Abstract: Drawing on the notion of gender arrangements, and with the participation of female victims of the Colombian conflict, the present qualitative research analyzes the types of relationships between men and women in various post-conflict contexts that were influenced by reparations policies. It argues that the transformations of these relationships are not linear but rather determined by the life experiences of the women and by the competences that they acquire, such as agency and empowerment, which translate into forms of participation, decision-making, and resource use within the domestic sphere and in collective processes of organizational and productive order.

Resumen: La presente investigación cualitativa, con participación de mujeres víctimas del conflicto colombiano, analiza desde la noción de arreglos de género los tipos de relaciones entre hombres y mujeres en diversos contextos de posconflicto influidos por políticas de reparación. Se identifica que las transformaciones de estas relaciones no son lineales, sino que se determinan por las experiencias de vida de las mujeres y las competencias adquiridas, como la agencia y el empoderamiento, las cuales se traducen en formas de participación, decisión y uso de recursos al interior del ámbito doméstico y en procesos colectivos de orden organizativo y productivo.

Abstract This article emphasizes the need for transformation that schools must undergo in countries going through a post-conflict stage, such as Colombia. One essential aspect of this transformation involves the very approach to administering justice in the educational context. In this regard, we propose a reflection on two streams of justice: retributive justice and restorative justice within the school setting, with a particular emphasis on the latter. We maintain that in a country like ours, where the armed conflict has been denied for decades and has, to some extent, permeated our way of relating to others, it is crucial for schools and teachers to be involved in this transformation. The transition from one model of justice to another has not been easy in Colombia; however, through the commitment of teachers, successful experiences of implementing restorative justice in schools have been achieved. We contend that the role of teachers is essential for building a culture of peace.

Resumen En este artículo resaltamos la necesidad de transformación de la escuela en países que transitan por una etapa de posconflicto, como Colombia. Uno de los aspectos esenciales de dicha transformación atraviesa la forma misma en que ejercemos la justicia en el contexto educativo. En ese sentido, proponemos una reflexión sobre dos corrientes de justicia: la justicia retributiva y la justicia restaurativa en el contexto escolar, haciendo énfasis en esta última. Sostenemos que, en un país como el nuestro, donde el conflicto armado ha sido negado por décadas y hasta cierto punto ha permeado nuestra forma de relacionarnos con el otro, es fundamental que la escuela y el docente se impliquen en esta transformación. El paso de un modelo de justicia a otro en el contexto escolar no ha sido fácil en Colombia. Sin embargo, a través del compromiso de los docentes se ha logrado concretar experiencias exitosas de implementación de la justicia escolar restaurativa. Concluimos que la figura del docente es esencial para la construcción de una cultura de paz.

RESUMEN: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo exponer información que consolide a la educación física y el deporte como una respuesta educativa para el posconflicto en Colombia. En este sentido, se expone la difícil situación social en la que se encuentra la construcción de la paz en el marco del posconflicto. A partir de esta, se recalcó el papel fundamental de la educación para lograr este propósito tan anhelado por la población colombiana; posteriormente, en el manuscrito se desglosó de forma jerárquica sobre el porqué estas áreas son de vital importancia para lograr la enseñanza de valores, la ciudadanía y la resolución de conflictos, los cuales son esenciales para alcanzar una paz estable y duradera en el posconflicto en Colombia.

ABSTRACT: The objective of this article is to present information that contributes to the consolidation of physical education and sport as an educational response for the post-conflict period in Colombia. In this sense, the difficult social situation in which the construction of peace in the post-conflict framework is exposed, from this the fundamental role of education was emphasized to achieve this purpose so longed for by the Colombian population, and later in the manuscript it was broken down in a hierarchical way on why these areas are of vital importance to achieve the teaching of values, citizenship and conflict resolution, which are essential to achieve a stable and lasting peace in the post-conflict period in Colombia.

