Abstract In the Arqueología Rioplatense team (Laboratorio de Análisis Cerámico, Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo, Universidad Nacional de La Plata) we carry out research, university extension, scientific communication and co-management of heritage with different territorial organizations in the districts of Magdalena, Punta Indio and the coast of Berisso (province of Buenos Aires, Argentina). The aim of this contribution is to present our experience with three archaeological exhibitions and to reflect on the challenges, potentials and lessons learned in the dialogue with other institutional actors. These exhibitions arose from the concrete demands of different institutions and social actors, and their layout and assembly processes required dialogue and management with different organizations and workers with diverse disciplinary backgrounds. Likewise, they had particular objectives and target audiences, which guided aspects of content and language used, involving reflective processes regarding what to show, how to show it and for what purpose. We consider that the exhibitions enable the active participation of the community in the recovery, enhancement and socialization of heritage. In this sense, these communication experiences contribute to the horizontal construction and dialogue of knowledge between multiple actors and institutions.

Resumen En el equipo Arqueología Rioplatense (Laboratorio de Análisis Cerámico, Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo, Universidad Nacional de La Plata) desarrollamos tareas de investigación, extensión universitaria, comunicación científica y cogestión del patrimonio con distintas organizaciones territoriales en los partidos de Magdalena, Punta Indio y en la costa de Berisso (provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina). El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar nuestra experiencia vinculada a la realización de tres muestras de arqueología y reflexionar sobre los desafíos, potencialidades y aprendizajes que se generaron en el diálogo con otros actores institucionales. Estas surgieron de demandas concretas de distintas instituciones y sujetos sociales, y sus procesos de diagramación y montaje requirieron el diálogo y la gestión con distintos organismos y trabajadores/as con diversas trayectorias disciplinares. Asimismo, tuvieron objetivos y destinatarios particulares, que orientaron aspectos de contenido y lenguaje utilizado, implicando procesos reflexivos respecto a qué mostrar, de qué manera y para qué. Consideramos que las muestras posibilitan la participación activa de la comunidad en la recuperación, puesta en valor y socialización del patrimonio. En tal sentido, estas experiencias de comunicación aportan a la construcción horizontal y al diálogo de saberes entre múltiples actores e instituciones.

Resumo Objetiva-se discutir equidade e acesso em saúde mental por meio da análise da distribuição das equipes da atenção primária (Agentes comunitários de Saúde; Equipes de saúde da Família; Núcleo Ampliado de Saúde da Família) e da cobertura da Rede de Atenção Psicossocial (RAPS) em três estados nordestinos (Ceará, Piauí e Rio Grande do Norte) nas suas respectivas regiões de saúde. Trata-se de um estudo descritivo, apoiado por análise quantitativa exploratória. Para tanto, recorremos à base de dados do Departamento de Atenção Básica/DATASUS para a coleta dos dados secundários em relação às séries históricas de habilitação das equipes da Atenção Primária. Quanto aos pontos de atenção da RAPS, utilizamos a base de dados disponibilizada pela Coordenação Nacional de Saúde Mental do Ministério da Saúde. A investigação concluiu que até 2018 observou-se no país um importante movimento de interiorização e expansão da cobertura em relação à atenção primária e psicossocial, impactando na ampliação da equidade nos territórios de menor desenvolvimento econômico e social. Contudo, verificou-se que os serviços de APS estão mais interiorizados, enquanto os demais dispositivos da RAPS estão mais desenvolvidos nas capitais e grandes municípios.

Abstract The scope of this study is to discuss equity and access to mental health care by means of analysis of the distribution of primary care teams (Community Health Agents; Family Health Teams; the Expanded Family Health Nucleus) and the coverage of the Psychosocial Care Network in three Northeastern states (Ceará, Piauí and Rio Grande do Norte) and their respective health regions. It is a descriptive study, supported by exploratory quantitative analysis. For this purpose, the database of the Department of Basic Care/DATASUS was used to collect secondary data in relation to the historical trajectory of training of Primary Care teams. Regarding the points of care of RAPS, the database made available by the National Mental Health Coordination of the Ministry of Health was consulted. The conclusion of the investigation was that prior to 2018 there was a major drive in the country into the interior and expansion of coverage in relation to primary and psychosocial care, impacting the expansion of equity in territories of lesser economic and social development. However, it was also observed that Psychosocial Care Network services are more prevalent in the interior while the other related services are more developed in capitals and large municipalities.

Resumo Objetiva-se discutir equidade e acesso em saúde mental por meio da análise da distribuição das equipes da atenção primária (Agentes comunitários de Saúde; Equipes de saúde da Família; Núcleo Ampliado de Saúde da Família) e da cobertura da Rede de Atenção Psicossocial (RAPS) em três estados nordestinos (Ceará, Piauí e Rio Grande do Norte) nas suas respectivas regiões de saúde. Trata-se de um estudo descritivo, apoiado por análise quantitativa exploratória. Para tanto, recorremos à base de dados do Departamento de Atenção Básica/DATASUS para a coleta dos dados secundários em relação às séries históricas de habilitação das equipes da Atenção Primária. Quanto aos pontos de atenção da RAPS, utilizamos a base de dados disponibilizada pela Coordenação Nacional de Saúde Mental do Ministério da Saúde. A investigação concluiu que até 2018 observou-se no país um importante movimento de interiorização e expansão da cobertura em relação à atenção primária e psicossocial, impactando na ampliação da equidade nos territórios de menor desenvolvimento econômico e social. Contudo, verificou-se que os serviços de APS estão mais interiorizados, enquanto os demais dispositivos da RAPS estão mais desenvolvidos nas capitais e grandes municípios.

