This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI. justice (UBI fronts First interconnected flawed imperative socialecological social ecological thinking nondomination non challenges postproductivist post productivist relations occupations Additionally Maricá Brazil

Resumen Este aporte identifica las dinámicas socioambientales que las políticas de desarrollo han generado sobre los manglares comunitarios en tres momentos clave de la historia mexicana: la Constitución de 1917, la industrialización de la década de 1950 y las reformas neoliberales de 1985. Mediante ocho estudios de caso y 180 entrevistas semiestructuradas, se elaboró un insumo conceptual de tres escenarios (manglares comunitarios, turistificados y conservados) y quince categorías que sintetizan estas dinámicas. Los manglares atraviesan una crisis histórica que provocarían las políticas de desarrollo que no atienden si no que debilitarían a las instituciones locales y empobrecerían a los habitantes de las localidades. Los autores ofrecen recomendaciones para que la gestión del gobierno federal sea más efectiva a nivel ambiental y territorial.

Abstract This contribution identifies the socio-environmental dynamics that development policies have generated on community mangroves in three key moments of Mexican history: the 1917 Constitution, the industrialization of the 1950s, and the 1985 neoliberal reforms. Through eight case studies and 180 semi-structured interviews, a conceptual input shapes three scenarios (community, touristified and conserved mangroves) and fifteen categories that synthesize these dynamics. Mangroves are going through a continuous crisis that is arguably provoked by development policies that neglect local institutions and impoverish local inhabitants. This article offers alternatives that the federal government could take into consideration to manage these areas more effectively at the environmental and territorial levels.

Resumo O artigo é uma crítica sobre o quê pensamos sobre a luta por direitos, dirigindo-me, sobretudo, a nós, “críticos do Direito”, partindo de diferentes formas de organização política do campo popular brasileiro e de uma releitura da nossa tradição teórica. Adotamos a hipótese de que as maneiras de conceber a política de emancipação social está atrelada a como diagnosticamos e interpretamos o papel atribuído às lutas por direitos. Nossa contribuição a esse debate dialoga com recentes movimentos, coalizões e plataformas de luta, surgidas no país pós 2013, e que carregam em seus nomes, estratégias de ação e formas de organização política a centralidade da gramática dos direitos. Ilustraremos como essas experiências recentes, organizadas em coalizões e plataformas de sujeitos e de práticas, tramam, concreta e conceitualmente, uma ecologia organizativa de luta social que questiona nossos repertórios tradicionais de análise crítica, trazendo novos problemas sobre o que está em jogo quando abordamos as múltiplas crises da democracia liberal e os papéis da linguagem dos direitos para a transformação social. Em seguida, iremos resgatar, como vislumbre, parte da tradição da crítica dos direitos usualmente trabalhada no país, que tem servido de anteparo teórico para contestar as potencialidades das lutas sociais expressas em gramáticas jurídicas, para coteja-la frente aos caminhos abertos pelas experiências narradas. Propondo acrescentar às tradicionais agendas outra matriz reflexiva para a crítica dos direitos no Brasil, iremos explorar um caminho teórico aberto por nossas agendas de pesquisa recentes, que testa a rentabilidade da crítica dos direitos pensando-a por meio da teoria da organização política, como uma ecologia da práxis, e alguns de seus desdobramentos analíticos. O objetivo é ilustrar a rentabilidade de uma crítica mais política do que prescritiva sobre essas experiências, buscando regenerar nossos repertórios materialistas de análise, em termos “ecológicos”, reconhecendo como a pluralidade criativa de sujeitos e de práticas pode ser transformada em força e não em fraqueza das formas de luta social. dirigindome, dirigindome dirigindo me, me dirigindo-me sobretudo nós críticos Direito, Direito , Direito” teórica movimentos 2013 nomes tramam conceitualmente seguida resgatar vislumbre jurídicas cotejala coteja la narradas Brasil pensandoa pensando práxis analíticos ecológicos, ecológicos “ecológicos” 201 “ecológicos 20 2