How do we repair and reconcile a society broken multiple times by years of political violence and cyclic mass atrocity events? Reconciliation processes in post-conflict societies tend to favour state-led peace processes to aid individuals and communities alike to heal, make sense of the past while also imagining and forging an interdependent future together. The Burundi Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), established in 2014, has the mandate to investigate past crimes and mass violence events dating from 1885 to the 4 December 2008 ceasefire with the aim of aiding truth-teUing, reconciliation and transitional justice. The article comments on how the TRC shapes ongoing healing, reconciliation and transitional justice efforts in post-conflict Burundi. This article uses desk-based research to draw insights from documented works and reports of the TRC between 2018 and 2022. The TRC's findings sparked multiple narratives and pubUc discourse in the Senate which further led to the reexamination of the 1972-1973 massacre, the legacy of colonisation and its impact in cementing ethnic divisions that led to cyclic mass violence in Burundi.

Abstract: This paper analyzes the qualification process of the "anti-gender convergences" in Colombia between 2016 and 2022 by applying a critical discourse analysis through which the events and discursive entanglements present in both the events that made headlines in the Colombian press and the Twitter posts of the "anti-gender" legislators are identified. The analysis shows a convergence of actors and discourses seemingly unrelated to each other, where the fight against "gender ideology" becomes a semantic umbrella to generate political antagonisms, redefining an internal enemy in post-conflict times and signifying a national securitization/racist project that represents the continuity of the project of the country's political and economic elites. Abstract antigender anti gender convergences 201 202 identified other ideology antagonisms postconflict post conflict securitizationracist securitization racist countrys country s elites 20 2

Resumen: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cualificación de las “convergencias antigénero” en Colombia entre el 2016 y el 2022. Para ello se emplea un análisis crítico del discurso a través del cual se identifican los acontecimientos y enmarañamientos discursivos presentes, tanto en hechos que se han sido noticiosos en la prensa colombiana y en las publicaciones de Twitter de congresistas “antigénero”. Del análisis se evidencia una convergencia tanto de actores como discursos que aparentemente no tiene ninguna relación entre sí y en donde la lucha contra “la ideología de género” se convierte en una sombrilla semántica para producir antagonismos políticos redelimitando un enemigo interno en época de posconflicto y para significar un proyecto nacional securitista/racista, continuidad del proyecto de las élites político-económicas del país. Resumen convergencias antigénero 201 2022 presentes antigénero. . “antigénero” género securitistaracista securitista racista securitista/racista políticoeconómicas político económicas país 20 202 “antigénero 2

Resumo: Este artigo analisa o processo de qualificação das "convergências antigênero" na Colômbia entre 2016 e 2022, aplicando uma análise crítica do discurso por meio da qual são identificados os eventos e os emaranhados discursivos presentes tanto nos eventos que foram destaque na imprensa colombiana quanto nas postagens no Twitter dos legisladores "antigênero". A análise revela uma convergência de atores e discursos que aparentemente não têm relação entre si e onde a luta contra a "ideologia de gênero" se torna um guarda-chuva semântico para gerar antagonismos políticos, redefinindo um inimigo interno em tempos pós-conflito e significando um projeto nacional de securitização/racismo que representa a continuidade do projeto das elites políticas e econômicas do país. Resumo convergências antigênero 201 2022 antigênero. . "antigênero" ideologia gênero guardachuva guarda chuva políticos pósconflito pós conflito securitizaçãoracismo securitização racismo país 20 202 "antigênero 2

Since the fall of 2016 Anglophone Cameroon has endured the stench of an internal political conflict between security forces and separatist militia groups, in which numerous human rights violations have been committed. Given the magnitude of these violations, they have been categorised as serious crimes in international law (crimes against humanity). While international law urges the prosecution of perpetrators, this paper acknowledging the rule of law as a relevant tool in transforming and shaping societies, but the responses of states in post-conflict scenarios are not always influenced by the rule of law as they sometimes involve factors that have no legal bearing or backing. These responses have been recognised generally to constitute components of transitional justice. This paper thus views transitional justice as comprising all the measures which states usually turn to in search of ways to respond to past atrocities, whether legal, non-legal or a combination thereof. This paper argues that the situation in Anglophone Cameroon has reached unprecedented levels of violence, and given the degree of victimisation and mayhem caused to society there is a need for transitional justice in order to give closure to victims and restore stability. To suggest the form such transitional justice may take, the paper uses a comparative methodological approach in examining the transitional justice perspectives of South Africa and Rwanda, to assess what lessons could be drawn from them in respect of how they dealt with their legacies of past abuses. The paper recommends the establishment of an Anglophone Cameroon Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (ACTJRC).

