Resumen Este trabajo se centra en el uso de formas de tratamiento (FT) nominales y pronominales de hablantes jóvenes de la ciudad de Córdoba en Twitter. Luego de recolectar estos usos, nuestros objetivos fueron clasificarlos y observar su aparición en relación con factores sociolingüísticos y contextuales para aportar al estudio de la lengua española en su variedad cordobesa, además de analizar su incidencia en la construcción de la imagen social de los hablantes que utilizan el llamado ciberdiscurso juvenil. La metodología es de tipo cualitativa, y el estudio es descriptivo y exploratorio. Para la recolección de datos, elaboramos un corpus ad hoc, conformado por tuits de jóvenes de entre 18 y 30 años provenientes de Córdoba. El análisis se centró en la incidencia de las FT en las actividades de imagen de estos hablantes en un entorno discursivo particular, a partir de categorías sociopragmáticas, dialectales, diastráticas y diafásicas. Nuestros resultados permiten construir un perfil lingüístico del grupo estudiado en Twitter como cercano a las relaciones simétricas, informales y efímeras, que por ello buscan ser expresivas, para construir su imagen social en pocos caracteres. Además, la carga semántica y valor funcional de las FT serían claves para determinar o intensificar la imagen hablante.

Abstract This paper focuses on nominal and pronominal forms of treatment used by young speakers from the city of Córdoba on Twitter. After collecting this uses, our objectives were to classify them and observe their appearance in relation to sociolinguistic and contextual factors in order to contribute to the study of the Spanish language in this variety, as well as to analyze their incidence in the construction of the social image of the speakers who use the youth cyberdiscourse. The methodology is qualitative, and the study is descriptive and exploratory. For data collection, we elaborated an ad hoc corpus, made of tweets of young people between 18 and 30 years old from Córdoba. The analysis focused on the incidence of the forms of treatment in the image activities of these speakers in a particular discursive environment, based on sociopragmatic, dialectal, diastratic and diaphasic categories. Our results allow us to construct a linguistic profile of the group studied on Twitter as close to symmetrical, informal and ephemeral relationships, which therefore seek to be expressive, in order to build their social image in a few characters. In addition, the semantic load and functional value of the forms of treatment would be key to determine or intensify the speaker’s image.

Resumo Neste artigo se analisa a interacção entre cortesia e oralidade na obra de Berceo valendo-se de um exemplo difícil de interpretar da Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos. De uma perspectiva sociopragmática, o sistema de tratamento pronominal na obra de Berceo é estudado e chegam-se a conclusões relevantes sobre a sua importância para o estudo histórico da nossa língua.

Abstract This paper analyzes the interaction between politeness and orality in Berceo’s work, using an example of difficult interpretation in Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos. The system of pronominal treatment in Berceo’s work is studied from a sociopragmatic perspective and relevant conclusions are reached about its importance for the historical study of our language.

Resumen En este trabajo se analiza la interacción entre cortesía y oralidad en la obra de Berceo a partir de un ejemplo de difícil interpretación de la Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos. Desde una perspectiva sociopragmática, se estudia el sistema de tratamiento pronominal en toda la obra de Berceo y se llega a conclusiones relevantes sobre su importancia para el estudio histórico de nuestra lengua.

Abstract: In this article we have described and analyzed the use of pronoun and noun forms of address in a corpus of private letters written in the Saltpeter Pampa at the beginning of the 20 th century. Our analysis integrates different theoretical models that explain the use and variation of address forms according to linguistic, sociopragmatic, discursive and stylistic factors. Our findings show the existence of a tripartite pronoun system including usted, tú and vos, which coappear with noun adress forms integrated as deictic anchorage, and as reinforcement of the contact and type of relationship between adresser and adressee. Likewise, one of the most salient features in the corpus is pronoun alternation among tú/vos and tú/usted, especially in affective contexts. This interparadigmatic variation could be interpreted as a communicative strategy related with stylistic and emotional factors.

Resumen: El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo describir y analizar el uso de formas de tratamiento pronominales y nominales en un corpus de cartas personales escritas en la pampa salitrera a principios del xx. Hemos efectuado un análisis basado en la integración de diversos modelos teóricos que ayudan a explicar el uso y variación de las formas de tratamiento en función de factores lingüísticos, sociopragmáticos, discursivos y estilísticos. Nuestros resultados demuestran la existencia de un sistema de tratamiento pronominal tripartito compuesto de usted, tú y vos, los cuales confluyen con usos nominales integrados como anclaje deíctico y reforzamiento del contacto y del tipo de relación entre autor y destinatario. Asimismo, destaca la alternancia pronominal entre los usos de tú/vos y tú/usted, especialmente en contextos afectivos. Esta variación interparadigmática podría interpretarse como estrategia comunicativa en relación con factores estilísticos y emocionales.

Abstract This paper describes and analyzes the forms and expressions system of addressing in Spanish, taking into account both the diversity of the linguistic unity and the differences in their usage that heritage bilingual Spanish apprenticeships apply. The methodology used in this research is based on the supply of surveys to 28 heritage bilingual Spanish students who study Spanish for five weeks in a context of linguistic immersion. In these surveys, they are asked about the pronominal and nominal form that they use when addressing to others, their assessment in the addressing forms usage and, finally, they are displayed in different social situations in order to simulate the treatment they would grant to each conversational partner, according to the context, the speakers age and their degree of familiarity. The results of these surveys reveal difficulties in the choice of nominal forms of address and a divergence in the use of pronominal forms depending on different sociopragmatic factors. With this analysis we conclude that it is necessary to deal with the teaching to heritage bilingual students through more integrative and comprehensive methodologies such as methodological approaches based on interculturality and multilingualism at all levels of learning, so that they reach a higher level of linguistic competence in the language of inheritance.