Abstract The scope of this study is to discuss equity and access to mental health care by means of analysis of the distribution of primary care teams (Community Health Agents; Family Health Teams; the Expanded Family Health Nucleus) and the coverage of the Psychosocial Care Network in three Northeastern states (Ceará, Piauí and Rio Grande do Norte) and their respective health regions. It is a descriptive study, supported by exploratory quantitative analysis. For this purpose, the database of the Department of Basic Care/DATASUS was used to collect secondary data in relation to the historical trajectory of training of Primary Care teams. Regarding the points of care of RAPS, the database made available by the National Mental Health Coordination of the Ministry of Health was consulted. The conclusion of the investigation was that prior to 2018 there was a major drive in the country into the interior and expansion of coverage in relation to primary and psychosocial care, impacting the expansion of equity in territories of lesser economic and social development. However, it was also observed that Psychosocial Care Network services are more prevalent in the interior while the other related services are more developed in capitals and large municipalities.

Resumen: Este artículo presenta las narraciones de Yukî-masí y Ba’asehé-Boo. Las narraciones son del Alto Río Tiquié, del pueblo Tuyuka, en el noroeste de la Amazonia. Yukî-masí son gente de la floresta, el creador del árbol turi para tejer la canasta turi para llevar manivas, yuca y frutos de la floresta. Para un chamán, los árboles son masas/personas de la floresta que tienen una estructura social además de personas humanas. Estas personas son peligrosas y pueden atacar a un recién nacido, a una madre de posparto y a la joven en la menarquia, por eso el chamán tiene que proteger su cuerpo y alma, cuando va al campo. El chamán tiene que ofrecer una calabaza de coca en polvo, un cigarrillo, una calabaza de caxiri y un buen asiento para que no se sienta extrañez e incómodo. Ba’asehé-Boo es el dueño de maniva, el dueño de alimentos para la humanidad. La roza era el propio cuerpo de Ba’asehé-Boo, el tallo es el cuerpo, las ramas son las palmas de las manos, los dedos de los pies son yuca y sus derivados. Al comienzo de la historia, se limpiaron las rozas y por eso vivieron muy felices por un tiempo, sin embargo, hubo incumplimiento de consejo, prisa y curiosidad por las esposas de Ba’asehé-Boo. Debido a este trágico hecho, comenzaron a aparecer otros elementos que no son comestibles. La orina es un elemento transformador, ya que riega nuevos elementos y una nueva forma de trabajar. Para las mujeres del Tronco Lingüístico Tukano Oriental hay que tener una sinergia vegetal para que el pan indio se transmute para ser una buena persona.

Wereose: Diporopi, Ba’asehé-Boo, a’te weseri da’rá ba’asere kũûpĩ. Kĩî pehé otesepi. Be’ro me’ra, yã’aro a’tipã, toho weekã, ma’má wesê o’rê do’opã. Toho weéro, teé niî pe’tise weseri pẽ’rí pe’tia wa’âpã. Neê waropire, marî masa da’ratípã, teé basî a’tí tohapã. Teé weseri taâtíse, bikîrã pihá niisetisehe tohapã. Kĩîta pe’kame niîpi, teé weseri kĩî ipí niîro weeparo, a’té wesekahase otese, kĩî a’mukari diki pũri niîro weepa, kĩî dipo piikari kiipã niîro weepa. Numiô koó o’re do’okaro, weseri da’rase a’típã. Wesê, Ba’asehé-Boó kĩî ipí niîro weesa. A’té nimiri weseri da’ra ba’atere. A’té naâ bikirã ukutise niî, yikî masa we’tî da’rese, wimagi pakisia we’tî da’rese. A’mogore we’tî da’rese. Wesekahara bikîrã, a’té paatú, mi’rîro, peéru tiã dipõ, kumûro ẽhotu dipo. Uatisama, i’yã wisíti naâ wesekahara wa’î-masa. A’té kiti niî, naâ akó yĩíri maâkahara tioyã’ase, úkũse kiti, pahîro e diasasehe niî.

Abstract: This article presents two narratives of Yukí-masí and Ba’asehé-Boo. The narratives are from the Upper Tiquié River, of the Tuyuka people, in northwestern Amazonia. Yukí-masí is forest people, the creator of the turi-tree to weave the turi basket to carry manioc, cassava and forest fruits. For a shaman, trees are masâ/people of the forest who have a social structure as well as human people. These people are dangerous and can attack a newborn child, a postpartum shelter mother, and the young woman at menarche, for this reason, the shaman has to protect his body and soul, when he goes to the fields. The shaman has to offer a gourd of coca powder, a cigarette, a gourd of caxiri and a good seat so that he doesn’t feel awkward and uncomfortable. Ba’asehé-Boo is the owner of maniva, the owner of food for humanity. The garden was Ba’asehé-Boo’s own body, the stalk is the body, branches are the palms of the hands, the toes are cassava and its derivatives. At the beginning of the story, the gardens were cleaned and so they lived very happily for a while, however, there was a break in advice, haste and curiosity for Ba’asehé-Boo’s wives. Due to this tragic fact, other elements that are not edible began to appear. Urine is a transforming element, as it watered new elements and a new way of working. For women from the Oriental Tukano Linguistic Trunk you have to have a vegetable synergy to have the Indian bread transmuted to be a good person.

