Abstract: The Diocese of Chihuahua is related to the impulse of Rerum Novarum, its first three bishops supported social Catholicism. It was characterized by its peaceful orientation, in the porfirista stage they respected the political authorities, they were alien to the armed resistance. However, in the second half of the 1920s they changed their pacifist attitude to a defensive one and even motivated them to decide on the war option. On January 23, 1927, the Revista Católica, published in El Paso, Texas, a plan for an armed religious uprising, whose objective was to overthrow Plutarco Elías Calles. What caused the change and prompted the armed option? What happened to this plan?

Resumen: La Diócesis de Chihuahua promocionó, a inicios del siglo XX, la Rerum Novarum: sus tres primeros obispos impulsaron un catolicismo social exitoso, se distinguieron por su orientación pacífica, durante la etapa porfirista respetaron las autoridades políticas y fueron ajenos a la resistencia armada. Sin embargo, en la segunda mitad de los años veinte adoptaron una actitud defensiva que incluso los motivó a elegir la opción bélica. El 23 de enero de 1927, la Revista Católica publicó, en El Paso, Texas, un plan de levantamiento armado, cuyo objetivo era derrocar al gobierno federal de Plutarco Elías Calles. ¿Qué originó el cambio y motivó a la opción armada, qué pasó con dicho plan?

Tolstoy'sfiction is part of the cultural background of the South African intelligentsia. Moreover, generations of South Africans have been introduced to Tolstoy through screen adaptations of hisfiction, including Hollywood blockbusters and acclaimed TV series such as Anna Karenina (1935, 1948 and 2012) and War and Peace (1956 and 2016). Such exposure may well be the reason why, in the late 1990s, a survey among South African students of their perceptions of Russia showed that Tolstoy was the best-known Russian writer. During his lifetime, Tolstoy's work and personality were discussed extensively in Russia and abroad, including South Africa. He was one of the most influential and authoritative writers in the world and remained the best-known Russian author in South Africa. Tolstoy was the only writer of Imperial Russia who, for decades, received letters and guests from South Africa. His statements on the Anglo-Boer War of1899-1902 (also known as the South African War) attracted international attention which none of his Russian colleagues could match. Tolstoy wrote on South Africa, and his work was widely read there. Thanks to his erudition, ability to discern global trends, and interest in world culture and philosophy, Tolstoy had a profound understanding of political events in countries that he never visited and inspired leaders of liberation movements that he never met. His influence on South African realist literature can be traced throughout the twentieth century. This study of Tolstoy's and South Africans' views of each other focuses on Afrikaners, because in the last ten years of his life the Russian author often wrote and spoke about them, as is evident from his published works, correspondence and the archival material in the Tolstoy museums in Moscow and Yasnaya Polyana in Russia that were used for this paper. Furthermore, Afrikaner authors seem to have referred to Tolstoy's work remarkably often. By exploring these references, one can ascertain why Tolstoy's writing remained relevant to Afrikaners and other South Africans for more than a century. In the 1890s and 1900s, Tolstoy continued to develop his doctrine of not resisting evil with violence. He used information on the Anglo-Boer War to test his radical pacifist ideas. His protest against British imperialism in Africa echoed that of other world-famous humanist writers, such as Bjornstjerne Bjornson, Theodore Dreiser, Anatole France, Romain Rolland, Bernard Shaw, Bertha von Suttner and Mark Twain. But, unlike most of them, Tolstoy refused to support the Boers unconditionally. He sympathised with the defenders of the Boer republics, but as a principled opponent ofviolence he condemned those Christian people for engaging in armed struggle and killing, which he regarded as a mortal sin. During the transitional and guerrilla phases of the war, Tolstoy came to regard the continued Boer resistance to British invasion as a triumph of moral strength over immorality. He viewed the South African military conflict in a global context, as a typical war of a new era. Reflecting on the news from South Africa, he concluded that such wars were characterised by immoral goals and methods of warfare, and by non-participation in hostilities by those who directly benefitted from the hostilities (big entrepreneurs manipulating the government). Tolstoy argued that European governments were not interested in eradicating militarism, but nonviolent protest by ordinary people could well put an end to war. However, Tolstoy believed Russians, unlike participants in mass pro-Boer campaigns, were not to concern themselves with such protest because instead their main tasks were moral self-improvement and tackling injustice in their homeland. His concern with affairs in South Africa was limited to the Anglo-Boer War and the Indian civil rights campaign of the 1900s led by Gandhi, whose doctrine of satyagraha was partly based on Tolstoy's ethical teachings. Still, Tolstoy's influence on Afrikaner culture has been evident for over a century. Apartfrom direct contact, such as visits and letters to the Russian writer, Afrikaner cultural figures promoted his work, translated his fiction into Afrikaans and published their translations in almost every decade up to the 1990s. Along with other distinguished novelists of the late Imperial Russia, Tolstoy was viewed by Afrikaans authors as an exemplary realist writer who set standards that they aspired to but often regarded as unattainable. It only applied to his fiction, because Tolstoy's confessional writings and philosophical treatises did not seem to be recognised by Afrikaans authors, especially not after the Second World War. For these authors, Tolstoy was primarily a fiction writer. Tolstoy's work featured in South African literary debates with regard to resistance to abusive state authority and grappled with censorship. His fiction reminded South Africans of the humanist ideals that were meant to guide those who wanted to bring about positive change in an unjust, deeply divided society. Tolstoy's work stimulated introspection and reflection on literary mastery, the ethical standards of a writer and one's purpose in life.