Resumen En este trabajo se describe y analiza el sistema de las formas y fórmulas de tratamiento del español, atendiendo tanto a la diversidad de las propias unidades lingüísticas como a las diferencias de uso que emplean los aprendices de español bilingües de herencia. La metodología empleada en esta investigación se basa en la administración de cuestionarios a 28 estudiantes bilingües de español de herencia que estudian español durante cinco semanas en un contexto de inmersión lingüística. En estos cuestionarios se les pregunta por la forma pronominal y nominal que utilizan en su tratamiento hacia los demás, su valoración en el uso de las formas de tratamiento y, por último, se les representan diversas situaciones sociales con el objeto de que simulen el tratamiento que otorgarían a cada interlocutor según el contexto, la edad de los interlocutores y su grado de familiaridad. Los resultados de estos cuestionarios nos revelan dificultades en la elección de las formas nominales de tratamiento y una divergencia en el uso de las formas pronominales dependiendo de factores sociopragmáticos diversos. Con este análisis concluimos que es necesario abordar su enseñanza entre el alumnado bilingüe de herencia a través de metodologías más integradoras y abarcadoras, como los enfoques metodológicos basados en la interculturalidad y el plurilingüismo, en todos los niveles de aprendizaje, con el objeto de que este colectivo alcance un mayor nivel de competencia lingüística en la lengua de herencia.

Abstract This paper reflects on the notion of solidarity ‘usted’ in Spanish spoken in Medellin (Colombia). Based on the data obtained through surveys and interviews, we postulate that the use of solidarity ‘usted’ in the city of Medellin is not currently observed, as has been indicated for other Spanish varieties. In previous studies on the pronominal selection in Medellin Spanish (Jang, 2010), it has been indicated that 'usted' is used very often among friends or family, but that does not mean affectionate and intimate, rather maintains a connotation of respect and psychological distance. In Medellin, 'usted' is used in solidarity relationships by respect (e.g. towards parents), as habit, as a matter of identity (Jang, 2013) or linguistic accommodation.

Resumen En el presente artículo se reflexiona acerca de la noción de ‘usted’ de solidaridad en el español hablado en Medellín (Colombia). Con base en los datos obtenidos a través de encuestas y entrevistas, sostenemos que en la ciudad de Medellín actualmente no se observa el uso del ‘usted’ de solidaridad que ha sido señalado para otras variedades. En estudios previos sobre la selección pronominal en el español medellinense (Jang, 2010), se ha señalado que ‘usted’ se usa con mucha frecuencia entre amigos o familiares, pero este ustedeo no equivale al ‘usted’ de solidaridad que conlleva un matiz cariñoso e íntimo, sino que mantiene una connotación de respeto y de distanciamiento. En Medellín, se usa el ‘usted’ en relaciones solidarias por respeto (por ejemplo, hacia los padres), por costumbre, por una cuestión de identidad (Jang, 2013) o por acomodación lingüística.

Abstract This article aims to analyze the place of forms of address within the set of ways to address students in teacher prompts in secondary school in Argentina. It focuses specifically on the second person forms that constitute the pronominal treatment subsystem of the Spanish of Buenos Aires -vos, (tú) and usted- and it considers the potential link between teachers' choices and their perceptions about the distinctive features of this linguistic variety. Previous studies which have examined this issue in other educational levels have shown that the choice of different ways to address students in prompts results from a decision from teachers to promote certain types of bonds with students, a decision affected by several factors. The results also emphasize the importance of the study of these phenomena as well as teachers' attitudes since they allow us to observe the degree of metalinguistic reflection. The research is developed from a broad sociolinguistic approach (Gumperz, 2001; Tannen, 1994) in which we incorporate contributions from Sociocultural Pragmatics (Bravo & Briz, 2004) and Instructional (Silvestri, 1995) and Institutional Discourse Analysis (Drew & Sorjonen, 2000). In addition, data was collected with the participant observer technique in classroom interactions in educational institutions in Bahía Blanca city and on semistructured interviews with teachers.

Resumen El presente artículo analiza el lugar ocupado por las fórmulas de tratamiento dentro del conjunto de modos de interpelación en consignas del nivel secundario en Argentina. Atendemos particularmente a las formas de segunda persona singular que conforman el subsistema pronominal de tratamientos del español bonaerense -‘vos’, (‘tú’) y ‘usted’ (Rigatuso, 2011, 2015, 2019)- y consideramos la potencial vinculación entre las elecciones de los docentes y sus percepciones de los rasgos de la variedad en cuestión. Estudios previos en que hemos abordado el fenómeno en el marco de otros niveles educativos han dado cuenta de que la opción por las distintas formas de apelación en las consignas resulta de una decisión de los docentes de propiciar determinados tipos de vínculos con los alumnos, decisión en la que inciden factores de índole diversa. Asimismo, los resultados subrayan la importancia de poner en relación el estudio de los usos reales con el de las actitudes de los docentes, ya que permite observar el grado de reflexión metalingüística en torno a cuestiones de la naturaleza examinada en este trabajo. El estudio forma parte de una investigación desarrollada desde un enfoque sociolingüístico amplio (Gumperz, 2001; Tannen, 1994) que incorpora aportes de la Pragmática Sociocultural (Bravo & Briz, 2004) y del Análisis del Discurso Instruccional (Silvestri, 1995) e Institucional (Drew & Sorjonen, 2000). Para la conformación del corpus, trabajamos con la técnica de participante-observador en interacciones áulicas en instituciones educativas en la comunidad de Bahía Blanca y con la realización de entrevistas a docentes.