Abstract The article critiques our understanding of the struggle for rights, particularly addressing us, "legal critics." It draws on various forms of political organization within Brazil's popular movements and a reinterpretation of our theoretical tradition. We adopt the hypothesis that the ways we conceive the politics of social emancipation are tied to how we diagnose and interpret the role of rights struggles. Our contribution to this debate engages with recent movements, coalitions, and rights advocacy platforms that have emerged in the country post-2013, which emphasize the centrality of rights-based discourse in their names, action strategies, and political organization forms. We will illustrate how these recent experiences, organized in coalitions and platforms of subjects and practices, concretely and conceptually weave an organizational ecology of social struggle that challenges our traditional repertoires of critical analysis, raising new issues concerning the stakes involved when addressing the multiple crises of liberal democracy and the roles of rights language in social transformation. Subsequently, we will revisit, as a glimpse, part of the traditional critique of rights typically developed in the country, which has served as a theoretical bulwark to contest the potentialities of social struggles expressed in legal grammars, comparing it to the paths opened by the narrated experiences. Proposing to add another reflective matrix to the traditional agendas for the critique of rights in Brazil, we will explore a theoretical path opened by our recent research agendas, which tests the profitability of rights critique by considering it through political organization theory, as an ecology of praxis, and some of its analytical developments. The aim is to illustrate the profitability of a critique that is more political than prescriptive regarding these experiences, seeking to regenerate our materialist analysis repertoires in "ecological" terms, recognizing how the creative plurality of subjects and practices can be transformed into a strength rather than a weakness of social struggle forms. us critics. critics Brazils Brazil s tradition post2013, post2013 post 2013, 2013 post-2013 rightsbased based names strategies experiences transformation Subsequently revisit glimpse grammars theory praxis developments ecological "ecological terms post201 201 post-201 post20 20 post-20 post2 2 post-2 post-

Abstract: What should we do in the face of today’s socio-ecological crisis? I respond to this question by proposing relational responsibility as both a wellsuited ethical principle for guiding action in the kinds of situations that accompany this crisis and a notion that establishes an analytical framework for enriching our understanding of the parties and forces involved in such situations. To contextualize and demonstrate the potential of this notion this article draws upon discussions from diverse disciplinary backgrounds, such as philosophy, anthropology, economics, and psychology. The body of the article is divided into three sections. The first two sections aim to situate the discussion in the contrast between the two ways of conceiving the world that face each other when the socio-ecological crisis is approached from a relational responsibility perspective. While the first section examines the ideological foundations fueling this crisis, the second reflects on relationality, an alternative way of understanding the world that has recently been gaining ground in various academic disciplines. Then, the third section addresses relational responsibility within the context of relational ethics and the different ways in which responsibility is commonly understood. The article concludes with some final remarks on the value of relational responsibility in the context of the current socio-ecological crisis, as well as the challenges involved in its adoption in the present situation.

Resumen: ¿Qué hacer frente a la actual crisis socio-ecológica? Este artículo propone la noción de responsabilidad relacional como respuesta a esta pregunta, por tratarse de un principio ético idóneo para orientar la acción ante el tipo de situaciones implicadas en esta crisis; al mismo tiempo que brinda un marco analítico que enriquece las lecturas sobre las partes y fuerzas involucradas en dichas situaciones. Este artículo se vale de la integración y síntesis de reflexiones provenientes de múltiples disciplinas, tales como la filosofía, antropología, economía y psicología, para poner esta noción en contexto y mostrar su potencialidad. El cuerpo del artículo se divide en tres secciones. Las dos primeras tienen el propósito de situar la discusión en el contraste entre las dos formas de concebir el mundo que confluyen cuando la crisis socio-ecológica se aborda desde la responsabilidad relacional. Así, mientras la primera sección, examina los fundamentos ideológicos que alimentan esta crisis; la segunda, reflexiona sobre la relacionalidad, una forma alternativa de entender el mundo que, en el último tiempo, ha ido encontrando lugar en distintas disciplinas académicas. Luego, la tercera sección aborda la responsabilidad relacional en el contexto de la ética relacional y de las distintas formas en que se suele entender la responsabilidad. El artículo concluye con algunas notas finales sobre el valor de la responsabilidad relacional, en el contexto de la actual crisis socio-ecológica, así como de los desafíos que implica su adopción en la situación actual.