Tolstoi was die enigste skrywer in Imperiale Rusland wat oor dekades briewe en gaste uit Suid-Afrika ontvang het. Sy stellings oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899-1902 het internasionaal aandag getrek op 'n wyse wat geeneen van sy Russiese kollegas kon ewenaar nie. Tolstoi het oor Suid-Afrika geskryf, waar sy werk wyd gelees is. Tolstoi se invloed op Suid-Afrikaanse realistiese¹ letterkunde is deur die hele twintigste eeu merkbaar. Hierdie studie van Tolstoi en Suid-Afrikaanse skrywers se sieninge van mekaar fokus op Afrikaners, want Tolstoi het in die laaste tien jaar van sy lewe dikwels oor hulle geskryf en gepraat. Afgesien van regstreekse kontak, soos besoeke en briewe aan die Russiese skrywer, het Afrikaner-kultuurfigure sy werk bevorder, sy fiksie in Afrikaans vertaal en hul vertalings in feitlik elke dekade tot die 1990's gepubliseer. Tolstoi, soos ook ander vooraanstaande romansiers in laat Imperiale Rusland, is deur Afrikaanse skrywers beskou as 'n toonbeeld van 'n realistiese skrywer wat standaarde gestel het waarna hulle gestreef het maar wat hulle dikwels ook as onhaalbaar beskou het. Tolstoi se werk het in Suid-Afrikaanse literêre debatte oor weerstand teen onregmatige staatsgesag en sensuur gefigureer. Sy fiksie het Suid-Afrikaners herinner aan die humanistiese ideale wat as rigsnoere moes dien vir diegene wat positiewe verandering in 'n onregverdige en diep verdeelde samelewing teweeg wou bring. Tolstoi se werk het introspeksie en nadenke oor literêre uitnemendheid, die etiese standaarde van 'n skrywer en 'n mens se lewensdoel gestimuleer.