Since the fall of 2016 Anglophone Cameroon has endured the stench of an internal political conflict between security forces and separatist militia groups, in which numerous human rights violations have been committed. Given the magnitude of these violations, they have been categorised as serious crimes in international law (crimes against humanity). While international law urges the prosecution of perpetrators, this paper acknowledging the rule of law as a relevant tool in transforming and shaping societies, but the responses of states in post-conflict scenarios are not always influenced by the rule of law as they sometimes involve factors that have no legal bearing or backing. These responses have been recognised generally to constitute components of transitional justice. This paper thus views transitional justice as comprising all the measures which states usually turn to in search of ways to respond to past atrocities, whether legal, non-legal or a combination thereof. This paper argues that the situation in Anglophone Cameroon has reached unprecedented levels of violence, and given the degree of victimisation and mayhem caused to society there is a need for transitional justice in order to give closure to victims and restore stability. To suggest the form such transitional justice may take, the paper uses a comparative methodological approach in examining the transitional justice perspectives of South Africa and Rwanda, to assess what lessons could be drawn from them in respect of how they dealt with their legacies of past abuses. The paper recommends the establishment of an Anglophone Cameroon Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (ACTJRC).

The continuous and controversial arguments about any relationship between foreign aid and the national content of the learned curricula in new and emerging entities in post-conflict areas in general, and in the Palestinian case in particular, have been a source of apprehension for many educators, stakeholders, educational experts, and even school children's parents. This study aims at investigating the challenges to preserve authentic national and historical content in the light of receiving European foreign aid, taking Palestine as a case. The researcher adopted a mixed-methods approach to achieve the study's goals. The national content of the school textbooks of the lower basic stage was analysed as a purposive sample of the Palestinian national curriculum. Moreover, semi-structured interviews were conducted with a) curriculum professionals and policymakers from the Ministry of Education to find out the direct impact of European aid on the national content of the Palestinian curriculum, and b) with Palestinian teachers to investigate their attitudes towards the adequacy and efficiency of the national and historical content of the Palestinian curriculum. The results of the content analysis present many national themes and values, yet with diverse dominance and distribution. The semi-structured interviews revealed the continuous pressure on the Ministry of Education to change the content of Palestinian curricula, and its impact on the national content. As for the teachers' interviews, the results demonstrate that Palestinian teachers do not have positive perspectives on the national and historical content and look forwards to fundamental improvements in the national and historical curriculum.

Resumen: Desde la perspectiva de la ecología política este artículo da cuenta de las barreras existentes para la gobernanza ambiental en la Sierra de La Macarena. Este tipo de gobernanza, que hace referencia a una gestión participativa y democrática en la gestión del ambiente, está implícita en la reforma rural integral acordada en el proceso de paz de 2016. Sin embargo, a pesar del reconocimiento de la Selva Ama zónica como Sujeto de Derechos y de distintos espacios de concertación planteados por organizaciones sociales, la violencia que emergió tras la firma de los acuerdos ha supuesto que la superposición de conflictos socioambientales que configuran la región, se profundicen. La tala y quema indiscriminada de enormes porciones de bosque amazónico a manos de empresas ganaderas y la respuesta militarizada que afecta principalmente a comunidades campesinas ha sido la principal causa para que en la actualidad haya una gestión ambiental sin gobernanza. El artículo pro pone elementos analíticos que permitan no solo entender, sino también establecer estrategias que permitan el reacomodo de la gestión ecológica de la región.

Abstract: From a political ecology perspective, this article reports on the existing barriers to environmental governance in the Sierra de La Macarena. This type of gover nance, which refers to participatory and democratic management in environ mental management, is implicit in the comprehensive rural reform agreed to in the 2016 peace process. However, the emerging violence following the signing of the agreements has meant that overlapping socio-environmental conflicts are deepening. The indiscriminate logging and burning of huge portions of the Am azonian forest by cattle ranching companies and the militarized response, by affecting mainly peasant communities, conflict has been the main expression. The article proposes analytical elements that allow not only to understand, but also to establish strategies that permit readjustment of the ecological manage ment of the region.