Abstract This work presents the results of an anonymous questionnaire applied to a convenience sample made up of 148 teachers of Spanish as a foreign language (ELE), in order to understand their beliefs and attitudes in relation to teaching/learning the pronominal forms of treatment in Spanish. The results provide information about teachers' beliefs on the diatopic variation in Spanish and the issue of what Spanish to teach. In addition, they allow us to collect data on classroom culture and the use of pronominal forms of treatment in teaching/learning interaction. Finally, the questionnaire contains data on teachers' beliefs about teaching/learning pronominal forms of treatment in Spanish. While teachers recognize the intrinsic difficulty in approaching this topic, several manuals fail to satisfactorily address an issue that stands at the crossroads between the grammatical and the pragmatic realm.

Resumen En este trabajo presentamos los resultados de un cuestionario anónimo aplicado a una muestra de conveniencia conformada por 148 profesores de Español Lengua Extranjera (ELE). El objetivo de este cuestionario es conocer sus creencias y actitudes, en cuanto a la enseñanza/aprendizaje de las formas pronominales de tratamiento en español. Los resultados nos informan de las actitudes y creencias de los profesores respecto a la variación diatópica del español y a la cuestión de qué español enseñar. Asimismo, nos permite recabar datos de la cultura de aula y del empleo de las formas pronominales de tratamiento en la interacción didáctica. Por último, nos ofrece información sobre las creencias y actitudes de los profesores sobre la enseñanza/aprendizaje de las formas pronominales de tratamiento. Los profesores reconocen la dificultad intrínseca que presentan estos contenidos y el tratamiento deficitario que muestran ciertos manuales. Además, manifiestan su importancia como punto de encuentro entre los contenidos gramaticales y sociopragmáticos.

Abstract This paper examines the alternation forms between the 2nd person treatment -tú, usted, sumercé and vos- when it comes to address a single interlocutor in Bogotá, Colombia. Whilst a case vaguely described in the literature it is though quite frequent and systematic in the Spanish of Bogotá. Based on oral data (fragments of spontaneous conversations and direct observations) plus the information provided by both personal impression along with sociolinguistic questionnaires and the social media, we describe three types of pronominal alternation -1. Intra-verb (type I), 2. Intra-sentence (type II) and 3. Extra-sentence (type III)-. Our aims fall on qualitatively determine of the linguistic, social and pragmatics parameters which facilitate these constructions.

Resumen En este artículo se examina la alternancia entre los tratamientos de segunda persona -tú, usted, sumercé y vos- al dirigirse a un único interlocutor en Bogotá, Colombia. Se trata de un fenómeno poco descrito en la literatura, pero bastante frecuente y sistemático en el español bogotano. A partir de datos orales (fragmentos de conversaciones espontáneas y observaciones directas) e información sobre percepción (a partir de cuestionarios sociolingüísticos y redes sociales) describimos tres tipos de alternancia pronominal -1. Intraverbal1 (tipo I), 2. Intra oracional (tipo II) y 3. Extra oracional (tipo III)-. El objetivo consiste en determinar cualitativamente los parámetros lingüísticos, sociales y pragmáticos que facilitan estas construcciones.

Abstract This article describes the segmental and tonal interactions between nominals and pronominal enclitics of San Pedro Tulixtlahuaca mixtec, an Otomanguean language spoken in the Costa Chica region of Oaxaca.It will be referred N+E constructions to possessed nominals which exhibit the kind of interactions that this work deals with and the results presented here are based on the description of 688 of these forms. It will be seen that there are two types of interaction; the first is segmental and occurs in vowel sequences that arise between the final vowel of a nominal and the only vowel of an enclitic in N+E constructions; the second is tonal and occurs between the tones of the nominal and the tones of the enclitic. The findings will show that the behavior of vowel sequences in N+E constructions is determined by the syllabic structure of the nominal, the type of vowel quality that make up the sequences, the grammatical category of the pronominal enclitic and the pressure exerted by minimal word size in the adaptation of multimorphemic forms that preferably fit to a bimoraic structure. Regarding tonal interaction, it will be noted that the enclitics tone can modify nominal tones, according to how they are concatenated to the base and to the specific tones of each element of the N+E constructions.

Resumen Este artículo describe las interacciones segmentales y tonales que ocurren entre nominales y enclíticos pronominales del mixteco de San Pedro Tulixtlahuaca, lengua otomangue que se habla en la región de la Costa Chica, en Oaxaca. Se llama construcciones N+E a los nominales poseídos en los que se observan las interacciones de las que se ocupa este trabajo y los resultados que se presentan se basan en la descripción de 688 de estas formas. Se verá que hay dos tipos de interacción; la primera es segmental y se presenta en secuencias vocálicas que surgen entre la vocal final de un nominal y la única vocal de un enclítico en construcciones N+E; la segunda es tonal y se da entre los tonos del nominal y los tonos del enclítico. Los hallazgos de la investigación mostrarán que el comportamiento de las secuencias vocálicas en construcciones N+E está determinada por la estructura silábica del nominal, el tipo de timbres vocálicos que conforman las secuencias, la categoría gramatical del enclítico pronominal y la presión que ejerce el tamaño de la palabra mínima en la adaptación de formas multimorfémicas que idealmente se ciñen a una estructura bimoraica. Con respecto a la interacción tonal, se señalará que los tonos de los enclíticos pueden modificar a los tonos del nominal, dependiendo de la manera en que se concatenen a la base y de los tonos específicos de cada elemento de las construcciones N+E.