Resumo O objectivo do trabalho é analisar as relações políticas entre Moçambique e África do Sul no período 1975 e 1992 para perceber os seus reflexos na interacção económico-comercial bilateral. O desenvolvimento deste trabalho norteia-se pelas questões seguintes: Como é que as relações políticas entre Moçambique e África do Sul evoluíram durante o período 1975-1992? De que forma a evolução de tais relações se reflectiu na interacção económica e comercial entre os dois países? Do ponto de vista dos procedimentos técnicos, a pesquisa foi desenvolvida utilizando a documentação indireta com recurso do método histórico, o qual permitiu conhecer o dinamismo da interacção entre Moçambique e África do Sul em vários domínios, com destaque para as esferas económica e política. Conclui-se que África do Sul, no seu relacionamento com Moçambique entre 1975 e 1992 procurou sempre defender o seu interesse nacional (sobrevivência do regime do Apartheid), recorrendo a agressões militares directas e indirectas para a desestabilização política e económica, com intuito de manter Moçambique na posição de dependência e como fonte de mão-de-obra barata para as empresas mineiras. Em contraposição, Moçambique enveredou por uma via pacifista negocial, ciente da sua incapacidade militar e económica de enfrentar o poder hegemónico da África do Sul, mas com vontade de reduzir a sua dependência em relação a esse país.

Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las relaciones políticas entre Mozambique y Sudáfrica entre 1975 y 1992, con el fin de comprender sus efectos en la interacción económico-comercial bilateral. Su desarrollo está guiado por las siguientes preguntas: ¿Cómo evolucionaron las relaciones políticas entre Mozambique y Sudáfrica durante el período 1975-1992? ¿Cómo se ha reflejado la evolución de tales relaciones en la interacción económica y comercial entre los dos países? Desde el punto de vista de los procedimientos técnicos, la investigación se desarrolló utilizando documentación indirecta y exploración histórica, lo que permitió descubrir el dinamismo de la interacción entre Mozambique y Sudáfrica en varios aspectos, con énfasis en las esferas económica y política. Se concluye que Sudáfrica, en su relación con Mozambique, entre 1975 y 1992, siempre buscó defender su interés nacional (en la persistencia del apartheid), recurriendo a la agresión militar directa e indirecta para la desestabilización política y económica, con el objetivo de mantener a Mozambique en una posición dependiente y como fuente de mano de obra barata para las empresas mineras. Al contrario, Mozambique emprendió un camino de negociación pacifista, consciente de su incapacidad militar y económica para hacer frente a la potencia hegemónica de Sudáfrica, pero dispuesto a reducir su dependencia de ese país.

Abstract The objective of this work is to analyze the political relations between Mozambique and South Africa between 1975 and 1992, in order to understand their effects on bilateral economic-commercial interaction. The development of this work was guided by the following questions: How did political relations between Mozambique and South Africa evolve during the period 1975-1992? How has the evolution of such relations affect the economic and commercial interaction between the two countries? From the point of view of technical procedures, the investigation was developed using indirect documentation and historical exploration, which made it possible to discover the dynamism of the interaction between Mozambique and South Africa in various domains, with emphasis on the economic and political spheres. The findings of this study reveal that South Africa's primary motive was to safeguard its national interests, the main of which was to preserve the Apartheid regime. As a result, South Africa resorted to direct and indirect military aggressions, leading to political and economic instability, in order to keep Mozambique in a dependent position, as a source of low-cost labour for mining companies. Conversely, Mozambique maintained a pacifist approach, recognizing its military and economic limitations, and opted for negotiations to reduce its dependence on South Africa.

RESUMEN Este texto busca cuestionar el carácter dicotómico entre cuestiones normativas sobre ciudadanía, derechos de los niños, participación y poder y su aplicación a la práctica en lo cotidiano de las relaciones intra e intergeneracionales. Como alternativa, propone un abordaje articulado entre los referentes epistemológicos y ontológicos de la Sociología de la Infancia y la Investigación para la Paz, a partir del reconocimiento mutuo y la calidad de las interacciones generacionales cotidianas para construir integralmente la identidad del niño y promover su participación y agencia pacifista en la construcción de una cultura de paz. El artículo también identifica a la Investigación Participativa con Niñez como una herramienta que facilita acercamientos más amplios y fluidos a cuestiones de poder intra e intergeneracional, base de un pacto intergeneracional emancipatorio. ciudadanía niños intergeneracionales alternativa Paz paz emancipatorio

