Abstract Purpose: To analyze the role of the community assembly as a determining instrument to exercise governance in local indigenous politics, because the various disputes between political factions erode the social fabric and increase the inequality gap. Methodological design: A qualitative, ethnographic study in the municipality of San Luis Amatlán, Oaxaca. Fifteen in-depth interviews were carried out with authorities throughout the municipality and with the adult population. The analysis was done with the analytical categories of governance in the Internal Regulatory Systems, in addition to the participants’ opinion on the performance of the municipal administrator. Results: It was found that the recovery of the municipal community assembly, as well as the assemblies in agencies and rancherías caused greater trust among the participants, together with an increase in the possibility of tracing a joint route to recover local governance through the election of the municipal council. Limitations of the study: Although the ethnographic approach sought to give voice to multiple community actors and social sectors, the research had a greater relationship with the authorities because they coexist more closely with the resource administration processes and their oversight. Findings: The community assembly is a fundamental element of the Internal Regulatory Systems which are consistent with the local customs and habits. The function of the assembly is not only to build consensus, it also acts as a means of control and administrative surveillance. Also, there is persistent conflict derived from the institutional design of indigenous municipalities, which have forms of resolution in their uses and customs such as the assembly, which is a space to address problems directly and without intermediaries.

Resumen Objetivo: Analizar el rol de la asamblea comunitaria como instrumento determinante para ejercer gobernanza en la política local indígena, ya que las diversas disputas entre facciones políticas erosionan el tejido social e incrementan la brecha de desigualdad. Diseño metodológico: Es de tipo cualitativo con una etnografía en el municipio de San Luis Amatlán, Oaxaca. Se realizaron 15 entrevistas a profundidad con autoridades en todo el municipio y con población adulta. El análisis se hizo con las categorías analíticas de gobernanza en los Sistemas Normativos Internos, además de la opinión sobre la figura de administrador municipal. Resultados: Se constató que la recuperación de la asamblea comunitaria municipal, así como las asambleas en agencias y rancherías, provocó mayor confianza entre las partes y la posibilidad de trazar una ruta conjunta para recobrar la gobernanza local a través de la elección del cabildo municipal. Limitaciones del estudio: Aunque la etnografía buscó dar voz a múltiples actores y sectores sociales comunitarios, la investigación tuvo mayor relación con las personas autoridades ya que éstas conviven con mayor cercanía con los procesos de administración de los recursos y su contraloría. Hallazgos: La asamblea comunitaria es un elemento fundamental en los Sistemas Normativos Internos, los cuales están insertos en los usos y costumbres indígenas y su función no sólo es construir consensos, sino que además actúa como medio de contraloría y vigilancia administrativa. También existe persistente conflictividad derivada del diseño institucional de los municipios indígenas, los cuales tienen formas de resolución en sus usos y costumbres como la asamblea, la cual es un espacio para abordar problemas de forma directa y sin intermediarios.

Abstract: This article explores the political/intellectual debates on poverty and marginalization during the crisis of the sixties in the Southern Cone. These debates have received little attention in studies on the period, which are generally concerned with issues associated with social change, the commitments of intellectuals and the legitimacy of violence. This article aims to fix this oversight by examining three spaces in which the issue of poverty was central, such as the field of sociology, Christian ecumenism and the New Latin American Cinema. While its reflections are centered on countries such as Uruguay, Argentina and Chile, its inquiry reconstructs the regional circulation of ideas among social scientists, intellectuals and filmmakers. The central hypothesis of this article is that conceptual transformations in these communities facilitated a more fluid approach by intellectuals to “radical ideas” that are generally associated with the Latin American New Left of the sixties and seventies.