Resumo: O presente artigo apresenta duas narrativas de Yukî-masí/Gente da floresta e o Ba’asehé-Boo/Ser-da-fartura. As narrativas são do Alto rio Tiquié, do povo Tuyuka, noroeste amazônico. Yukî-masí é gente da floresta, o criador da árvore de turi para tecer a cesta de turi para carregar manivas, mandiocas e das frutas da floresta. Para um pajé, as árvores são masá/gente da floresta que tem uma estrutura social enquanto pessoas humanas. Estas pessoas são perigosas, podem atacar uma criança recém-nascida, uma mãe de resguardo ao pós-parto e, uma jovem de menarca. Por esta razão, o pajé protege o corpo e a alma quando for a roça. O pajé oferece uma cuia do pó da coca, cigarro, uma cuia de caxirí e um bom assento e, assim não sentir estranheza, incômodo. Ba’asehé-Boo é o dono de maniva, o dono da alimentação para a humanidade. A roça era o próprio corpo de Ba’asehé-Boo, o tolete é o corpo, ramas são palmas das mãos, os dedos dos pés são mandiocas e seus derivados. No começo da história, as roças eram limpas e assim viviam muito felizes por um tempo, porém, houve quebra de conselho, pressa e curiosidade pelas esposas de Ba’asehé-Boo. Por este fato trágico, começaram a surgir outros elementos que não são comestíveis. A urina é elemento transformador, pois, regou novos elementos e um novo modo de trabalho. Para mulheres do Tronco Linguístico Tukano Oriental tem de haver uma sinergia vegetal para ter o pão de índio transmutado para ser uma boa pessoa.

Resumen Objetivo: Evaluar el alcance, las características y el riesgo de suicidio de los indígenas de Tabatinga, en la Amazonia brasileira. Métodos: Se utilizó una estrategia de vigilancia activa del suicidio y se examinaron los registros de mayores de 9 años, de 2007-2011, del Ministerio de Salud, la Secretaría Municipal de Salud, el Distrito Sanitario Especial Indígena Alto Río Solimões, el Hospital Militar de Tabatinga, la Fundación Nacional del Indio y la notaría del Registro Civil. Las tasas ajustadas se calcularon utilizando el método directo, según la edad. Se realizó un análisis descriptivo y se consideró que las pruebas de hipótesis eran significativas si p < 0,05. Resultados: El alcance del suicidio indígena fue del 82,8%, ya que 11 (17,2%) se clasificaron como suicidios ocultos. Alrededor del 70,0% de la probabilidad de suicidio de los varones se situó a los 15-29 años y la de las mujeres, a los 12-20 años. En el 17,2% de la muestra, se registró consumo de alcohol antes de la muerte y relación parental entre las víctimas. La tasa de mortalidad ajustada corregida fue 111,7/100.000 (IC95%, 84,6-148,6). Conclusiones: El riesgo de suicidio de los indígenas de Tabatinga es muy alto. Las estrategias de afrontamiento deben considerar la compleja relación entre el suicidio y el consumo de alcohol, las diferencias de sexo y la existencia de grupos vulnerables, como los jóvenes, especialmente aquellos con parientes cercanos que ya cometieron suicidio.

Abstract Objective: To evaluate the coverage, characteristics and the risk of suicide in the indigenous people of Tabatinga in the Brazilian Amazon. Methods: An active surveillance strategy for suicide cases was used: records of the Ministry of Health, the Municipal Health Secretariat, the Special Indigenous Health District of the Upper River Solimões (Distrito Sanitario Especial Indígena Alto Río Solimões), the Military Hospital of Tabatinga, the National Indian Foundation (Fundación Nacional del Indio) and the civil registry offices were examined from 2007 to 2011 for individuals over 9 years of age. Adjusted rates were estimated using the direct method and according to age. A descriptive analysis was performed and the hypothesis tests were considered significant if p-values were <0.05. Results: The coverage of indigenous suicide was 82.8%, since 11 (17.2%) were classified as hidden suicides. For men between 15 and 29 years of age, and for women aged from 12 to 20 years, the probability of suicide was around 70.0%. In 17.2% of the sample there was a record of alcohol consumption before death and relationship between victims. The corrected adjusted mortality rate was 111.7/100,000 (95% CI, 84.6-148.6). Conclusions: The risk of suicide in the indigenous people of the Tabatinga is very high. Coping strategies should consider the complex relationship between suicide and alcohol consumption, gender differences and the existence of vulnerable groups, such as young people, especially those with close relatives who have committed suicide.

Resumo Terras Pretas de Índio (TPI) são solos com elevada fertilidade criados pelas sociedades ameríndias pré-colombianas na bacia amazônica. Ainda não existe um consenso se esses solos foram formados intencionalmente para melhorar a fertilidade dos solos distróficos de terra firme da Amazônia ou se resultaram da acumulação de material orgânico em assentamentos sedentários. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi realizar uma caracterização pedogeoquímica de TPI localizadas em áreas de várzeas naturalmente férteis do rio Solimões na Amazônia Central brasileira. Foram analisados os teores totais, trocáveis e disponíveis de elementos e carbono nos solos. As TPI mostraram altos conteúdos trocáveis e disponíveis de P, Ca, Zn e Cu. Elevados conteúdos totais de Cr, Ni, Co e V indicam contribuição de minerais máficos na gênese dos solos, enquanto que teores elevados de P, Zn, Ba e Sr nas TPI indicam enriquecimento antrópico. A ocorrência de TPI em áreas de várzea é uma forte evidência da fertilização não intencional dos solos de várzea, os quais, em condições naturais, apresentam teores de P, Ca, Zn e Cu acima dos níveis críticos para muitas culturas. A presença de sítios arqueológicos em áreas de várzea mostra que as populações pré-colombianas habitaram as várzeas e os interflúvios do rio Solimões.

ABSTRACT Amazonian dark earths (ADEs) are fertile soils created by pre-Columbian Amerindian societies of the Amazon Basin. However, it is still not clear whether these soils were produced intentionally to improve infertile Amazonian upland soils or if they resulted from the accumulation of organic matter from sedentary settlements. This study characterizes the ADEs found in the naturally fertile alluvial floodplains of the Amazon River in the Central Brazilian Amazon according to total, exchangeable, and available contents of elements and organic carbon in soil profiles. ADEs contained higher levels of available elements and total P, Ca, Zn, and Cu. High total Cr, Ni, Co, and V content in these soils indicate that mafic minerals contributed to their composition, while higher contents of P, Zn, Ba, and Sr indicate anthropic enrichment. The presence of ADEs in floodplain areas strongly indicates non-intentional anthropic fertilization of the alluvial soils, which naturally contain levels of P, Ca, Zn, and Cu higher than those needed to cultivate common plants. The presence of archaeological sites in the floodplains also shows that pre-Columbian populations lived in these regions as well as on bluffs above the Amazon River.