RESUMO Este texto procura questionar o caráter dicotômico entre questões normativas de cidadania, direitos da criança, participação e poder e a sua aplicação à prática no quotidiano dos relacionamentos intra e intergeracionais. Em alternativa propõe um enfoque articulado entre os referenciais epistemológicos e ontológicos da Sociologia da Infância e da Investigação para a Paz, assente no reconhecimento mútuo e na qualidade das interações geracionais diárias em ordem à construção plena da identidade da criança e à promoção da sua participação e agência pacifista na construção de uma cultura de paz. O artigo identifica também a Investigação Participativa com Crianças como ferramenta facilitadora de abordagens mais amplas e fluidas de questões de poder intra e intergeracional, fundante de um pacto intergeracional emancipatório. cidadania intergeracionais Paz paz emancipatório

ABSTRACT This text aims to question the dichotomous character of normative questions regarding citizenship, children's rights, power and participation and their application to daily intra and intergenerational relationships. Alternatively, it proposes an articulated approach to the epistemological and ontological references of the Sociology of Childhood and Research for Peace, supported by the mutual recognition between the quality of daily intergenerational interactions during the construction of a child's identity and promoting their participation and pacifist agency while building a culture of peace. It is also the aim of this text to frame Participatory Research with Children as a more fluid and broader approach regarding questions of intra and intergenerational power, as a foundation for an emancipatory intergenerational pact. citizenship childrens children s rights relationships Alternatively Peace childs child peace pact

Resumen Tomar conciencia de la vulnerabilidad humana y de la mutua interdependencia es condición esencial para el compromiso y la transformación social. De ahí la necesidad de situar el cuidado en el centro del debate social y político, más allá de cualquier rol de género. El objetivo del artículo es revisar la propuesta de masculinidades cuidadoras de reciente aparición pues, como señala Joan Tronto, cambiar los valores y las prácticas sobre cómo los hombres se relacionan con el cuidado es la siguiente fase de la revolución democrática. A la luz de ese objetivo el artículo se organiza en cuatro apartados. El primero dilucida las dos dimensiones del cuidado: como praxis y como principio, señalando el modo en que la praxis del cuidado contribuye al cultivo y desarrollo del cuidado como principio. El segundo apartado se acerca al campo de estudios de masculinidades para revisar el concepto emergente de masculinidades cuidadoras y su potencial. Por otro lado, sin abandonar los estudios de masculinidades, el tercer apartado trata de clarificar algunos malentendidos sobre el cuidado que han llevado a otros autores a desatender las aportaciones del cuidado en el camino hacia unas nuevas masculinidades. Finalmente, en el cuarto apartado, se revisa la delicadeza como eje vector que une el cuidado y la justicia como hebras de un mismo tapiz, superando dicotomías reduccionistas. Se concluye con una propuesta de masculinidades justas y cuidadoras, conscientes de la necesidad de cultivar el modo-de-ser-cuidado como parte de la agencia pacifista.

Abstract Becoming aware of human vulnerability and mutual interdependence is an essential condition for commitment and social transformation. Hence, the need to place care at the center of the social and political debate, beyond any gender role. The objective of the article is to review the proposal of caring masculinities, since, as Joan Tronto points out, changing the values and practices on how men relate to care is the next phase of the democratic revolution. Considering this objective, the article is organized into four sections. The first section elucidates the two dimensions of care: as a praxis and as a principle, showing how the praxis of care contributes to the cultivation and development of care as a principle. The second section approaches the studies of masculinities to review the emerging concept of caring masculinities and its potential. Without abandoning the studies of masculinities, the third section examines, on the other hand, the misunderstandings about care that lead some authors to neglect the contributions of care on the way to new masculinities. Finally, in the fourth section, delicacy is reviewed as a vector axis that unites care and justice as threads of the same tapestry, overcoming reductionist dichotomies. It concludes with a proposal for a fair and caring masculinities, aware of the need to cultivate the way-of-being-care as part of the pacifist agency.