ABSTRACT The territories ofNuestra Américahave been subjected to natural and sociopolitical dynamics that put them at risk. However, governmental authorities have preferred to implement strategies borrowed from the so-called developed countries rather than to develop their own strategies based on local past-experiences and knowledge. Therefore, from the need to reflect on the importance of construct proposals for the integral resilience of the territories, considering the characteristics and potential of local ecosystems and sociocultural aspects, the historical particularities and political ecology aspects stand out. Those are important in the construction or strengthening of resilience in Nuestra América.

RESUMEN Los territorios de Nuestra América han estado sometidos a dinámicas naturales y sociopolíticas que los ponen en riesgo. Sin embargo, las autoridades gubernamentales han preferido implementar estrategias de países considerados desarrollados, en lugar de aprender de las experiencias pasadas y emplear el conocimiento local. Por tanto, a partir de la necesidad de reflexionar sobre la importancia de construir propuestas para la resiliencia integral de los territorios, teniendo en cuenta las características y potencialidades ecosistémicas y socioculturales locales, se destacan las particularidades históricas y los aspectos de ecología política a considerar al pensar en la construcción o fortalecimiento de resiliencia en Nuestra América.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza el proceso de constitución y consolidación del campo de la ecología política en América Latina como espacio interdisciplinar en las ciencias sociales. Afirmo que la configuración del campo de estudios surge de la intersección entre dinámicas sociopolíticas y académicas en dos momentos fundamentales: en un primer momento, se decantan las principales líneas de análisis, donde las proposiciones teórico-empíricas se imbrican al activismo y compromiso político de sus principales representantes con procesos específicos; en un segundo momento, se produce la formalización académica y el ensanchamiento del campo de estudios, con nuevas preguntas que se inscriben en el contexto geopolítico global de cambio climático y transición energética, donde desatacan nuevas agendas de investigación transversales en su aporte a la discusión internacional. El artículo aporta una mirada original a los debates interdisciplinares de las ciencias sociales, así como a las discusiones en la relación academia/sociedad.

Abstract: This article analyzes the process of constitution and consolidation of the field of political ecology in Latin America as an interdisciplinary space in the social sciences. We argue that the configuration of the field of study arises from the intersection between sociopolitical and academic dynamics in two fundamental moments: the first moment, the main lines of analysis, where the theoretical-empirical propositions overlap with the activism and political commitment of their principal representatives with specific processes; a second moment, of academic formalization and broadening of the field of studies, with new questions that are part of the current global geopolitical context of climate change and energy transition, where the new cross-cutting research agendas and their contribution to the discussion stand out international. The article provides an original look at the interdisciplinary debates in the social sciences and the discussions on the relationship between academia and society.

Abstract. To address the issue of the urban Anthropocene, it is proposed to inquire into memories, socio-ecological practices, and collaborative relationships among living ecosystems. Based on ethnographic work and secondary sources from three urban situations in Santiago de Chile -garden, square, and third ruderal landscape- the objective is to understand the collaborative interaction between the human and the non-human. The working hypothesis suggests that it is in the expressive and collaborative gestures of subjectivities, desires, and imag inaries that transformative, ecologically sustainable capacities emerge, opening the way to public spaces in cohabitation with living ecosystems. It is concluded that although the three experiences have not been integrated by urban policies, they constitute political exercises and acts of vita activa in the face of urban ecological crisis, opening paths for a collaborative anthropology framed within an ecology of diverse practices and knowledge.

Resumen. Para tratar el problema del Antropoceno urbano se propone interrogar las memorias, las prácticas socioecológicas y las relaciones colaborativas entre ecosistemas vivos. A partir del trabajo etnográfico y fuentes secundarias de tres situaciones urbanas en Santiago de Chile -jardín, plaza y tercer paisaje ruderal-, el objetivo es comprender la interacción colaborativa entre lo humano y lo no-humano. La hipótesis de trabajo plantea que es en los gestos expresivos y colaborativos de subjetividades, deseos e imaginarios que surgen capacidades transformadoras, ecológicamente sustentables y que abren el camino hacia espacios públicos en cohabitación entre ecosistemas vivos. Se concluye que a pesar de que las tres experiencias no han sido integradas por las políticas urbanas, estas constituyen ejercicios políticos y de vita activa frente a la crisis ecológica urbana, lo que abre vías para una antropología colaborativa que se enmarca en una ecología de las prácticas y saberes diversos.