RESUMO: Uma fotografia do início do século 20 no acervo do Museo do Índio mostra crianças Paresí exercendo “ginástica sueca”. Essa ginástica era praticada nas escolas de vários postos indígenas do SPI como parte do projeto indigenista de “nacionalizar” as populações indígenas. Usando a foto como ponto de partida, este artigo explora a relação entre um projeto positivista de nação dentro do indigenismo brasileiro, e a ginástica do Ling como um projeto voltado para a população e a nação. Aplicando os conceitos de zona de contato colonial e estratégias de “anticonquista” de Mary Louise Pratt, bem como a análise do indigenismo como uma continuação da guerra de conquista com outros meios, de Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima, o artigo argumenta que a ginástica sueca ressoou particularmente bem com o indigenismo positivista. Percebida como um método de educação física não comprometido pelo militarismo chauvinista, a ginástica encaixava em um projeto colonial de nação baseado na negação da própria violência.

ABSTRACT: An early 20th century photograph in the collections of Museo do índio in Rio de Janeiro shows Paresí children in Mato Grosso exercising “Swedish gymnastics”. The program for physical education codified by Swedish educator Pehr Henrik Ling was practiced in the schools of several SPI indigenous stations in the period, as part of the state indigenist project of “nationalizing” the indigenous populations. With the photo as a starting-point, this article explores the relation between a positivist nation-building project in Brazilian indigenism, and Ling gymnastics as a project directed towards the population and the nation. Applying Mary Louise Pratt’s concepts of colonial contact zone and strategies of “anti-conquest”, as well as Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima’s analysis of state indigenism as a continuation of the war of conquest with other means, I argue that Ling gymnastics resonated particularly well with positivist indigenism. Perceived of as a method of physical education not tainted by chauvinistic militarism, it could find its place in a colonial nation-building project resting on denial of its own inherent violence.

Abstract This article describes the meanings of borders as social formations with a certain historicity, in which they concentrate practices, speeches and actions that give meaning to the model of social regulation that is seen in the present time on the basis of that historicity. The geophysical and symbolic borders that were formed during the installation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and consolidated in the current territory of the Argentine Republic are analyzed. Along these lines are described throughout this article the relationship that was conceived around these borders between the country's indigenous communities and the colonial representatives, the different state officials (from 1880 to the present), and the policies implemented by national agencies. In the final section the current public policies that are implemented in Pampa del Indio in the Chaco province are described. The article discusses how these policies generate territorialities that are marked by an asymmetry in power relations, and describes the ways in which physical and symbolic violence has been used and continues to be used against indigenous peoples by considering how borders have historically been constituted with this ethnic population.

Resumen En el presente artículo describiremos los significados de las fronteras en tanto formaciones sociales con una historicidad determinada, en las que se concentran prácticas, discursos y acciones que dan sentido al modelo de regulación social que se vislumbra en la actualidad partir de aquella historicidad. Analizaremos las fronteras geofísicas y simbólicas que se constituyeron a partir de la instalación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata, y que se consolidaron en el actual territorio de la República Argentina. En este sentido, describiremos a lo largo de este trabajo la relación que se gestó en torno a estas fronteras entre las comunidades indígenas del país y los representantes coloniales, los diferentes funcionarios estatales (desde 1880 hasta la actualidad) y las políticas públicas implementados por los organismos nacionales. Finalizaremos nuestro trabajo describiendo las actuales políticas públicas que se implementan en la localidad de Pampa del Indio, en la provincia de Chaco. Analizaremos de qué manera dichas políticas generan territorialidades marcadas por una asimetría en las relaciones de poder. Describiremos los modos en los cuales se ha ejercido, y se sigue ejerciendo, la violencia física y simbólica sobre las poblaciones indígenas al considerar cómo se han constituido históricamente las fronteras con dicha población étnica.

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar o processo de criação e consolidação das escolas indígenas instaladas na primeira metade do século XX, a saber, a «escola da missão» (Escola Primária General Rondon), e a «escola do Posto» (Escola Francisco Ibiapina), pelos professores missionários na Reserva Indígena de Dourados (RID), no Sul de Mato Grosso, bem como investigar como era o ensino nestes estabelecimentos no período. Para tanto, foi necessário recorrer a uma bibliografia ligada à educação indígena, à hist ória da educação, à história de Mato Grosso e, mais especificamente, à história de Dourados e região, entre outras. E, recorrer, também, as fontes de pesquisa, como os documentos oficiais do Posto Indígena Francisco Horta e da Missão Indígena Evangélica Caiuá, disponíveis nos arquivos do Museu do Índio no Rio de Janeiro e no Centro de Documentação Regional da Universidade Federal da Grande Dourados . Neste trabalho, foi possível constatar que as escolas indígenas pesquisadas estiveram ligadas a Missão Caiuá, que tinha confissão protestante e buscava «civilizar», integrar e evangelizar as etnias indígenas por meio de estratégias escolares e religiosas que priorizaram um ensino que negava e desvalorizava a cultura indígena, impondo uma cultura não indígena como única e desenvolvida. Essas estratégias de escolarização foram justificadas por meio de argumentos coloniais, de que os indígenas eram atrasados e não praticavam a agricultura. Contudo, os indígenas, diante da política de «civilização», evangelização e in tegração do projeto de nacionalidade dos não indígenas, souberam a seu modo étnico e cultural, negar, assimilar e/ou participar das estratégias de escolarização utilizadas, afirmando a sua identidade, que sofreram transformações com as relações que foram s endo estabelecidas.