Abstract: This is a critical review of a biography of Elisa Branco, written by Jorge Ferreira. Branco was a militant for pacifist and feminist causes, who lived in São Paulo between 1912 and 2001. The review briefly analyzes the author’s academic trajectory, reports some important facts about the biographer’s trajectory, as well as the book’s relationship with the debate about biographies in historiography writing. Abstract Ferreira causes 191 2001 authors author s trajectory biographers biographer books book writing 19 200 1 20 2

Resumo : Trata-se da resenha crítica de uma biografia de Elisa Branco, escrita por Jorge Ferreira. Branco foi uma militante pelas causas pacifistas e feministas, que viveu em São Paulo entre 1912 e 2001. Na resenha é analisada brevemente a trajetória acadêmica do autor, são relatados alguns fatos importantes sobre a trajetória da biografada, bem como as relações do livro com o debate acerca das biografias na escrita historiográfica. Tratase Trata se Ferreira feministas 191 2001 autor biografada historiográfica 19 200 1 20 2

Résumé Cet article vise à étudier le pacifisme et la recherche sur la paix (peace research) par rapport à la théorie politique des relations internationales qui considèrent la guerre comme un objet d’étude et d’analyse primordiale tout au long de la pensée moderne. En utilisant des recherches historiques et bibliographiques, nous avons l’intention d’identifier le pacifisme et la paix comme un droit humain et fondamental dans l’ordre international et dans l’ordre juridique interne. Notre objectif est donc de comprendre la pensée pacifiste en droit international et comment la paix peut représenter la logique des relations entre les nations au XXIe siècle et comment elle signifie un droit fondamental de protection dans l’ordre national et international.

Resumo O presente artigo tem por objetivo o estudo do pacifismo e das pesquisas sobre a paz (peace research) em relação à teoria política das relações internacionais que consideram a guerra como objeto de estudo e análise primordial ao longo do pensamento moderno. Utilizando-nos de uma pesquisa histórica e bibliográfica pretendemos identificar o pacifismo e a paz como direito humano e fundamental na ordem internacional e no ordenamento jurídico interno. Nosso objetivo, portanto, consiste em entender o pensamento pacifista no direito internacional e como a paz pode representar a lógica das relações entre as nações no século XXI e como significa um direito fundamental de resguardo na ordem interna e internacional.

Abstract This article aims to study pacifism and peace research in relation to the political theory of international relations that consider war as an object of study and primordial analysis throughout modern thought. Using historical and bibliographical research we intend to identify pacifism and peace as a human and fundamental right in the international order and in the internal legal order. Our goal, therefore, is to understand pacifist thinking in international law and how peace can represent the logic of relations between nations in the 21st century and how it means a fundamental right of protection in the domestic and international order.

RESUMEN. Este artículo pretende revitalizar una disciplina que ha permanecido inexplorada en los últimos años: la polemología. Esta disciplina, surgida a mediados del siglo XX para comprender la complejidad del fenómeno de la guerra, sus disímiles causas y consecuencias, ha sido aislada y catalogada como belicista. En ese sentido, mediante la revisión de sus principales postulados y su aplicación a las teorías de cooperación internacional, este artículo rescata su influjo pacifista y positivo. Para ello, se estudian las relaciones entre Chile y Perú, que demuestran su capacidad para superar paulatinamente la carga histórica de la Guerra del Pacífico, con el fin de sumar elementos para una nueva polemología latinoamericana, que potencie los estudios de la guerra en la región.

ABSTRACT. This article aims to revitalize a discipline that has remained unexplored in recent years: polemology. This discipline, which emerged in the mid-twentieth century to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of war, its dissimilar causes, and consequences, has been isolated and labeled as warmongering. By reviewing its main postulates and their application to the theories of international cooperation, this article rescues its pacifist and positive influence. To this end, we studied the relations between Chile and Peru, demonstrating their ability to gradually overcome the historical burden of the War of the Pacific, adding elements for a new Latin American polemology and enhancing war studies in the region.