Abstract This essay is a reflection on the field of Social and Solidarity Economy as a variant of Latin American economic thought, heterogeneous and pluralistic, which represents one of the critical synthesis of contemporary thought together with ecological economics and feminist economics. This enabled elements to deconstruct and interpret the socioeconomic processes historically constituted in specific spaces and times, being conceived as a theoretical perspective around the micro and meso-socioeconomic with a strong operational character in terms of its political dimension. A theoretical and practical perspective that democratizes knowledge embedded in territories that dialogue and respond to what De Sousa Santos (2009) calls the ecology of knowledge.

Resumen Este ensayo hace una reflexión sobre el campo de la Economía Social y Solidaria consolidada como una variante del pensamiento económico latinoamericano, heterogéneo y pluralista. Representa una de la síntesis crítica del pensamiento contemporáneo junto a la economía ecológica y la economía feminista y cuenta con los elementos necesarios para deconstruir e interpretar los procesos socioeconómicos históricamente constituidos en espacios y tiempos determinados. Es una perspectiva teórica en torno a lo micro y meso-socioeconómico con un fuerte carácter operativo en cuanto a su dimensión política. Esta corriente teórica y práctica democratiza los conceptos imbricados en territorios que dialogan y responden a lo que De Sousa Santos (2009) denomina ecología de saberes.

Abstract This article examines the new scenarios, formats and dimensions of crime in extractivism in Latin America, from a critical perspective, with a combination of economics/political ecology. An analysis of the intertwining dynamics that occur between the legal/formal aspects, the dispossession policies that are promoted from the spheres of power and the illicit/criminal economies is presented. This prism allows us to highlight the weight of these economies in the composition of extractivism, as well as analyze the evolution and development of the dynamics of legal/illegal accumulation throughout the Latin American historical process. In this sense, the article briefly highlights the historicity of said relationship to later examine characteristics and trends of the current economy/political ecology of extractivism. From a multi-scalar analysis we observe three complementary levels: a) Illicit/criminal extractions of natural resources, b) Intertwined illicit flows of commodities and c) New statehoods and hybrid governances. The hidden hybridizations that, from financial, fiscal, logistical, business and state spheres, enable and strengthen these violent extractions and illicit flows of natural resources are highlighted. At the same time, the analysis seeks to expand and strengthen the conceptualizations of extractivism.

Resumo Este artigo examina os novos cenários, formatos e dimensões do crime no extrativismo na América Latina, a partir de uma perspectiva crítica, com uma combinação de economia/ecologia política. É apresentada uma análise das dinâmicas entrelaçadas que ocorrem entre os aspectos legais/formais, as políticas de desapropriação que são promovidas a partir das esferas de poder e as economias ilícitas/criminosas. Este prisma permite-nos destacar o peso destas economias na composição do extrativismo, bem como analisar a evolução e o desenvolvimento das dinâmicas de acumulação legal/ilegal ao longo do processo histórico latino-americano. Nesse sentido, o artigo destaca brevemente a historicidade dessa relação para posteriormente examinar características e tendências da economia/ecologia política atual do extrativismo. A partir de uma análise multiescalar, observamos três níveis complementares: a) Extrações ilícitas/criminosas de recursos naturais, b) Fluxos ilícitos entrelaçados de mercadorias ec) Novos estados e governações híbridas. São destacadas as hibridizações ocultas que, desde as esferas financeira, fiscal, logística, empresarial e estatal, permitem e fortalecem estas extrações violentas e fluxos ilícitos de recursos naturais. Ao mesmo tempo, a análise procura expandir e fortalecer as conceituações do extrativismo.