This article aims to analyze the process of creation and consolidation of indigenous s chools installed in the first half of the 20th century, namely the « mission school » (Rondon Primary School) and the « Escola do Posto » (Escola Francisco Ibiapina School), by missionary teachers in the Dourados Indigenous Reserve, in the south of Mato Grosso , as well as to investigate the teaching of these establishments in the period. To do so, it was necessary to resort to a bibliography related to indigenous education, to the history of education, to the history of Mato Grosso and, more specifically, to th e history of Dourados and region, among others. Also, use the sources of research, such as the official documents of the Francisco Horta Indigenous Post and the Evangelical Indigenous Mission Caiuá, available in the archives of the Indio Museum in Rio de J aneiro and the Regional Documentation Center of the Federal University of Grande Dourados. In this study, it was possible to verify that the indigenous schools studied were linked to the Caiuá Mission, which had a Protestant denomination and sought to « civ ilize » , integrate and evangelize the indigenous ethnicities through school and religious strategies that prioritized a teaching that denied and devalued the culture indigenous culture, imposing a non - indigenous culture as unique and developed. These school ing strategies were justified by colonial arguments that the Indians were backward and did not practice agriculture. However, in the face of the politics of « civilization » , evangelization and integration of the non - indigenous nationality project, the indig enous people knew in their ethnic and cultural way how to deny, assimilate and/or participate in the schooling strategies used, that underwent transformations with the relations that were being established.

The archaeological collections from the Río de La Plata Littoral that are preserved at the Museo de La Plata consist of materials obteined by donations as well as by scientific works performed in the coastal localities of Punta Lara, Palo Blanco, Los Talas, Punta Indio and Punta Piedras (province of Buenos Aires, Argentina). They were located in the depositories of the museum´s Archaeological Division, in poor conditions of ordering, storage and labelling. The autor has worked on the identification, the ordering and the registration of the materials in accordance with the current reorganization of the depositories. This article presents the problems identified in relation to the preservation of these collections, reflected on the low valuation and the peripheral character they had in the institution. It is considered that these collections have archaeological and heritage significance. Also it is proposed a methodological guideline for a suitable approach that contribute to their revaluation.

Las colecciones arqueológicas procedentes del litoral rioplatense que se preservan en el Museo de La Plata se componen de materiales resultantes de donaciones y trabajos científicos realizados en las localidades costeras de Punta Lara, Palo Blanco, Los Talas, Punta Indio y Punta Piedras (provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina). Fueron identificadas en los depósitos de la División Arqueología del museo, en condiciones deficientes de ordenamiento, almacenamiento y rotulado. Se ha colaborado en identificar, acomodar y registrar los materiales en concordancia con el actual reordenamiento de los depósitos. Este artículo presenta los problemas identificados en relación con la preservación de estas colecciones, y reflexiona sobre la escasa valoración y el carácter periférico que han tenido en la institución. Se considera que dichas colecciones poseen gran importancia arqueológica y patrimonial, y se proponen lineamientos metodológicos para un abordaje adecuado que contribuya a su revalorización.

Abstract During the turn of the twentieth century anticolonial nationalism in British India was tinged by an irresolvable contradiction posed by the defense of a radical rhetoric of national emancipation and a political practice incapable of questioning hierarchical social structures of caste. This contributed to the growth of an unresolved ambiguity during this period between a marked radicalism with regards to opposition to the structures and formations of the state and an emphasis on the importance of its transformation on the one hand, and, on the other, a deep conservatism regarding internal social hierarchies. This ambiguity has had clear effects upon the evolution of the practices and imagination of politics in contemporary India. It has been shared by figures ranging from stalwarts’ supporters of secular nationalism as conceived by the Congress and defendants of the Gandhian legacy based on the importance of swaraj as autonomy, to diverse interpreters of Marxism. At the same time, this ambiguity has been important not only to practices and forms of government, but also to traditions and imaginaries of protest in postcolonial India. In this article, we will explore the presence of this ambiguity in the public debate of British India during these decades through the analysis and juxtaposition of two moments of the intellectual history of India and, more specifically, Bengal. The first one, well known and widely studied, is marked by the nationalist critique of colonial economic policies during the last half of the nineteenth century. This body of critique includes the thought and work of recognized figures of nineteenth century Indian liberalism, such as Dadabhai Naoroji, R. C. Dutt and Prithwis Chandra Ray. The second, considerably less studied, encompasses a set of writings dealing with the relevance of the caste system for the sake of understanding the expansion of certain ideas and tenets of left wing and socialist European radicalism in India at the turn of the twentieth century. By focusing on this material, I am interested in arguing that the radicalism of the nationalist anticolonial movement in India which stemmed from the thrust of early twentieth century swadeshi agitations was revolutionary only in antiimperialist terms and when referring to the need to transform the unjust and oppressive structures of the colonial state. On the contrary, this broad current of nationalism remained profoundly conservative with regards to the internal hierarchies of Indian society.