Abstract This article emphasizes the role of the Internationalization in the construction of peaceful coexistence in the case of Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa whose quality indicators contrast with the violence that surround the state. A case study has stated the impact on the academic development of 350 outgoing mobility students. It is concluded, that mobility encourages the international, global and intercultural learning and that it is a tool that improves professional competitiveness as well as contributes to the construction of a culture of peace in societies familiar with violence.

Resumen Este artículo enfatiza el papel de la Internacionalización en la construcción de convivencia pacífica en el caso de la Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, cuyos indicadores de calidad contrastan con la violencia que envuelve al estado. A partir de un estudio de caso, se afirma el impacto en el desarrollo académico de 350 estudiantes de movilidad saliente. Se concluye que la movilidad incentiva el aprendizaje internacional, global e intercultural y es una herramienta que mejora la competitividad profesional, al mismo tiempo que coadyuva a la construcción de una cultura de paz en sociedades familiarizadas con la violencia.

Abstract Objective: to analyze the Sonoran experience in the frame of the church-state conflict that took place in Mexico between 1926 and 1929. Methodology: analysis of documents contained in local, national and international historical archives with the purpose of reconstructing the Sonoran process through the identification of players, strategies, and sociopolitical circumstances in the studied period. Results: research allowed characterizing the resistance displayed by the Catholic Church as passive, expressed through letters to the authorities, religious propaganda contraband, distribution of flyers in defense of religious liberty and supporting the economic boycott promoted by the Religious Defense National League. Additionally it addresses the exile of Bishop Juan Navarrete y Guerrero in the United States and his participation within the process of agreements signed between the Mexican State and the Holy See. Value: the article reconstructs the local expression of a variegated conflict that manifested unequally throughout the country, featuring the laity as a central player of the process; furthermore it addresses the different strategies of resistance presented by the catholic community, mostly defined by the national dynamics and the specifications of the region. Conclusions: the religious conflict in Sonora between 1926 and 1929 was characterized by the centralism of the feminist movement in the mobilization of the laity and by choosing pacifist ways to express their disagreements marked by the r notably bishop´s influence and by the use of the United States border as a strategic space for the Catholic resistance.

Resumen Objetivo: analizar la experiencia sonorense en el marco del conflicto entre la Iglesia y el Estado que ocurrió en México entre 1926 y 1929. Metodología: análisis de documentación contenida en acervos históricos locales, nacionales e internacionales con el fin de reconstruir el proceso sonorense a través de la identificación de actores, estrategias y circunstancias sociopolíticas en el periodo de estudio. Resultados: la investigación permitió caracterizar de pasiva la resistencia de la comunidad católica, expresada a través de cartas a las autoridades, contrabando de propaganda religiosa, distribución de volantes en defensa de la libertad religiosa y apoyo al boicot económico promovido por la Liga Nacional de la Defensa Religiosa. También se aborda el exilio del obispo Juan Navarrete y Guerrero en Estados Unidos y su participación en los arreglos firmados entre el Estado mexicano y la Santa Sede. Valor: el artículo reconstruye la expresión local de un conflicto heterogéneo que se manifestó de forma desigual en el país y presenta al laicado como actor central en el proceso. Así mismo aborda diferentes estrategias de resistencia por parte de la comunidad católica, definidas por la dinámica nacional y las especificidades de la región. Conclusiones: el conflicto religioso en Sonora entre 1926 y 1929 se caracterizó por la centralidad del activismo femenino en la movilización del laicado y por la elección de vías pacíficas para expresar inconformidades, lo cual estuvo enmarcado por la notable influencia del obispo y por el aprovechamiento de la frontera con Estados Unidos como espacio estratégico para la resistencia católica.