Abstract In verbal interactions, speakers use different forms of addressing to socialize with their interlocutors. This article describes the forms of addressing used by speakers of a university population with regard to the speech act of compliments. To gather data, two Discourse Completion Tests (DCTs) were applied to students, employees, and professors of a public university in Medellín, Colombia. They were applied separately and at different times, and they included simulated situations of production and response of compliments of possession, appearance, and ability. For the production and response of the compliments, the results indicate that participants use pronominal forms (te, usted) ( Te queda súper ese motilado), and they vosean and tutean implicitly and explicitly. They also use vocative forms (hermano, ome, mija, mami, nena, pana, viejo, bebé, linda, parce-ro) ( parce, sos mero calidoso), and sometimes use the first-person singular pronoun in the production of a compliment (Eres un teso. Ojalá yo pudiera hacerlo). It is concluded that the participants use a one-word vocative with an appellative function and some with a colloquial tone (querida, gorda, parce, mijo, man, cuchín, bebé, hermano, huevón). Finally, participants not only tutean or vosean, but also use pronominal and vocative forms in the production or response of a compliment as a manifestation of affection and solidarity towards their interlocutor.

Resumen En las interacciones verbales, los hablantes utilizan diferentes formas de tratamiento para dirigirse a sus interlocutores. En este artículo se describen las formas de tratamiento que utilizan los hablantes de una población universitaria, relacionadas con el acto de habla de los cumplidos. Para la recolección de información, se aplicaron dos cuestionarios de hábitos sociales (discourse completion test, DCT) a estudiantes, empleados y profesores de una universidad pública en Medellín (Colombia); se implementaron de manera separada y en diferentes momentos, e incluían situaciones simuladas de producción y respuesta de cumplidos de posesión, apariencia y habilidad. Para la producción y respuesta de los cumplidos, los resultados indican que los participantes utilizan formas pronominales (te, usted) (“Te queda súper ese motilado”), vosean y tutean de manera implícita y explícita. También, utilizan formas vocativas (hermano, ome, mija, mami, nena, pana, viejo, bebé, linda, parce-ro) (“Parce, sos mero calidoso”) y en ocasiones utilizan el pronombre de primera persona del singular en la realización del cumplido (“Eres un teso. Ojalá yo pudiera hacerlo”). Se concluye que los informantes utilizan los vocativos unimembres con función apelativa y algunos con un tono coloquial (querida, gorda, parce, mijo, man, cuchín, bebé, hermano, huevón). Las conclusiones indican que los participantes no solo tutean o vosean, sino también utilizan formas pronominales y vocativos en la producción o respuesta de un cumplido como manifestación de afecto y solidaridad hacia su interlocutor.

Resumen Esta investigación sobre el uso de las formas de tratamiento pronominales en Cali, Colombia, busca describir la distribución de su uso en relación con las variables sexo, edad, nivel educativo y estrato socioeconómico; establecer si estas variables son significativas en la elección de la forma pronominal según el vínculo con el interlocutor; determinar si los resultados indican una tendencia de tratamiento de distancia o de solidaridad; y contrastar los resultados con otros estudios colombianos sobre este fenómeno. Los datos se recogieron a través de la adaptación del cuestionario sociolingüístico propuesto por PRESEEA. En total se obtuvieron las respuestas de 72 informantes sobre la elección de las formas de tratamiento pronominales según la relación con el interlocutor. A estos datos se les aplicó un análisis estadístico descriptivo e inferencial que arrojó, entre otros, que en Cali prevalece el uso de usted frente a tú y vos, lo cual indica una tendencia a la cortesía de distanciamiento; no obstante, la cortesía de solidaridad es impulsada por las generaciones jóvenes, los niveles educativos altos y los estratos socioeconómicos medios; la variable sexo es significativa en la elección de forma de tratamiento según el sexo del interlocutor y en las relaciones no familiares.

Resumo Esta pesquisa sobre o uso de formas de tratamento pronominais em Cali, Colômbia, busca descrever a distribuição de seu uso em relação às variáveis sexo, idade, escolaridade e estrato socioeconómico; estabelecer se essas variáveis são significativas na escolha da forma pronominal de acordo com o vínculo com o interlocutor; determinar se os resultados indicam tendência de distanciamento ou tratamento solidário; e contrastar os resultados com outros estudos colombianos sobre este fenômeno. Os dados foram coletados por meio da adaptação do questionário sociolinguístico proposto pelo PRESEEA. No total, foram obtidas as respostas de 72 informantes sobre a escolha das formas de tratamento pronominais de acordo com o relacionamento com o interlocutor. A estes dados foi aplicada uma análise estatística descritiva e inferencial que mostrou, entre outros, que em Cali o uso de "usted" prevalece sobre "tu" e "vos", o que indica uma tendência ao distanciamento da cortesia; No entanto, a cortesia da solidariedade é promovida pelas gerações mais jovens, pelos níveis educacionais elevados e pelos estratos socioeconômicos médios; a variável sexo é significativa na escolha da forma de tratamento de acordo com o sexo do interlocutor e nas relações não familiares.