Resumen En la provincia de La Paz (Antioquia Oriental, Colombia), la floricultura de hortensias ha surgido como un importante motor de desarrollo económico y social tras la situación de posconflicto, ofreciendo contribuciones de alto valor agregado al territorio. El objetivo fue identificar los aspectos sociales y ambientales del cultivo de hortensias por parte de pequeños y medianos productores, evaluando los impactos ambientales y externalidades a lo largo del ciclo de vida del cultivo. Esta iniciativa tuvo como propósito fomentar un crecimiento sostenible en la producción de floricultura en condiciones eco-amigables, salvaguardando la salud humana y beneficiando a los actores locales. Para establecer un marco metodológico, el estudio se adhirió a los requisitos y pautas delineados en las normas ISO 14040 y 14044 para la evaluación del ciclo de vida ambiental, además de utilizar la Guía Metodológica del PNUMA. La investigación reveló hallazgos significativos, resaltando los impactos ambientales clave que afectan la producción de hortensias a lo largo de su ciclo de vida. Estos impactos provienen principalmente del uso excesivo de agroquímicos, que representan riesgos para la salud humana y los ecosistemas debido a alteraciones en las propiedades del suelo. Además, la dependencia de recursos fósiles (como plásticos y combustibles) en diversas etapas del proceso de cultivo contribuye a estos impactos. Desde una perspectiva social, el estudio identificó actores y aspectos críticos que requieren mejoras, incluyendo la integración, la seguridad, la salud ocupacional, el manejo adecuado de agroquímicos, el cumplimiento normativo y los problemas de reemplazo del sistema. Estos desafíos subrayan la complejidad de lograr la sostenibilidad, enfatizando la necesidad de apoyo técnico especializado y nuevos conocimientos para los productores. La implementación de tecnologías rentables es crucial para mitigar los impactos ambientales, junto con fomentar modelos de asociatividad entre productores de hortensias, lo cual contribuye significativamente a mejorar las condiciones de cultivo.

ABSTRACT In La Paz Province (Eastern Antioquia, Colombia), hydrangea floriculture has emerged as a significant driver of economic and social development following the post-conflict situation, offering high value-added contributions to the territory. The objective was to identify both the social and environmental aspects of hydrangea cultivation by small and medium-sized growers, assessing the environmental impacts and externalities across the crop's life cycle. This initiative aimed to foster sustainable growth in floriculture production under eco-friendly conditions, safeguarding human health, and benefiting local stakeholders. To establish a methodological framework, the study adhered to the requirements and guidelines outlined in ISO 14040 and 14044 standards for environmental life cycle assessment, in addition to utilizing the UNEP Methodological Guide. The research revealed significant findings, highlighting the key environmental impacts affecting hydrangea production throughout its life cycle. These impacts primarily stem from the excessive use of agrochemicals, which pose risks to human health and ecosystems due to alterations in soil properties. Moreover, the reliance on fossil resources (such as plastics and fuels) at various stages of the cultivation process contributes to these impacts. From a social perspective, the study identified stakeholders and critical aspects requiring improvement, including integration, safety, occupational health, proper agrochemical handling, regulatory compliance, and system replacement issues. These challenges underscore the complexity of achieving sustainability, emphasizing the need for specialized technical support and new knowledge for growers. Implementing cost-effective technologies is crucial to mitigate environmental impacts, along with fostering associativity models among hydrangea crop producers, which significantly contribute to enhancing growing conditions.

Abstract: The article analyzes access to drinking water and community management of the resource in the 16 prioritized subregions in the post-conflict with the Farc-ep, using information from the Development Programs with a Territorial Focus (PDET) with its 16 Action Plans for Regional Transformation (PATR) and its 170 Municipal Pacts for Regional Transformation (PMTR). It identifies as main problems: the lack of infrastructure for the supply of drinking water, deforestation, contamination of water sources and the low institutional management capacity of water resources. It shows the demands for the provision of water that were prioritized in initiatives of management and investment projects, the PATRs and the community management proposals carried out by the population that inhabits these territories. Finally, three great challenges that this sector faces in the post-conflict and Colombian rural development are pointed out: legal recognition, resources for community management and use of PDET contributions.