Resumen: El artículo indaga los debates político-intelectuales sobre pobreza y marginalidad en la crisis de los sesenta en el Cono Sur. Dichas controversias han recibido escasa atención en los abordajes sobre la época, preocupados generalmente por temáticas asociadas al cambio social, el compromiso de los intelectuales y la legitimidad de la violencia. El trabajo propone reponer esa ausencia al examinar tres espacios donde los tópicos sobre pobreza fueron centrales, como el campo de la sociología, el ecumenismo cristiano y el nuevo cine latinoamericano. Si bien la reflexión está localizada en países como Uruguay, Argentina y Chile, la pesquisa reconstruye una circulación regional de ideas entre científicos sociales, intelectuales y realizadores cinematográficos. La hipótesis central de estudio es que las transformaciones conceptuales en esas comunidades habilitaron un acercamiento más fluido de los intelectuales con las “ideas radicales” que generalmente son asociadas a la nueva izquierda latinoamericana de los sesenta y setenta.

Antibiotic resistance is a global threat, with a disproportionate burden of mortality in low- and middle-income countries. It is increasing in both the public and private healthcare sectors within South Africa, especially in Gram-negative organisms, and is associated with increased use of World Health Organization watch and reserve antibiotics. There is a need for improved access to new antibiotics to treat infections caused by drug-resistant organisms in order to limit side-effects and improve patient outcomes of currently available antibiotics. We propose the responsible introduction of these new antibiotics with both administrative and clinical oversight in order to preserve the longevity of these precious antibiotics.

Como os congressistas manipulam as ferramentas legislativas para reverter reformas anticorrupção? Este trabalho descreve como algumas votações recentes pelos legisladores do Congresso Nacional Brasileiro contribuem para reverter os avanços na luta contra a corrupção. Essas votações são realizadas por meio de acordos entre políticos de todos os espectros ideológicos e tornam a legislação voltada para o combate à corrupção vaga. Para tanto foram coletados e analisados documentos das casas legislativas e da imprensa. As evidências sustentam a hipótese de que as regras criadas para proteger a democracia, promover a responsabilidade e garantir a integridade pública são, na verdade, usadas pelos políticos brasileiros para proteger transações corruptas, reverter os resultados alcançados pelas reformas anticorrupção e garantir a estrutura de poder político. Por meio da análise do caso brasileiro, destacamos a importância das reformas anticorrupção para melhorar a supervisão sobre os partidos políticos. Também enfatizamos que, sem uma supervisão adequada, os partidos políticos podem desempenhar um papel crítico em permitir a corrupção política sistêmica, que ameaça especialmente os países do Sul Global.

How Congressmen Manipulate Legislative Tools to Reverse Anti-Corruption Reforms? This paper describes how some recent votes by legislators in the Brazilian National Congress contribute to reversing advances in the fight against corruption. These votes are made through agreements among politicians from all ideological spectrums, rendering the legislation aimed at combating corruption vague. Documents from legislative houses and the press were collected and analyzed for this purpose. The evidence supports the hypothesis that the rules created to protect democracy, promote accountability, and ensure public integrity are actually used by Brazilian politicians to shield corrupt transactions, reverse the results achieved by anti-corruption reforms, and maintain the political power structure. Through the analysis of the Brazilian case, we highlight the importance of anti-corruption reforms in improving oversight over political parties. We also emphasize that, without adequate oversight, political parties can play a critical role in enabling systemic political corruption, which particularly threatens countries in the Global South.

Resumen: Referenciadas en las Ciencias de la Educación y las Sociologías de la Infancia, la Familia y la Educación, abordamos el reciente interés político en la guardería en el ámbito de las relaciones entre la infancia, la familia y el Estado, con el fin de cuestionar el lugar de la guardería en el contexto de la educación infantil anterior a la escolarización obligatoria. La institucionalización educativa de la infancia de 0 a 6 años solo adquiere relevancia social en la democracia de Portugal. Hemos sido testigos de la configuración de un sistema y una gobernanza separados para el cuidado y la educación de la infancia, en forma de guardería para los 0 a 3 años y escuela infantil para los 3 a 6 años. El análisis de la producción legislativa relacionada con el cuidado y la educación de la infancia publicada en Portugal entre 1974-2023 han permitido constatar que la guardería constituye una respuesta socioeducativa bajo la jurisdicción del Ministerio de Seguridad Social, asumiendo funciones de custodia y cuidado y orientada a la conciliación del trabajo y la familia, mientras que al escuela infantil se le asigna una función educativa cuya tutela pedagógica, bajo la jurisdicción del Ministerio de Educación, se integra en el sistema educativo en el ámbito de la red nacional de educación preescolar. Este sistema bipartido plantea interrogantes sobre la diferenciación entre el cuidado y la educación y su impacto en el derecho de los niños pequeños a la educación.