Resumen Este artículo examina los nuevos escenarios, formatos y dimensiones de la criminalidad en el extractivismo en América Latina, desde una perspectiva crítica, con una combinación de economía/ecología política. Se presenta un análisis de las dinámicas de entrelazamiento que se producen entre las vertientes legales/formales, las políticas de despojo que se impulsan desde las esferas de poder y las economías ilícitas/criminales. Este prisma permite poner de relieve el peso de dichas economías en la composición del extractivismo, así como analizar la evolución y el desarrollo de las dinámicas de acumulación legales/ilegales a lo largo del proceso histórico latinoamericano. En este sentido, el artículo resalta brevemente la historicidad de dicha relación para, más adelante, examinar características y tendencias de la actual economía/ecología política del extractivismo. Desde un análisis multiescalar observamos tres niveles complementarios: a) Extracciones ilícitas/criminales de recursos de la naturaleza, b) Flujos ilícitos entrelazados de commodities y c) Nuevas estatalidades y gobernanzas híbridas. Se resaltan los ocultamientos hibridaciones que, desde ámbitos financieros, fiscales, logísticos, empresariales y estatales, posibilitan y fortalecen estas extracciones violentas y los flujos ilícitos de recursos de la naturaleza. A su vez, el análisis persigue ampliar y robustecer las conceptualizaciones sobre extractivismo.

ABSTRACT The theme of “citizenship”, object of study in the social and political sciences, is also addressed in the Social Doctrine of the Church. An example of this is the concept of “integral ecology” developed in the encyclical letter Laudato si´ (LS).1 The analysis of the two concepts allows a broader understanding of both, making it a contemporary and relevant reflection for the debate on the care for the common home and the participation of people in society. This article intends to explain how the notion of citizenship dialogues with the concept of integral ecology, so that the understanding of one and the understanding of the other are mutually enriched. To this end, A. Cortina’s theory of citizenship and the vision of ecology of Catholic social thought will be analyzed, highlighting the elements of contact and convergence between them. In this way, it makes explicit that as citizens exercise their rights, they will contribute to the creation of favorable conditions in the struggle for an integral ecology. On the other hand, commitment to caring for our common home implies guaranteeing a dignified life for people as members of society. citizenship, , “citizenship” sciences Church si LS.1 LS1 LS .1 1 (LS). both society enriched end A Cortinas Cortina s analyzed them way rights hand “citizenship LS. . (LS) (LS

RESUMO O tema da “cidadania”, que é objeto de estudo das ciências sociais e políticas, também é tratado na Doutrina Social da Igreja. Exemplo disso é o conceito de “ecologia integral” desenvolvido na Carta encíclica Laudato si´ (2015). A análise dos dois conceitos permite uma compreensão ampliada de ambos tornando-se uma reflexão atual e relevante para o debate sobre o cuidado da casa comum e a participação das pessoas na sociedade. Neste artigo, pretende-se explicitar como a noção de cidadania dialoga com o conceito de ecologia integral, de modo que o entendimento de um e o entendimento do outro são mutuamente enriquecidos. Para tanto, serão analisadas a teoria da cidadania de A. Cortina e a visão de ecologia do pensamento social católico, destacando-se os elementos de contato e convergência entre eles. Dessa forma, explicita-se que à medida que os cidadãos e as cidadãs exercerem seus direitos, eles contribuirão para que se configurem condições favoráveis à luta por uma ecologia integral. Por outro lado, o emprenho no cuidado da casa comum implica a garantia da vida digna das pessoas como membros da sociedade. cidadania, , “cidadania” políticas Igreja integral si 2015. 2015 . (2015) tornandose tornando sociedade artigo pretendese pretende enriquecidos tanto católico destacandose destacando forma explicitase explicita direitos lado “cidadania 201 (2015 20 (201 2 (20 (2 (