Abstract This research on the use of pronominal treatment forms in Cali, Colombia, seeks to describe the distribution of their use in relation to sex, age, educational level, and socioeconomic stratum variables; establish if these variables are significant in the choice of the pronominal form according to the link with the interlocutor; determine if the results indicate a trend of distance or solidarity treatment; and contrast the results with other Colombian studies on this topic. Data were collected through adaptation of the sociolinguistic questionnaire proposed by PRESEEA. In total, responses of 72 informants were obtained on the choice of pronominal treatment forms according to the relationship with the interlocutor. A descriptive and inferential statistical analysis was applied to these data, that showed, among others, that in Cali the use of the formal you (usted), prevails over the informal ones (vos and tú), which indicates a tendency towards distancing courtesy; however, the courtesy of solidarity is promoted by the younger generations, the high educational levels and the middle socioeconomic strata; sex as variable is significant in the choice of the treatment form according to the sex of the interlocutor and in non-family relationships.

Résumé Cette recherche sur l'utilisation des formes de traitement pronominales à Cali, Colombie, cherche à décrire la distribution de leur emploi en rapport avec les variables de sexe, âge, niveau de formation et niveau socio-économique; à établir si ces variables sont significatives dans le choix de la forme pronominale selon le lien avec l'interlocuteur; à déterminer si les résultats indiquent une tendance de traitement de distanciation ou de solidarité; et à comparer les résultats avec d'autres études colombiennes sur ce phénomène. Les données ont été recueillies grâce à l'adaptation du questionnaire sociolinguistique proposé par PRESEEA. Au total, on a obtenu les réponses de 72 participants à l'enquête concernant le choix des formes de traitement pronominales selon la relation avec l'interlocuteur. On a soumis ces données à une analyse statistique descriptive et inférentielle qui a montré, entre autres, qu'à Cali l'usage de vous prévaut sur l'utilisation de toi et de "vos", ce qui indique une tendance à la courtoisie de distanciation. Néanmoins, la courtoisie de solidarité est encouragée par les générations de jeunes, les niveaux de formation élevés et les couches socio-économiques moyennes; la variable sexe est significative dans le choix de la forme de traitement selon le sexe de l'interlocuteur et dans les relations non familiales.

Abstract This paper is about the syntax of the third person object marker (OM) of an under-represented Spanish dialect spoken in Teopantlan, Puebla (Mexico). Even though this object marker has the familiar Spanish form of the third person singular masculine object clitic lo, the former shows a divergent behavior with respect to the pronominal clitics in other Spanish dialects: a proclitic tendency, an almost complete lack of a-markers for od in doubling contexts, lack of evidence of agreement between the clitic-like form and the doubled dp and also a low or null interaction between the semantics of the doubled phrase and the object marker. In this paper I show some descriptive data of the Teopantlan dialect and also, I propose an analysis based on agree and lexical specifications of the little v head, that allows us to account for the above-mentioned behavior of this form that has not yet been considered in the literature for this or similar Spanish dialects.

Resumen El presente artículo estudia el marcador de objeto (MO) de tercera persona en un dialecto subrepresentado del español hablado en Teopantlán, Puebla (México). Aún cuando este marcador de objeto tiene la forma familiar del clítico pronominal de tercera persona masculino singular lo, aquél presenta varias tendencias divergentes con respecto a los clíticos pronominales de otras variantes del español: tendencia proclítica, ausencia casi total de marcadores-a en contextos de doblado, carencia de evidencia de concordancia entre la forma clítica y el conjunto nominal al que doblan y una baja o nula interacción entre las propiedades semánticas de la frase léxica doblada y el marcador de objeto. En este artículo presento algunos datos descriptivos de la variante bajo estudio y propongo un análisis basado en la operación concordancia y en las especificaciones léxicas del núcleo v-ligera que todavía no ha sido propuesto en la literatura de clíticos del español para esta variante u otras similares.

Abstract The present study describes the alternation of the expression (overt vs. null) of Spanish second person pronominal subjects (tú and usted) in data from Mexico City. The selection of these pronouns is due to the fact that they are part of the system of forms of address and it is assumed that being used to address the hearer favors their expression. For this reason, a sociolinguistic analysis of two factors related to the interaction is carried out: turn-taking structure and the use of direct speech. The results show that turn taking favors the presence of second person pronominal subjects only if they are referential, since in this context, their presence allows the speaker to address their interlocutor and to structure the conversation. However, contrary to expectations, it is not evident that the need to reproduce the dialogic structure in direct speech narratives favors its expression. Finally, it is clear that when second person pronominal subjects have a generic interpretation, they do not respond to these restrictions.

Resumen El presente estudio describe la alternancia en la expresión (expresión vs. omisión) de sujetos pronominales de segunda persona singular (tú y usted) en datos del español de la Ciudad de México. La selección de estos pronombres se debe a que son parte del sistema de tratamientos y se asume que el hecho de ser empleados para dirigirse al interlocutor favorece su expresión. Por esta razón se realiza un análisis sociolingüístico en el que se incluyen dos factores relacionados con la interacción: la estructura de los turnos de habla y el discurso directo. Los resultados muestran que la toma de turno propicia la expresión de sujetos referenciales de segunda persona singular, dado que en este contexto permiten apelar al interlocutor y estructurar la conversación. Sin embargo, contrario a lo esperado, no es evidente que la necesidad de reproducir la estructura dialógica en las narraciones en discurso directo propicie su expresión. Asimismo, se muestra que cuando los sujetos de segunda persona tienen una interpretación genérica no responden a estas restricciones.