RESUMEN El objetivo del estudio es contribuir, desde la doble perspectiva de la paz imperfecta y del giro epistemológico, a revisar críticamente el concepto de poder como base para la agencia pacifista. Originalidad: este trabajo se centra, por primera vez, en la agencia como posibilidad para que la paz ocupe cada vez un mayor espacio personal, público y político. Método: es un trabajo de investigación cualitativa que, desde una perspectiva compleja, parte del concepto de paz imperfecta y del giro epistemológico, empleando las estrategias del análisis crítico de textos de investigación para la paz y escritos que versan sobre el concepto de poder, especialmente de Hannah Arendt, Michel Foucault, Michael Mann, Kenneth Boulding y John Holloway, entre otras/os. Este diálogo nos permite concluir que el poder también puede ser considerado como la capacidad que tenemos todos de actuar de manera coordinada para promover el desarrollo de las capacidades humanas deseables. Entendido de esta forma, el poder genera paz, la cual debe ocupar el mayor espacio personal, público y político. Así las cosas, esta extensión capilar de la paz no debe valorarse solo como una medida del empoderamiento pacifista, sino una consecuencia de la agencia pacifista.

ABSTRACT The objective of the study is to contribute from the dual perspective of imperfect peace and epistemological turn to review in a critical way the concept of power as the basis for pacifist agency. Originality this work focuses, for the first time, on agency as a possibility for peace to take part in more personal, public and political spaces. Method is a qualitative research work that starts, from a complex perspective, from the concept of imper fect peace and the epistemological turn, using the strategies of critical analysis of research texts for peace and writings that deal with the concept of power, especially of Hannah Arendt, Michael Foucault, Michael Mann, Kenneth Boulding and John Holloway, among others. Their dialogue allows us to conclude that power can also be considered as the ability that all human beings have to act in a coor dinated way in order to promote the development of desirable human skills. Understood in this way, power generates peace, which must occupy the greatest personal, public and political space. Thus, this extension of peace should not be valued only as a measure of pacifist empowerment, but also as a consequence of the peacemaker agency.

RESUMO O objetivo do estudo é contribuir a partir da dupla perspectiva da paz imperfeita e da virada epistemológica para revisar o conceito de poder como base para a agência pacifista. Originalidade: este trabalho está centrado, pela primeira vez, na agência como possibilidade para que a paz ocupe cada vez mais um maior espaço pessoal, público e político. Método: é um trabalho de pesquisa qualitativa que parte, de uma perspectiva completa, do conceito de paz imperfeita e da virada epistemológica, empregando as estratégias da análise crítica de textos de pesquisa para a paz e escritos que tratam do conceito de poder, especialmente de Hannah Arendt, Michael Foucault, Michael Mann, Kenneth Boulding e John Holloway, entre outras/os. Este diálogo nos permite estabelecer como conclusão que, o poder também pode ser considerado como a capacidade que temos, todos os seres humanos, para atuar de maneira coordenada para promover o desenvolvimento das capacidades humanas desejáveis. Entendido desta forma, o poder gera paz, a qual deve ocupar o maior espaço pessoal, público e político. Desta forma, esta extensão capilar da paz não deve valorizar-se somente como uma medida do empoderamento pacifista, mas como uma consequência da agência pacifista.

RESUMO Narrativas coletivas: Estratégias pacifistas identificadas por famílias provenientes do conflito armado em espaços comunitários, familiares e educativos é parte da pesquisa Narrativas Coletivas de Paz e Conflito Armado a partir das Vozes de Crianças da Primeira Infância, Famílias e Agentes Relacionais no Quadro Pós-Conflito/Pós-Acordo. A metodologia da pesquisa é baseada em uma abordagem epistemológica hermenêutica ontológica política ou hermenêutica performativa. O artigo visa destacar as ferramentas identificadas de ações pacíficas por parte das famílias a partir de narrativas coletivas em espaços e redes comunitários e educativos.