ABSTRACT What is the political agenda that animates, justifies, and legitimizes resource extractivism in the context of sustainability transformations and climate action enhanced? This is a question of growing relevance across geographies and sectors of activity that we aim to address from the Latin American countryside. To this end, we start with a discussion on the political economy and ecology of contemporary agrarian extractivism. Then, we turn to examine the role of diverse state and social actors in the rise of agroextractivism for climate stewardship in Bolivia, Guatemala, and Paraguay. In Bolivia, the alliance of Evo Morales with diverse classes of capital and reliance on the extractive economy ultimately led to his downfall as he lost support from his social bases and was unwilling to give up state power. The rise of the flex sugarcane and oil palm complexes in Guatemala since the mid-2000s relies on the new political agenda of ‘authoritarian corporate populism’. This involves political concessions to the underprivileged through public grants and multistakeholder governance, as in conventional populist political regimes. But additionally, authoritarian corporate populism involves concessions to working people and the environment in the private production realm. Violence, however, remains foundational to this political agenda, even if it is now cloaked in the rule of law. In Paraguay, the fierce rejection of Fernando Lugo’s tepid attempts to regulate the agribusiness sector culminated in a “parliamentary coup” orchestrated by the landlord class and preceded by spectacular acts of violence against peasants. The coup paved the way for the continuing expansion of an agroextractive export model characterized by the adoption of new genetically modified soy varieties, recurring state violence, and increasing campesino and indigenous dispossession and marginalization. Following the three country-analysis we discuss how the alliance among state actors, elites and agroextractivist capital, including through multistakeholder initiatives, have limited the transformative potential of progressive governments to improve the living conditions of the working people. In so doing, the triple alliance relies on the traditional strategies of influencing regulatory frameworks and legitimizing discourses. But it also relies on new political strategies that combine the manufacturing of popular consent to the agroextractivist order with violence and selective repression cloaked in the rule of law. We conclude stressing how the ´green´ ecomodernist turn of the agroextractivist agenda shifts attention away from the paradox of increasing the use of natural resources to cool down the planet. Rather, it privileges the sort of technical-administrative innovations that various flex crops complexes require to reproduce their necessary natural and social conditions of production of bioenergy and biomaterials for ‘the common good.’

RESUMEN ¿Cuál es la agenda política que anima, justifica y legitima el extractivismo de recursos en el marco de las transformaciones hacia la creciente sustentabilidad y la acción climática? Esta es una cuestión de creciente relevancia a nivel mundial y multisectorial a la que buscamos ofrecer respuestas desde el campo latinoamericano. Para ello comenzamos con un debate sobre la economía y la ecología política del extractivismo agrario contemporáneo. Después examinamos el papel de diversos actores estatales y sociales tras el auge del agroextractivismo en la acción climática en Bolivia, Guatemala y Paraguay. En Bolivia, las alianzas de Evo Morales con diversas clases de capital y su dependencia de la economía extractiva acabaron provocando su caída al perder el apoyo de sus bases y no estar dispuesto a renunciar al poder del Estado. El auge reciente de los complejos de cultivos comodín de la caña de azúcar y la palma aceitera en Guatemala se asienta sobre la nueva agenda del ‘populismo corporativo autoritario.’ Esta conlleva concesiones políticas a las personas más desfavorecidas a través de transferencias públicas y de sistemas de gobernanza multiparte, como en el caso de los regímenes políticos populistas convencionales. Pero además el populismo corporativo autoritario implica concesiones a las clases trabajadoras y al medio ambiente en el ámbito productivo privado. La violencia, sin embargo, sigue siendo clave en esta agenda política del poder, aun si ahora se legitima bajo la defensa del Estado de Derecho. En Paraguay, el feroz rechazo a los intentos de Fernando Lugo para regular el agronegocio culminó en un ‘golpe parlamentario’ orquestado por la clase terrateniente y precedido por violencia extrema contra el campesinado. El golpe facilitó la expansión de un modelo agroextractivo caracterizado por la adopción de nuevas variedades de soja genéticamente modificadas, la violencia estatal y el despojo y marginación de la población campesina e indígena. Tras este análisis por países planteamos una discusión mas general sobre cómo las alianzas entre actores estatales, elites y capital agroextractivo, incluyendo a través de iniciativas de gobernanza multiparte, han debilitado el potencial transformador de gobiernos progresistas para mejorar las condiciones de vida de las y los trabajadores. Con este fin, la triple alianza no sólo recurre a las tradicionales estrategias de influencia sobre marcos normativos y discursos legitimadores, sino también a nuevas estrategias políticas que combinan la generación de consentimiento popular al orden agroextractivista con la violencia y represión selectiva amparada en la defensa del Estado de Derecho. Concluimos subrayando cómo el giro ecomodernista 'verde' en la agenda politica del agroextractivismo desplaza la atención de la paradoja del creciente uso de recursos naturales para enfriar el planeta hacia las innovaciones técnico-administrativas que requieren diversos complejos corporativos de cultivos comodín para reproducir sus condiciones naturales y sociales de producción de bioenergía y biomateriales por ‘el bien común.’