Resumen En este artículo se analiza el acceso al agua potable y la gestión comunitaria del recurso en las 16 subregiones priorizadas en el posconflicto con las Farc-ep, usando la información de los Programas de Desarrollo con Enfoque Territorial (PDET) con sus 16 Planes de Acción para la Transformación Regional (PATR) y sus 170 Pactos Municipales para la Transformación Regional (PMTR). Se identifica como principales problemas: la falta de infraestructura para el abastecimiento del agua potable, la deforestación, la contaminación de las fuentes de agua y la baja capacidad de gestión institucional del recurso hídrico; y se muestran las demandas por la provisión de agua, las mismas que fueron priorizadas en iniciativas de proyectos de gestión y de inversión los PATR y las propuestas de gestión comunitaria que realiza la población que habita estos territorios. Finalmente, se señalan tres grandes retos a los que se enfrenta este sector en el posconflicto y el desarrollo rural colombiano: el reconocimiento jurídico, los recursos para la gestión comunitaria y el aprovechamiento de los aportes PDET. Clasificación JEL: D63, D74, I31, L31, L95.

Résumé: Cet article analyse l’accès à l’eau potable et la gestion communautaire de la ressource dans les 16 sous-régions prioritaires en post-conflit avec les Farc-ep, à partir des informations des Programmes de Développement à Orientation Territoriale (PDET) avec ses 16 Plans d’Action pour la Transformation des Territoires (PATR) et ses 170 Pactes Communaux pour la Transformation des Territoires (PMTR). Les principaux problèmes identifiés sont : le manque d’infrastructures pour l’approvisionnement en eau potable, la déforestation, la contamination des sources d’eau et la faible capacité de gestion institutionnelle des ressources en eau ; et les demandes d’approvisionnement en eau sont présentées, les mêmes qui ont été priorisées dans les initiatives de projets de gestion et d’investissement, les PATR et les propositions de gestion communautaire menées par la population qui habite ces territoires. Enfin, trois grands défis auxquels ce secteur est confronté dans le post-conflit et le développement rural colombien sont signalés: la reconnaissance légale, les ressources pour la gestion communautaire et l’utilisation des contributions du PDET.

Resumen: El artículo expone cómo la realidad política en Colombia en 2021 cuestionó la fortaleza y consolidación de la democracia plena del país, al mostrar elementos de democracia defectiva, esto desde la perspectiva teórica de régimen híbrido. El objetivo es analizar las formas en que la falta de voluntad del gobierno colombiano para garantizar la protección de los derechos fundamentales en todo su territorio contribuye a la fragilidad democrática es ese país; se dialoga entre las características de las nociones de democracia defectiva y la democracia plena de O’Donnell. El análisis es contrastado empíricamente con entrevistas realizadas al campesinado y liderazgo amenazado. Esta realidad se traduce en una falta de voluntad del Estado para frenar los asesinatos en las regiones más desfavorecidas del campo colombiano, constituyendo un reto para el gobierno del actual presidente Gustavo Petro. Finalmente, se propone el acompañamiento internacional murders and accompany the new government in the process of restoring human rights and consolidating a full democracy.

Abstract: The article shows how the political reality in Colombia in 2021 questioned the strength and consolidation of full democracy in the country, by showing elements of defective democracy, from the theoretical perspective of a hybrid regime. The aim is to analyze the ways in which the Colombian government’s unwillingness to guarantee the protection of fundamental rights throughout its territory contributes to the democratic fragility in that country; a dialogue is held between the characteristics of the notions of defective democracy and O’Donnell’s full democracy. The analysis is empirically contrasted with interviews with the peasantry and threatened leadership. This reality translates into a lack of will of the State to stop murders in the most disadvantaged regions of the Colombian countryside, constituting a challenge for the government of current President Gustavo Petro. Finally, international accompaniment is proposed as the most effective tool to reduce como la herramienta más efectiva para reducir asesinatos y acompañar al nuevo gobierno en el proceso de restauración de derechos humanos y consolidación de una democracia plena.