Resumen Durante las últimas décadas del siglo XIX y las primeras del XX, una irresoluble contradicción entre la retórica radical dirigida a la emancipación nacional y la práctica política incapaz de cuestionar jerárquicas estructuras sociales de casta, empapó el proyecto nacionalista anticolonial indio en su conjunto. Esto ha contribuido al desarrollo de una ambigüedad no resuelta entre, por un lado, un marcado radicalismo en lo que concierne a la oposición a las estructuras y las formas del Estado y, por otro, el conservadurismo frente a las jerarquías internas de la sociedad durante este periodo. Esta ambigüedad ha tenido efectos claros en el desarrollo de las prácticas y los imaginarios de la política en la India independiente. De ella han participado figuras y corrientes que van desde el nacionalismo secular del Partido del Congreso y la adopción del legado gandhiano basado en la idea del swaraj o autogobierno como autonomía, hasta los diferentes intérpretes del corpus marxista en la India contemporánea. De igual forma, es una ambigüedad que marca no sólo las prácticas de gobierno y administración, sino también, y en igual medida, los imaginarios de protesta y oposición al poder. En este artículo me interesa explorar la presencia y las premisas de esta ambigüedad fundacional a través de un estudio del debate público de la India británica en las últimas décadas del siglo XIX y las primeras del XX basado en el análisis y la yuxtaposición de dos momentos de su historia intelectual y, en especial, de la región de Bengala. El primero, de sobra conocido y analizado a fondo por historiadores del colonialismo y el nacionalismo en India, concierne a la crítica nacionalista a la pobreza generada por las políticas económicas del Estado colonial a lo largo del siglo XIX. Esta corriente de crítica anticolonial incluye los argumentos de figuras canónicas del liberalismo indio, como Dadabhai Naoroji, R. C. Dutt o Prithwis Chandra Ray, así como de otros miembros de la intelligentsia decimonónica. El segundo, considerablemente menos estudiado, abarca un conjunto de escritos que abordan la relevancia del sistema de castas para entender la expansión en India de ideas y principios asociados con el radicalismo de izquierda de tintes socialistas a partir del tercer cuarto del siglo XIX. A través del análisis de este material me interesa afirmar que el radicalismo del nacionalismo anticolonial indio que surge del movimiento swadeshi -que defendió diversos programas que iban desde el socialismo revolucionario hasta la sarvodaya gandhiana- representó un programa revolucionario sólo en términos antiimperialistas y respecto a la transformación de las estructuras del Estado, mientras que permaneció profundamente conservador en su postura acerca de las jerarquías internas de la sociedad india.

Resumo O artigo busca entender as similaridades entre os pensamentos presentes no projeto educacional proposto por José Veríssimo em 1890; nas propostas surgidas na seção de etnografia do 1o Congresso Brasileiro de Geografia, realizado no Rio de Janeiro em 1909; e na fundação do Serviço de Proteção ao Índio e Localização de Trabalhadores Nacionais (SPILTN), em 1910. A análise de A educação nacional (1906 [1890]), de Veríssimo, das atas do 1º Congresso Brasileiro de Geografia, assim como das propostas do SPILTN, indica a recorrência do pensamento sobre permeabilidade do indígena à “civilização” por meio da educação, visando a transformação da identidade étnica do indígena a partir da assimilação dos hábitos e valores da sociedade dita civilizada. Destarte, a partir do exame desses documentos, percebe-se como as concepções de civilização, raça, educação, urbanidade e nação articularam-se em seus discursos na busca de uma identidade nacional e influíram na construção da imagem interdita do indígena. A conclusão é que a inserção do indígena no corpo nacional por meio da educação era admitida, desde que ele se despojasse de sua identidade étnica. Uma atitude que deveria representar respeito ao indígena, como homem, revela-se assim uma forma de desrespeito.

Abstract This article seeks to understand the similarities among the modes of thinking behind the educational project proposed by José Veríssimo in 1890, the plans that arose in the ethnography section of the 1st Brazilian Congress of Geography in Rio de Janeiro in 1909, and the launching of the Service for the Protection of the Indian and Localization of National Workers (SPILTN) in 1910. The analysis of The National Education (1906 [1890]) by Veríssimo, the minutes of the 1st Brazilian Congress of Geography, as well as the recommendations of SPILTN, reveal repeated discussion about the susceptibility of indigenous people to “civilization.” Such civilization, by means of education, aimed at transforming the identity of indigenous people through the assimilation of so-called “civilized society’s” habits and values. Thus, the analysis of these documents demonstrates how concepts of civilization, race, education, urbanity and nation were embedded in contemporary thinking in the search for a national identity and helped generate a negative perception of the indigenous people. The conclusion is that the insertion of the Indian into the nation through education was permitted, as long as he shed his ethnic identity. An attitude that was meant to represent respect for the indigenous people as human beings, thus, reveals itself as a form of disrespect.