Abstract This documentary research develops a study on the School Environmental Projects Program (PRAE), focusing on its theoretical and pedagogical aspects, and its influence on the formation of environmental subjectivities in the school context. The article advocates for a critical interpretation of environmental education from the principles of ecological ethics and political ecology. It problematizes the instrumental, extractivist, and conservationist approaches that have historically predominated within the field. In methodological terms, the research adopted a framework of documentary analysis, with a dual hermeneutic-emancipatory interest, and divides its structure into two complementary parts: the development of an analytical review on the institutional emergence of the PRAE under educational policies of Decree 1743 of 1994 and the National Policy of Environmental Education of 2004. This constitutes a prelude to the critical evaluation of its qualities and gaps in terms of its capacity to agency ecological subjects. It also explores the pedagogical potential of the categories of subjectivity and experience, as possible catalysts for a transcendental and meaningful environmental education through the PRAE.

Resumen La presente investigación documental desarrolla un estudio sobre el programa de Proyectos Ambientales Escolares (PRAE), con enfoque en sus aspectos teóricos y pedagógicos, y en su influencia en la formación de subjetividades ambientales en el contexto escolar. El artículo reivindica la interpretación crítica de la educación ambiental, desde los principios de la ética ecológica y la ecología política. Polemiza los enfoques instrumentales, extractivistas y conservacionistas que a lo largo de la historia han predominado dentro del campo. En términos metodológicos, la investigación adopta el marco del análisis documental, con un interés doble: hermenéutico emancipatorio, y divide su estructura en dos partes complementarias: el desarrollo de una reseña analítica sobre el surgimiento institucional del PRAE, bajo políticas educativas que recoge el Decreto 1743 de 1994 y la Política Nacional de Educación Ambiental de 2004. Ello sirve de preludio a la evaluación crítica de sus cualidades y vacíos en función de su capacidad para agenciar sujetos ecológicos. También se explora el potencial pedagógico de las categorías de subjetividad y experiencia, como posibles catalizadores de una educación ambiental trascendente y significativa por medio del PRAE.

Abstract Although extractive activities have accompanied the Westernization of Latin American and, in that sense, have defined its geostrategic role, both the process of widening extractive borders and decarbonization consensus have radicalized this model in the territories, have deepened the intimate inequality gaps, and reprimarized the economy in the region. This expansion and deepening of extractive borders have been possible due to systematic violations of Human Rights and the Rights of Nature. The main objective of this work is to insert itself into the debate of the extractive model in Latin America, seeking to contribute some conceptual precisions to the notion of extractivism. The emphasis is on the Eduardo Gudynas proposal: extraheccionism. It is essentially a theoretical work, supported by Political Ecology and Decolonial Turn notions; is framed in the Latin American socio-historical context and its aim is not to propose definitive analytical categories, but rather to insert oneself in the reflection of energy socioecological transition, emphasizing both these extractive models, as well as the energy colonialism behind them.

Resumen Si bien las actividades extractivas han acompañado la occidentalización de Latinoamérica y, en ese sentido, han definido su rol estratégico geobiopolítico, tanto el proceso de ampliación de las fronteras extractivas como el “Consenso de la Descarbonización” han radicalizado el modelo extractivo imperante en los territorios, han ahondado las profundas brechas de desigualdad y han reprimarizado la economía en la región. Esta ampliación y profundización de las fronteras extractivas ha sido posible gracias a las sistemáticas violaciones a los derechos humanos y los “Derechos de la Naturaleza”. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es insertarse en el debate sobre los modelos extractivos en América Latina, buscando aportar algunas precisiones conceptuales a la noción de extractivismo. Se hace énfasis en la propuesta de Eduardo Gudynas: el extraheccionismo. Es un trabajo esencialmente teórico, apoyado en algunas nociones lanzadas por la vertiente de la Ecología Política y el Giro Decolonial; se enmarca esencialmente en el contexto sociohistórico latinoamericano y su afán no es proponer categorías analíticas definitivas, sino más bien insertarse en el debate contemporáneo alrededor de la transición energética socioecológica, colocando bajo la lupa tanto estos modelos extractivos, así como el colonialismo energético tras ellos.