Resumen La presente investigación explora lógicas de polarización política entre ocho militantes de dos partidos antagónicos: Centro Democrático (CD) y Colombia Humana (CH), significativos exponentes de derecha e izquierda en la política colombiana. Los objetivos se centran en comprender las creencias sociales del grupo político y el partido contrario respecto a determinados temas, sobre la agrupación adversaria y sus militantes, al igual que la orientación emocional en relación con el contrario. La mirada teórica se desarrolla desde el realismo crítico y la psicología social y política, en perspectiva emancipatoria, además, es guiada por los trabajos de Bar-Tal (2007, 2013, 2017), Blanco (2007), Martín-Baró (1990, 2003), Mouffe (2007), Tajfel (1984) y el marco de la macroinvestigación “Barreras psicosociales para la construcción de la paz y la reconciliación en Colombia”. A partir del método cualitativo con enfoque hermenéutico, se realizaron ocho entrevistas semiestructuradas a militantes de ambos partidos (cuatro de cada uno), haciendo un análisis de contenido a través de matrices intertextuales y una codificación teórica de primero y segundo nivel. De este modo, se comprende la forma como se tejen y desarrollan las creencias sociales sobre el adversario político, leído como enemigo, en un entramado de significación que lo interpreta de manera negativa, en términos morales y políticos, a partir de estereotipos, prejuicios y estigmas que obturan las posibilidades de diálogo y consenso, fortaleciendo perspectivas que invitan a su silenciamiento, dilución, cooptación, derrota y exclusión. Todo ello acentúa la polarización como expresión del trauma psicosocial dejado por décadas de conflicto armado en Colombia, convirtiéndose en barrera para la construcción de la paz y la reconciliación.

Abstract This research explores logics of political polarization of eight militants from two antagonistic parties: Democratic Center (CD) and Colombia Humana (CH), which are significant exponents of right and left in Colombian politics. The objectives are focused on understanding social beliefs about their own political group, as well as the opposing party, regarding certain issues, about the opposing group and its militants, and the emotional orientation towards the opponent. The theoretical perspective was developed from critical realism and social and political psychology, with an emancipatory perspective, and was guided by the works of Bar-Tal (2007, 2013, 2017), Blanco (2007), Martín-Baró (1990, 2003), Mouffe (2007), Tajfel (1984) and the framework of the macro-investigation “Psychosocial barriers for the construction of peace and reconciliation in Colombia”. Using the qualitative method with a hermeneutical approach, 8 semi-structured interviews were conducted with militants from both parties (4 from each one), carrying out a content analysis through intertextual matrices and first and second level theoretical coding. It was possible to understand the way in which social beliefs about the political adversary, read as an enemy, are woven and developed in a network of meaning that interprets it in a negative way, in moral and political terms, based on stereotypes, prejudices and stigmas that obstruct the possibilities of dialogue and consensus, strengthening perspectives that invite their silencing, dilution, co-optation, defeat and exclusion. All this accentuates polarization as an expression of the psychosocial trauma left by decades of armed conflict in Colombia, becoming a barrier to the construction of peace and reconciliation.

Abstract: How effective is UN assistance in post-conflict societies? This paper evaluates the performance of the United Nations Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF) in Colombia during the period 2015-2019. The programmatic agenda in relation to the construction of peace and sustainable development is analyzed. The evidence shows a positive impact, despite certain weaknesses in the degree of efficacy. All of this, in the midst of a complex sociopolitical scenario in the construction of peace.

Resumo: Este artigo analisa o papel do Quadro de Assistência ao Desenvolvimento das Nações Unidas na Colômbia (UNDAF) durante o período 2015-2019. A partir do institucionalismo neoliberal e da paz democrática, são identificadas as ações de cooperação propostas pelo Sistema das Nações Unidas para promover a transição para a paz e o desenvolvimento econômico e social na Colômbia. O trabalho compara a agenda do UNDAF (2015-2019 e 2020-2023) com o objetivo de medir o grau de eficácia, retrocessos, deficiências e desafios.