Seven Afrikaans translations of the Gospel according to Mark are compared in order to determine to what extent they reflect the development of Afrikaans during the past century or more. The method employed is to identify sections of the text that seem amenable to comparison in the various translations, with due regard to the fact that the translations are not representations of one another and that there are underlying diverse theoretical approaches and implicit ideals. The following translations are compared: (i) Die Evangelie volgens die beskrywing van Markus (the Gospel according to Mark) (CP Hoogenhout) (V1878); (ii) Di Evangeli follens Markus (the Gospel according to Mark) (SJ du Toit and collaborators) (V1908); (iii) Die Vier Evangelië en die Psalme (The Four Gospels and the Psalms)(V1922); (iv) the 1933 translation of the Bible (the first official translation of the entire Bible) (V1933); (v) the revised edition of the last-mentioned (V1953); (vi) the Nuwe Vertaling (New Translation)(V1983), and (vii) Die Nuwe Testament en Psalms, 'n Direkte Vertaling (The New Testament and Psalms, a Direct Translation) (V2014) The phenomena that are subject to change are discussed under the following headings: (1) Adjectival and nominal morphology, (2) Pronominal forms of address, (3) Verbal morphology, (4) Selected verbal constructions, (5) Selected non-verbal constructions and (6) Selected lexical items. (1) Adjectival and nominal morphology The -e ending of a number of attributive adjectives is dropped from one translation to another, but the change does not occur at the same time in all adjectives nor does the change occur in every adjective. On the one hand, for instance, the -e of ou(w)e "old" is dropped from V1922 onwards, but on the other hand that of dowe "deaf"is maintained in all translations (as it is in present-day language). Derived nominals such as skrifgeleerde "scribe(s)", which also served as plural in the earliest translations, had the plural -s added from V1922 onwards. (2) Pronominal forms of address The old form gy "you" (singular or plural), which was used in the Cape until the late 18th century (Ponelis 1993:207), occurs only in V1878 and V1922. In all translations but V1908 and V1922 both the familiar forms of address, e.g. the 2nd person pronominals jy "you" (subjectform, singular), jou "you/your" (object/possessive form, singular) and julle "you/ your" (personal/possessive form, plural), and formal u "you" (singular, plural and possessive) are used. V1908 uses informal jy/jou in all contexts, and V1922 uses formal u in all contexts. (3) Verbal morphology In verbs such as sterf/sterwe "to die" the -we variant is generally replaced by the -f variant from one translation to another, the latter becoming the dominant form in V2014. V1983, however, shows preference for the -we variant. The early translators seem to have employed the -we forms, such as sterwe, as infinitives, e.g. hy sal sterwe "he will die", and the -fforms as finite forms, e.g. hy sterf "he is dying". It also seems as though Hoogenhout (V1878), in his use of verbs such as gaan "to go", staan "to stand" and doen "to do", reserved the -t ending for finite forms (singular as well as plural) and the imperative (e.g. hy/hulle gaat "he/ they are going"; gaat heen "go forth") and the -n ending for infinitival usage (e.g. kan gaan "can go" and om te gaan "to go"). Het "to have" is used as imperative of the main verb hê "to have" in the oldest translations, but is later on replaced by jy/julle plus the modal verb moet, e.g. Het sout in julle self"("Have salt in yourselves", V1908) is replaced by "Julle moet sout in julle hê" ("You must have salt in you") from V1933 onwards. While in Dutch the negative imperative, which expresses a prohibition, consists of the imperative form and negation, a contracted form moenie (from moet "must" and nie "not") is used in present-day Afrikaans, e.g. "Gaan nie in die dorp nie" ("Go not into the village") in V1922 is replaced by "Moenie in die dorp gaan ... nie" ("Must-not into the village go") in V1933. In the early translations, V1878 in particular, the strong or ablaut forms of the past participle, e.g. bewoge "moved", are used in verbal function before being supplanted by regularised forms such as beweeg. (4) Selected verbal constructions In a constructional change involving inter alia the expression of tense and modality, a structure such as gelaster sal hê "will have slandered" changed to sal gelaster het, with the bare infinitive hê "to have" being replaced by the finite auxiliary het "have". This change is reflected in translations from V1922 onwards. Counter-factuality is expressed in "kon ... aan die armes gegee gewees het" ("could have been given to the poor", V1933). A construction employed to express wishes has evolved from the modal verb wil "to want/ wish to"plus a dat ("that") clause, to wil hê "to want to have" followed by an independent clause. The difference is reflected by "ons wil dat U aan ons sal doen, wat ons ook mag begeer" ("we want that You will do to us whatever we may desire") in V1922 and "ons wil graag hê U moet vir ons doen wat ons U gaan vra" (literally, "we want to have You must do to us what we are going to ask (from) You") in V1983. After far-reaching preterite loss in the course of the 19th century (cf. Conradie 1998), Afrikaans has only retained was "was, were", dag/dog "thought" and a small set of modal auxiliaries in current usage. Werd "became, was", mog "could, might", wis "knew" and had "had" are among the last preterites to fall into disuse. The passive auxiliary and copula werd was only used in V1908. The preterite of weet "to know", viz. wis, was still used in V1933 but was replaced by the perfect het geweet "have known" in the revision, V1953. Mog, last used in V1908 in mog aanraak "could/ would be permitted to touch", was replaced by its present tense form mag aanraak, or by the near synonym kon "could" in V2014: "dat die siekes selfs net die soom ... kon aanraak" ("that the sick could only touch the seam"). Another change that is reflected in the translations since V1922 is the replacement of the "be" auxiliary by "have" with unaccusative verbs, e.g. "Ekis nie gekom om ... " ( "I am not come to ..."), by "Ek het nie gekom om ..." ("I have not come to ..."). Owing to the demise of the auxiliary had, the preterite of het "to have", Afrikaans lost an explicit pluperfect in the active voice. The had construction is replaced by the het perfect from V1922 onwards, occasionally supported by the adverb vroeër "earlier". In earlier texts, as in the spoken language generally, the historical present is often used for narrating a series of events, e.g. '"en die koors verlaat haar en sy bedien hulle" (Mark 1:31) ("the fever left her and she waited upon them", NEB 70). In later translations the historical present is replaced by the perfect to an ever-increasing extent, for example (in V2014): "die koors het haar verlaat en sy het hulle bedien". (5) Selected non-verbal constructions The preposition van "from", which had formed part of the passive agent, was replaced in older Dutch and Cape Dutch documents by deur "by" (literally "through"). Van was already replaced by deur in V1908. A typical characteristic of Afrikaans is the use of the preposition vir "for" before a direct object, as in "Hy roep vir hom", literally "He calls for him". Even though it is present in all the translations it is used excessively in V1908, particularly before personal pronouns, as in "Wi het fer My angeraak?" ("Who touched me?") of V1908. Nominals such as oorkant "the opposite side" and anderkant "the other side" have changed their category to become prepositions. This is already in evidence in V1878, e.g. "van owerkant die Jordaan" ("from the other side of the Jordan"). The clause-final negative particle of Afrikaans, also nie like the negative proper, is not employed in V1878, but is used consistently in all subsequent translations. Reduplication, which reached Afrikaans through the Malay of the slaves (cf. Raidt 1994b), was already gaining a footing in V1908: "begin fer hulle uit te stuur twe twe" ("begins to send them out in groups of two"). The merging of the non-main verb laat "to let" with the complementiser dat "that" is already in evidence in a phrase such as the following: "breng My een penning laat Ik hom sien" of V1878 (literally, "bring me a coin let me see it"). (6) Selected lexical items The expression om iets kwalik te neem "to take something badly " was amended to om iemand iets kwalik te neem, "to hold something against someone " in the revision of V1953, indicating that the two expressions were probably confused. A number of modal particles, such as tog '"surely", miskien "perhaps", mos "as you know" and darem "still", contribute to the pragmatics of the Afrikaans translations. In conclusion, a few types of language change in Afrikaans that are reflected in the translations are singled out, and it is suggested that if language usage in a particular translation is not in line with that in other translations it may be due to faulty observation of general usage, and that in some translations attempts were made at grammar development and even standardisation.