The Río de la Plata Estuary (RdlP) is a fluviomarine system that drains into the Southwestern Atlantic Ocean with the Paraná and Uruguay rivers as main tributaries. The estuary is fed by a 3,100,000 km2 catchment area which extends over the territories of Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, Bolivia and Uruguay (Acha et al., 2008). The RdlP exhibits significant natural decadal- and annual-scale, hydrodynamic and oceanographic variability associated with the Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO), the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation (AMO) and the El Niño/ La Niña Southern Oscillation (ENSO) (Depetris and Pasquini, 2007b; Chiessi et al., 2009; Garreaud et al., 2009). Such variability affects the moisture budget over the surrounding continental areas and leads, thus, to changes in the river discharge. PDO is associated with ENSO as both appear to display similar hydrological responses, though their inherent mechanisms are not yet fully understood (Garreaud et al., 2009). In this sense, warm and cold PDO phases strongly resemble El Niño and La Niña events, respectively (Garreaud et al., 2009). During El Niño episodes, an increase in precipitation over the RdlP drainage basin is commonly observed (Boulanger et al., 2005; Camilloni, 2005; Garreaud et al., 2009; García-Rodríguez et al., 2014), and consequently increased Paraná and Uruguay river discharges are displayed (Depetris and Pasquini, 2007a). Campos et al. (1999) have recorded a freshwater plume of low salinity and temperature (32, 18 ºC respectively) associated with an increase in RdlP discharge during the El Niño event of 1997, expanding northwards up to 23ºS. Furthermore, during negative AMO phases it was recorded an increasing trend on the precipitations over the SE South America (SESA) and, as a consequence, a concomitant increase in the Rivers Paraná and Uruguay discharge was recorded, while the opposite pattern was observed during positive phases (Chiessi et al., 2009). The aim of this paper is to infer the link between changes in the delivery of terrigenous sediment to the adjacent Atlantic Ocean with recorded hydrological variability of the RdlP. To achieve this, we used sedimentological and geochemical proxies from two sediment cores, which were retrieved from the inner continental shelf off Uruguay and encompass the past 100 AD. Sediment Core GeoB 13813-4 was taken from the inner-shelf “RdlP paleo-valley mudbelt” (Fig. 1;34°44’13’’S, 53°33’16’’W) during research cruise M76/3a (Krastel et al., 2012; Lantzsch et al., 2014). Sediment Core BAR1 was retrieved in the innershelf “Barra del Indio” zone (Fig. 1; 35°03’00’’S, 56°09’00’’W), performed by the Faculty of Sciences, Universidad de la República (Uruguay). For Core GeoB 13813-4, we analyzed the relative abundance of major elements (Ca and Ti) obtained by an X-ray fluorescent sediment core scanner AVAATECH and the Ca/Ti ratio was used to infer continental versus marine influence. This chemical elemental ratio was chosen according to previous successful applications within the Atlantic Ocean (Chiessi et al., 2009; Mahiques et al., 2009; Govin et al., 2012; Bender et al., 2013; Burone et al., 2013). Furthermore, the arithmetic mean grain size distribution was studied from both sediment cores, using the GRADISTAT program (Grain Size Distribution and Statistics Package for the Analysis of Unconsolidated Sediments) version 8 (Blott and Pye, 2001) (Fig. 4). For Core GeoB 13813-4 grain size were obtained by Laser Particle Sizer LS200 and for Core BAR1 were obtained by Malvern Mastersizer 2000 Laser analyser. The chronology from both cores was assessed by 210Pbxs dating (Table 1 and Fig. 2; Appleby, 2001; 2008). For core BAR1 we selected the CRS (Constant Rate Supply) model (which is highly used for estuarine systems), while for GeoB 13813-4 the CFCS (Constant Fluxe: Constant Sedimentation Rate) model was applied (Appleby, 2008; Bernal et al., 2010). In the last case, the decision of using the CF-CS model was due to the lack of a complete 210Pb dataset, which would bring very high sedimentation rates uncertainties (Sanchez-Cabeza and Ruiz-Fernández, 2012). To assess the climatic variability over the past century as inferred from the sediment proxies, we evaluated the climatic indices PDO and Southern Oscillation Index (SOI), of the Joint Institute for the Study of the Atmosphere and Ocean, University of Washington (http://jisao.washington.edu), as well as the AMO from the NOAA (http://www.aoml. noaa.gov/phod/amo_faq.php). We further compared these data with temporal series (encompassing the last century) of the Paraná and Uruguay fluvial discharges (http://www.hidricosargentina. gov.ar/acceso_bd.php), river-flow anomalies were calculated following the approach of Piovano et al. (2004). The generated proxy data were analyzed by running cluster analyses using the stratigraphically constrained Moristia similarity index, in PAST program version 3 (http://folk.uio.no/ohammer/ past/). The generated groups are represented with red lines in figure 3. The sedimentation rate of core GeoB 13813-4 was assumed to be constant with a mean value of 1.3 cm yr-1 (Table 1; Perez Becoña, 2014), while for the sedimentation rate of core BAR1 three groups were observed: 1911-1973; 1976-1984 and 1986-2010. The mean sedimentation rate for the above groups showed an increasing trend from 0.24 ± 0.13 cm yr-1 to 0.31 ± 0.14 cm yr-1 and 0.37 ± 0.10 cm yr-1, respectively. The most positive and stable values of SOI (La Niña events) were recorded during 1910-1970. After 1970, a higher variability and a trend towards more negative values was observed (El Niño events). After the year 2005, very negative SOI values occurred (Fig. 4). PDO showed either negative or close to zero values during the early period 1910-1970 (cold phase). During the subsequent interval, i.e., 1970- 2005, positive values (warm phase) were observed. Regarding with AMO, a positive phase was observed from 1925-1960, followed by a negative phase (1960- 2000), but then a shift to a positive phase until the present was observed. The Paraná river discharge anomalies for the years 1910-1970 were mostly associated with negative values (Fig. 4), while between 1970 and 2010 positive anomalies were documented. Between the years 2000 and 2010, we mostly registered values close to zero. Furthermore, the trends in AMO and SOI indices were negatively associated with the anomalies of both Paraná and Uruguay rivers flows, while PDO index were positive associated with such anomalies. A change in mode polarity observed for PDO and AMO took place by the middle 1970s, in addition to more frequent and intense El Niño events that led to the increased rainfall over SESA (Garreaud et al., 2009). Thus, the increase in rainfall over SESA was concomitant with positive anomalies in the Paraná and Uruguay river discharge rates after 1970 (Camilloni, 2005). In this sense, the Paraná river discharge was 20% higher during the past 30 years than the historical average of the 20th century (Mauas et al., 2008). The results of the cluster analyses groups (Fig. 3) showed a differentiation in both sediment cores that correspons to the beginning of the 1970s, which could be associated with the increasing discharge trend recorded for the Parana and Uruguay rivers over the last three decades. The increase in RdlP discharge led to a higher accumulation rate of terrigenous sediments, as inferred from the high sedimentation rate and mean grain size (BAR1), and the lowest Ca/ Ti ratio (GeoB 13813-4), and explains both the spatial and temporal sedimentological and geochemical variability. Ca/Ti ratio in the RdlP was successfully used to infer marine vs. continental influence, as Ti is associated with a continental RdlP discharge, while Ca is associated with autochthonous marine productivity (e.g. foraminifera, Burone et al., 2013). Thus, the highest continental sediment supply to the inner continental shelf is observed in GeoB 13813-4 after 1970, associated with a decrease in the Ca/Ti ratio (Fig. 4). Regarding with Core BAR1 the grainsize distribution and the sedimentation rate were both associated with the estuarine hydrodynamic changes. After 1970, the highest and most variable sedimentation rate and mean grain size was found, probably associated to an increase in both the Paraná and Uruguay river discharges during the past three decades, while the lowest and more stable sedimentation rates and mean sediment grain size recorded before 1970, is indicating a reduced RdlP freshwater supply to the study area. This study shows that both sediment cores contain a distinct continental runoff record as the result of climatic changes (PDO, AMO and ENOS), which have influenced the precipitation patterns over SESA. Both sites reflect similar responses to these environmental changes for the last 100 yr in continental terrigenous sediment supply from the RdlP watershed towards the inner continental shelf. We conclude that it is possible to assess the temporal? RdlP discharge patterns variability within the estuarine and adjacent oceanic area through the study of terrigenous proxies from sediment cores retrieved within the continental shelf.

