service and focus groups were organized with Haitian patients. The frame of reference focuses on racism as a system and as a social relationship, on racial discrimination and its effects on people. The words of patients and professionals are analyzed and conclusions are drawn in regards to racism and registered violence as forms of sociability, the latter understood as the way in which two actors interact when one of them is in a position of superiority. These processes need to be reflected upon in order to account for the damages caused to Haitian men, women and children seeking care in the public health network. Considering the importance of the right to migrate in current times and the multiple obstacles that impede it, Haitian life in Chile emerges as a “problem” when it comes to being attended, cared for or assisted to by health professionals, an issue that is linked to the fact that contemporary migrations have been repeatedly characterized as a “problem” and not as a social phenomenon that needs to be seriously analyzed with academic accuracy. Racist criticism emerges violently, offending and harming Haitian migrants who, in order to avoid it, sometimes prefer not to go public health centers, to look for alternatives when dealing with the ailments that afflict them, or straightforwardly abandon the possibility of being attended at all. Finally, some guidelines are advanced which may help to overcome these situations by training professionals in order to improve communications between them and Haitian migrants.