Abstract The water implications, in conjunction with the environmental aspects, of agro-industrial development in Jalisco are analyzed, specifically focusing on the tequila production chain. This analysis considers the fluctuations in water policy, water management, and environmental policy, considering the socio-environmental impacts that arise as consequences within the tequila production chain projected towards a strategic agro-industrial development in a free market context, which has caused direct and indirect environmental impacts in a significant part of the state of Jalisco. To achieve the objective, methods from different disciplinary backgrounds were employed, including a critical retrospective analysis of water management history, causal tracing analysis, and public policy analysis, due to the starting theoretical relevance that is Political Ecology. One of the main findings revolves around the dilemma between mitigating socio-environmental impacts and achieving profitability schemes.

Resumen Se analizan las implicaciones hídricas en conjunción de las ambientales del desarrollo agroindustrial en Jalisco, en específico de la cadena productiva del tequila; ante los vaivenes de la política hídrica, la gestión del agua, y la política ambiental ante las afectaciones socioambientales como consecuencias en la cadena productiva del tequila proyectada hacia un desarrollo agroindustrial estratégico de libre mercado que ha originado impactos ambientales directos e indirectos en gran parte del estado de Jalisco. Para lograr el objetivo se utilizaron métodos de enfoque mixto: trabajo de análisis cualitativo y estadística inferencial por la pertinencia teórica de partida que es la Ecología política sobre un Estudio de caso. Uno de los principales hallazgos versa sobre el dilema que surge para productores de agave e industriales del tequila en atender o no la prevención y mitigación de afectaciones socioambientales del agua y la desigualdad social y la consecución de los esquemas de rentabilidad propios de la inercia de mercado.

Resumen Observar qué imágenes sobre el colapso climático surgen en el público joven del cine ambiental es el objetivo principal de este artículo, que cumple la doble función de relacionar el arte con la percepción ambiental y apuntar a los nuevos paradigmas de educación ambiental, partiendo de la ecología política. Tales imágenes se refieren a un campo que es a la vez discursivo y poético, ya que existe la reproducción de imágenes poéticas relacionadas con el fin del mundo tal como lo es conocido hoy, y al mismo tiempo hacen resonar macro tendencias discursivas en temas ambientales. Los conceptos de resonancia discursiva y macro tendencias de la educación ambiental son instrumentos centrales en esta observación. Con la recolección y análisis de datos cualitativos, se identificó cómo estas imágenes influyen en la percepción ambiental del grupo de jóvenes latinoamericanos considerados aquí. artículo política poético hoy ambientales observación cualitativos aquí

Abstract Observing which images of climate collapse emerge in young audiences of environmental cinema is the main objective of this article, which fulfills the dual function of relating art to environmental perception and pointing to new paradigms in environmental education, based on political ecology. These images refer to a field that is both discursive and poetic, since there is the reproduction of poetic images related to the end of the world as it is known today, and simultaneously resonate discursive macro-trends in environmental themes. The concepts of discursive resonance and macro-trends in environmental education are central tools in this observation. Through qualitative data collection and analysis, we identified how these images influence the environmental perception of the group of young Latin Americans considered here. article ecology today macrotrends macro trends themes observation analysis here

Resumo Observar quais imagens sobre o colapso climático emergem no público jovem de cinema ambiental é o objetivo principal deste artigo, que cumpre a dupla função de relacionar arte com percepção ambiental e apontar aos novos paradigmas da educação ambiental, com base na ecologia política. Tais imagens remetem a um campo que é ao mesmo tempo discursivo e poético, já que há a reprodução de imagens poéticas relacionadas ao fim do mundo como é conhecido hoje, e simultaneamente ressoam macrotendências discursivas em temas ambientais. Os conceitos de ressonância discursiva e de macrotendências da educação ambiental são instrumentos centrais nessa observação. Com coleta e análise qualitativas de dados, identificou-se como essas imagens influenciam na percepção ambiental do grupo de jovens latino-americanos aqui considerados. artigo política poético hoje ambientais observação dados identificouse identificou se latinoamericanos latino americanos considerados