Resumen: ¿Cuál es el grado de efectividad de la asistencia de la ONU en sociedades en posconflicto? Este trabajo evalúa el desempeño del Marco de Asistencia al Desarrollo de las Naciones Unidas (UNDAF) en Colombia durante el período 2015-2019. Se analiza la agenda programática con relación a la construcción de paz y el desarrollo sostenible. La evidencia muestra un impacto positivo, a pesar de ciertas debilidades en la implementación. Lo anterior, en medio de un complejo escenario sociopolítico en construcción de paz.

Resumen: El presente artículo propone una aproximación cuir para analizar las nociones de víctima emergentes en diferentes contenidos y desarrollos institucionales de los modelos de Justicia Transicional de Justicia y Paz (2005) y del Acuerdo Final (2016) implementados en Colombia, siendo aún una aproximación poco explorada en el campo de los estudios sobre la construcción de paz. Se analizan las aperturas y condiciones de posibilidad para nombrar la violencia heterosexual y los cisprivilegios como constitutivos de las violencias estructurales y armadas -centrándose en los documentos oficiales en diálogo con la literatura cuir existente en este campo de estudios-, a partir de tres escenarios: los primeros años de implementación de la Ley de Justicia y Paz, los aprendizajes en el componente de justicia en la aplicación del enfoque de género y los avances en la implementación del Acuerdo Final y los desafíos persistentes. Del análisis se concluye, y allí mismo radica la originalidad del artículo, que hay un cambio cualitativo en el entendimiento de las violencias, que pasan de ser androcéntricas y de asumir una interpretación binaria a reconocer explícitamente a las personas LGBTI y su calidad de víctimas frente a las violencias heteronormativas, el continuum de violencias estructurales, cotidianas y armadas, su imbricación con otras matrices de poder, y ante el reconocimiento de los diferentes patrones que operaron para corregir o desaparecer la disidencia sexual y de género.

Resumo: Este artigo propõe-se uma abordagem cuir para analisar as noções de vítima emergentes em diferentes conteúdos e desenvolvimentos institucionais dos modelos de justiça de transição de justiça e paz (2005) e do Acordo Final (2016) implementados na Colômbia, sendo ainda uma abordagem pouco explorada no campo dos estudos sobre a construção de paz. São analisadas as aberturas e condições de possibilidade para nomear a violência heterossexual e os cisprivilégios como constitutivos das violências estruturais e armadas - com foco nos documentos oficiais em diálogo com a literatura cuir existente nesse campo de estudos -, a partir de três cenários: os primeiros anos de implementação da Lei de Justiça e Paz, as aprendizagens no componente de justiça na aplicação da abordagem de gênero e os avanços na implementação do Acordo Final e os desafios persistentes. Da análise, conclui-se, e nisso mesmo está a originalidade deste artigo, que há uma mudança qualitativa no entendimento das violências, que passam de ser androcêntricas e de assumir uma interpretação binária a reconhecer explicitamente as pessoas LGBTI e sua qualidade de vítimas ante as violências heteronormativas, o continuum de violências estruturais cotidianas e armadas, sua imbricação com outras matrizes de poder e ante o reconhecimento dos diferentes padrões que operaram para corrigir ou desaparecer a dissidência sexual e de gênero.

Abstract: This article proposes a queer approach to analyze the emerging notions of victim in different contents and institutional developments of Colombia’s Justice and Peace Transitional Justice (2005) and Final Agreement (2016) models, which are, as yet, little explored in the field of peacebuilding studies. It analyzes the openings and conditions of possibility to name heterosexual violence and cisprivileges as constitutive of structural and armed violence, focusing on official documents in dialogue with the existing queer literature in this field of studies. The analysis considers three scenarios: the first years of implementation of the Justice and Peace Law, the lessons learned in the justice component in the application of the gender approach, and the progress in the implementation of the Final Agreement and the persistent challenges. The analysis concludes, and therein lies the originality of the article, that there is a qualitative change in the understanding of violence, which goes from being androcentric and assuming a binary interpretation to explicitly recognize LGBTI people and their quality of victims in the face of heteronormative violence, the continuum of structural, daily and armed violences, its intertwining with other power matrices, and the recognition of the different patterns that operated to correct or eliminate sexual and gender dissidence.