'n Sewetal vertalings van die Markus-Evangelie (in die teks aangedui deur V en die verskyningsdatum, met verdere inligting in die bibliografie) word vergelyk om na te gaan in watter mate hulle die ontwikkeling van Afrikaans in die afgelope eeu of meer weerspieël. Op die gebied van die adjektiwiese en naamwoordelike morfologie word gekyk na die verlies van die -e-uitgang van attributiewe byvoeglike naamwoorde soos ou(w)e en die toevoeging van 'n meervouds-s by afgeleide selfstandige naamwoorde soos (die) arme. Daar word nagegaan hoe aanspreekvorme soos gy, u, jy, jou en julle in verskillende gespreksituasies gebruik word. Die -f-we-wisseling by werkwoorde soos sterf/sterwe en die -t/-n-wisseling by werk-woorde soos gaat/gaan word ondersoek en die funksionele verspreiding van die vorme as imperatief, persoonsvorm en infinitief nagegaan.NA: 'n Seleksie van werkwoordelike konstruksies word ondersoek, byvoorbeeld die vervanging van hê deur het in (die haan) sal gekraai hê/het, die ontwikkeling van die wenskonstruksie ons wil dat u ... : ons wil hê u moet, die gebruik en verlies van preteritumvorme soos mog, werd, wis en had, die vervanging van die hulpwerkwoord is deur het by onakkusatiewe werkwoorde, soos in hulle is/het gekom, en die vervanging van die historiese presens in verhalende gedeeltes deur die perfektum Niewerkwoordelike konstruksies wat aan bod kom, is onder meer die gebruik van die voorsetsel vir voor 'n direkte voorwerp en die negatiefpartikel of "tweede nie" en reduplikasie. Twee items van leksikale aard wat bespreek word, is die moontlike verwarring tussen die uitdrukking "om iets kwalik te neem" en "om iemand iets kwalik te neem" en die gebruik van modale partikels soos miskien, tog, mos en darem as semantiese aanvulling van sommige gedeeltes.