El Río de la Plata (RdlP) presenta significativas variaciones naturales (hidrodinámicas y oceanográficas) asociadas a diferentes condiciones climáticas. El propósito de este trabajo es inferir los cambios de aportes continentales de sedimentos y su relación con las variaciones hidrológicas del Río de la Plata, a través del análisis de proxies sedimentológicos y geoquímicos en testigos de sedimentos de la plataforma interna uruguaya que registran los últimos 100 años, aproximadamente. A partir de la datación por 210Pb de dos testigos de sedimentos (GeoB 13813-4 y BAR1) se reconstruyó la geocronología del ambiente, y se relacionó con datos de las forzantes climáticas Pacific Decadal Oscillation, El Niño/La Niña Southern Oscillation, Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation, y las anomalías hidrológicas de los ríos Paraná y Uruguay. Los valores más positivos y estables del Southern Oscillation Index, los cuales corresponden a fases La Niña, se observan en el periodo correspondiente entre 1910-1970, respecto al resto de la serie, donde se aprecia una mayor variabilidad y una tendencia hacia valores más negativos (eventos El Niño). Se hicieron dendrogramas (clustering) jerárquicos para ambos testigos. Para el testigo GeoB 13813-4, se utilizó la relación Ca/Ti y la granulometría, mientras que para BAR1 se recurrió a variables granulométricas y la tasa de sedimentación. El mayor aporte continental hacia la región de la plataforma adyacente al Río de la Plata registrado a partir del año 1970, podría ser el factor principal de los agrupamientos observados en los clusters para ambos testigos. Las agrupaciones mostraron una diferenciación en la década de 1970, lo que estaría asociado al aumento de los caudales de los ríos Paraná y Uruguay, durante las últimas tres décadas del siglo XX. Por otra parte se observa que la granulometría del testigo BAR1 presentó un mayor tamaño de grano y más variabilidad que en el caso del testigo GeoB 13813-4. También se determinó una mayor acumulación de sedimentos a través del tiempo en el cinturón de barro del Río de la Plata (plataforma continental adyacente), comparado con aquel registrado en la Barra del Indio (límite entre zona intermedia y externa del estuario). Estas diferencias podrían estar relacionadas con la influencia del Río de la Plata, el cual genera un ambiente altamente dinámico sobre la Barra del Indio y un ambiente más estable sobre el cinturón de barro en la plataforma continental.

Talavera and New Madrid Village urban areas were undergoing, in the early seventeenth century, a process of decline. The transfer and merger of both of them to the site of Rio de las Piedras, under the name of Our Lady of Talavera de Madrid de Esteco, tried to reverse the trend towards impoverishment. Actions carried out by Alonso de la Ribera, return the image of a founding act, in which the allocation of grants, neighbourhood, aboriginal and land, were designed to encourage people to stay in place and contribute to the conquest and defence. The space put into action Alfaro’s expression: "where Indians are missing there are no riches, considering in this way, the spiritual cause as something temporal". The diminution of entrusted natives, showed inexorably its decline, motivated, according to evidence, by the persistence of personal service. The permanence of this system of direct domination between Spanish and Indian, could have happened under amendments to Alfaro Ordinances for Tucuman Government and permissions given by the governors to the residents upon transfer under pretext of the particular idiosyncrasy of those entrusted, including Lules.

Los núcleos urbanos de Talavera y la Villa de Nueva Madrid transitaban, en los primeros años del S. XVII, un proceso de franca decadencia. El traslado y fusión de ambas al sitio de Río de las Piedras, con el nombre de Nuestra Señora de Talavera de Madrid de Esteco, buscaba revertir la tendencia hacia el empobrecimiento. Las acciones llevadas adelante por Alonso de la Ribera, devuelven la imagen de un acto fundacional, en el que la asignación de mercedes, vecindad, aborígenes y tierras, tuvieron como fin incentivar a los pobladores a permanecer en el sitio y a contribuir con la conquista y defensa. El espacio puso en hechos la expresión de Alfaro: "y faltando indios no hay riquezas, así considerando la causa espiritual como temporalmente". La disminución de los naturales encomendados señaló de manera inexorable su decadencia, motivada, según los indicios que señalan las fuentes, por la persistencia del servicio personal. La permanencia de este sistema de dominación directa entre el español y el indio se habría dado al amparo de las modificaciones hechas para la Gobernación del Tucumán a las Ordenanzas de Alfaro y de las permisiones dadas por los Gobernadores a los pobladores al momento del traslado, so pretexto de la idiosincrasia particular de los encomendados, entre ellos los Lules.