ABSTRACT Collective Narratives: Pacifist Strategies by Families in Armed Conflict in Community, Familiar and Educational Spaces is the result of the research Collective Narratives of Peace and Armed Conflict from the Voices of Children of Early Childhood, Families and Other Relational Agents in the Post-Conflict/Post-Agreement Framework. The methodology of the research comes from an epistemological approach of political ontological hermeneutics or performative hermeneutics within a transformation approach of collective narratives. The article aims to highlight the peace-building tools used by families from collective narratives in community, educational spaces and community networks.

RESUMEN El presente artículo hace parte de la investigación “Narrativas colectivas de paz y conflicto armado desde las voces de los niños y niñas de la primera infancia, familias y agentes relacionales en el marco del posconflicto/posacuerdo”. La metodología de la investigación parte del enfoque epistemológico hermenéutico ontológico político o hermenéutico performativo; ligado a una apuesta transformadora mediante la investigación centrada en las narrativas colectivas. El artículo pretende evidenciar las herramientas pacíficas empleadas por las familias en los espacios, y las redes comunitarias, familiares y educativas.

Abstract Japan is often seen as pacifist and as a defender of nuclear disarmament. This article, though, sustains that Japan is basing its security on extended nuclear deterrence, and on the possibility of acquiring nuclear weapons. In the first part of the article, the role of extended deterrence in the relationship with the U.S. is analyzed, and in the second, the history of the Japanese nuclear option since the end of the Second World War is reassessed.

Resumen Este artículo, reflexiona sobre la relación de las bibliotecas con la paz. Las bibliotecas dependen de la paz para su existencia, desarrollo y supervivencia, al mismo tiempo que estas contribuyen a preservar y construirla La primera parte de este escrito, analiza el surgimiento de los movimientos intemacionalistas y pacifistas en el siglo XIX y su relación con la llegada moderna de la bibliotecología y la ciencia de la documentación. Posteriormente se discute el rol de las bibliotecas en la consolidación de la paz, tal como fue concebida por la UNESCO e indaga sobre las diferentes concepciones contemporáneas sobre el concepto paz. Finalmente, se explora el rol de las bibliotecas para la construcción de la paz.

Abstract This article reflects on the connection between libraries and peace. Libraries depend on the peace in order to exist, develop and survive. In turn, libraries contribute to build and preserve the peace. The first part of this paper analyses the emergence of internationalist and pacifist movements during the 19th century and its relation to the modern advent of both the documentation science and the library science. Next, this paper discusses the role of the libraries in the consolidation of the peace as conceived of by the UNESCO and inquires into the different contemporary conceptions around the concept of peace. Finally, the role of the libraries in the construction of the peace is explored.

Resumo Este artigo reflete sobre a relação das bibliotecas com a paz. As bibliotecas dependem da paz para sua existência, desenvolvimento e sobrevivência, ao tempo que elas contribuem a preservá-la e construí-la A primeira parte deste escrito analisa o surgimento dos movimentos internacionalistas e pacifistas no século XIX e sua relação com a chegada moderna da bibliotecologia e a ciência da documentação. Posteriormente discute-se o papel das bibliotecas na consolidação da paz, conforme concebida pela UNESCO e investiga sobre as diferentes concepções contemporâneas sobre o conceito paz. Por fim, explora-se o papel das bibliotecas para a construção da paz.

Most early Pentecostals took a pacifist stance toward violence and war, based on Jesus ' example of love for the enemies, and relegated human violence promoted as God's will in the Hebrew Bible to a description of broken and sinful human behaviour that was not viewed as normative for Christian behaviour. Since the 1930s and 1940s, Pentecostals adopted Evangelicals ' hermeneutic, and inter alia their Augustinian just war doctrine and support for nationalism and patriotism. It is argued that a new hermeneutic consensus that has been developing among Pentecostal scholars since the 1970s requires that pacifism should be placed on the Pentecostal agenda because it recognises that the Bible does not speak in a monosyllabic way; the Hebrew Bible contains conflicting views on violence that cannot be systematised into a clearly uniform "biblical view. "