THEORETICAL CONTEXT: The Afrikaans Bible translation of 2020 took cognisance of Christiane Nord 's (1997, 2001) functionalistic model of translation, in conjunction with Reiss and Vermeer's (1984) skopos theory. A function of this translation, in addition to the aim of providing an authoritative basis for the faith of its readership, was to ensure that the source text is presented as an authentic representation of the culture(s) in which it originated, as well as being understood clearly by the target readers of today, in due regard of the text genre of the relevant source text (such as narrative, poetry, prophetic enunciations, wisdom literature, genealogical register). This is articulated in the skopos, or translation mandate by the initiator, it is the Bible Society of South Africa. This mandate was further informed by Gutt's (1991) notion of a "direct" translation, in that the source text is not interpreted and indirectly reported by the translator as narrator, but addresses the reader directly, as though the author had written the text in the receiving language. The intended function would then be to empower the translated text with the same status and authority as the source text. ADDRESS FORMS: One aspect of the translation process does, however, require a degree of interpretation on the linguistic level, namely the use of second person pronouns as a form of address in Afrikaans. The choice of an appropriate pronoun is often determined or influenced by the relation between the speaker and the addressee (which may vary through time), such as the relative social position of the interlocutors, and the style of the dialogue, and can be generalised to a binary distinction between a formal (u) and an informal address form (jy). This choice does not, however, reflect only factors such as formality or social asymmetry between speaker and addressee, as mentioned above, but also attitudes and emotions, such as respect, solidarity or disdain, or even strategies to achieve a particular speech act objective (illocution). In the literature (Brown & Gilman 2003), the abbreviations V (from the Latin vos) and T (from tu) have been introduced to refer to such forms in various languages, and are indicative of a dynamic of power (or authority) and a dynamic of solidarity, respectively. The article traces the origin of this distinction from the era of the Holy Roman Empire to the emergence of this phenomenon in the European languages, inluding English and Dutch. INITIAL CAPITALS: A further complication is that the Afrikaans translation, following the tradition of the seventeenth-century Dutch Statenvertaling, also utilises an orthographical marker, namely an (intrasentential) initial capital to indicate respect toward the Divinity in appellations of God, as well as in pronouns referring to God as subject or object of a sentence. The source texts do not contain any overt (orthographical) features indicating such reverence, since capitals are not distinguished in Hebrew, and in Greek, only proper nouns are capitalised as a rule. This then amounts to another level of distinction, in particular in relation to addressing Jesus as human being, but at the same time recognising his divine nature. APPLICATION: In this article, the application of these criteria is illustrated with reference to a number of selected verses in both the Old and New Testaments in Afrikaans. Secondly, since Afrikaans and Dutch share a history of applying pragmatic criteria in order to indicate such distinctions, a comparison is made between recent translations of relevant verses to determine the similarities and/or differences in address forms. Finally, with reference to the Gospel of Matthew, consecutive translations in Afrikaans from 1895 to 2020 are compared to determine how address forms in this language evolved over time, something which also reflects in a limited way a change in societal traditions.

Die Bybelvertaling van 2020 neem kennis van die funksionalistiese vertaalmodel van Christiane Nord (1997, 2001) as beoordelingsraamwerk wat die funksie(s) wat dit bedoel is om te vervul, vooropstel. Hierdie funksie, soos verwoord in die vertaalopdrag (skopos) van die opdraggewer, hou in dat die vertaalde teks sowel bronkultuur-georiënteerd as eietyds qua taalgebruik moet wees. 'n Belangrike riglyn is die nosie van 'n "direkte" vertaling, waarvolgens die bronteks nie deur die vertaler geïnterpreteer moet word nie, maar die leser direk aanspreek, as sou die skrywer die teks in die ontvangertaal geskryf het. Een terrein wat egter wel 'n mate van interpretasie noodsaak, is die gebruik van tweedepersoonsvoornaamwoorde as aanspreekvorm. Die keuse van so 'n voornaamwoord word dikwels bepaal deur die verhouding tussen die spreker en die aangesprokene, wat in Afrikaans uitgedruk word deur die keuse tussen 'n formele vorm (u) en 'n informele vorm (jy/jou/julle), 'n onderskeid wat nie in die brontale gemaak word nie (vgl. Unseth 2020). In die literatuur word daar na sulke vorme in verskillende tale verwys met behulp van die afkortings V (van die Latyn vos - 'u') en T (Latyn tu - 'jy'). Hierdie artikel fokus dan spesifiek op die keuses wat in Afrikaans gemaak word tussen V en T. Dit is egter nie slegs faktore soos formaliteit of sosiale asimmetrie tussen die spreker en aangesprokene nie, maar ook houdings en emosies wat deur die keuse tussen V en T weerspieël kan word. Volgens 'n artikel van Brown en Gilman (2003) dui die aanspreekvariante (V en T) onderskeidelik 'n dinamika van gesag of mag (V) en 'n dinamika van solidariteit (T) aan. Hierdie onderskeid in die vertaling noodsaak 'n transposisie van die historiese werklikheid in die Bybelse brontekste na 'n Afrikaanstalige perspektief. Die artikel illustreer dit aan die hand van bepaalde tekste, bring dit in verband met die wyse waarop tale soos Nederlands, Engels, Duits en Noors dié verhoudings weergee, en tref 'n vergelyking, vanuit taalhistoriese perspektief, tussen die wyse waarop opeenvolgende Afrikaanse Bybelvertalings deur die Bybelgenootskap sulke verwysings hanteer in die Evangelie van Matteus.