Resumo: Referenciadas às Ciências da Educação e às Sociologias da Infância, da Família e da Educação, perspetivamos o recente interesse político sobre a creche no âmbito das relações entre pequena infância, família e Estado, para interrogarmos o lugar da Creche no contexto da educação para a infância que antecede a escolaridade obrigatória. A institucionalização educativa da infância dos 0 aos 6 anos apenas ganha relevância social no Portugal da democracia. Desde então, assiste-se à configuração de um sistema e de uma governação separada do acolhimento e da educação da infância, sob a forma da Creche para as idades do 0-3 anos e do Jardim de Infância para as idades dos 3-6 anos. O levantamento e análise da produção legislativa relativa ao cuidado e educação da pequena infância, publicada em Portugal entre 1974-2023, permitiram constatar que a Creche constitui uma resposta socioeducativa sob tutela do Ministério da Segurança Social, assumindo funções de guarda e cuidado e orientada para a conciliação do trabalho e da família e que, sob tutela pedagógica do Ministério da Educação, ao Jardim de Infância se atribui uma função educativa ao integrar o sistema educativo no âmbito da rede nacional da educação pré-escolar. Este sistema bipartido obriga a questionar a diferenciação entre cuidar/educar e o seu impacto no direito das crianças pequenas à educação.

Abstract: Positioned within the fields of Education Sciences and the Sociology of Childhood, Family, and Education, we approach the recent political interest in crèches in the context of the relationship between early childhood, family, and the state. Our aim is to examine the role of crèches in the context of early childhood education prior to compulsory schooling. The educational institutionalization of early childhood (0 to 6 years old) has gained social significance in democratic Portugal. A separate system has been established for the care and education of young children, with crèche for ages 0-3 and kindergarten for ages 3-6. By analysing the legislative production regarding the care and education of young children published in Portugal from 1974 - 2023, we have observed that crèches serve as a socio-educational response under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Social Security. They assume responsibilities of guardianship and care while aiming to facilitate the reconciliation between work and family. On the other hand, kindergarten is attributed an educational function, with its pedagogical oversight falling under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. It integrates the educational system within the national network of pre-school education. This dichotomous system raises questions about the differentiation between care/education and its impact on the right of young children to education.

Abstract: The article explores the growing integration of AI in the military sphere. It highlights its potential to improve efficiency and accuracy in field operations, predictive analytics, and logistics due to its ability to process large volumes and learn autonomously. The study also emphasizes the role of AI in analyzing data from various sources such as satellite images, intelligence information and social media, which helps in target identification and operation of autonomous vehicles. It also addresses important ethical and legal challenges, including transparency in decision-making and liability for errors or collateral damage. It raises concerns about the vulnerability of military systems to attack, their tampering and the potential for accidental damage. The research employs a qualitative review of existing literature on types of AI and applications in the military context, focusing on benefits and risks. The study aims to synthesize key issues related to military AI capabilities, oversight, and governance, providing directions and precautions for responsible development of AI in defense.

Resumen Introducción / objetivo: en las organizaciones los conflictos de intereses generan costos de agencia para mitigar el oportunismo de los agentes. La información contable de alta calidad reduce estos conflictos al minimizar la asimetría de la información. Por tanto, este estudio tiene como objetivo investigar la relación entre los costos de agencia y el conservadurismo condicional en empresas brasileñas del sector eléctrico listadas en la B3. Metodología: se utilizaron datos de 21 empresas del sector eléctrico brasileño para el período de 2012 a 2020. Se analizaron 24 atributos asociados con los costos de agencia, y el modelo de conservadurismo condicional de Ball y Shivakumar (2005) se empleó como medida de calidad de la información contable. Los resultados se obtuvieron mediante modelos de regresión de datos en panel. Resultados: según el modelo central de conservadurismo condicional, las empresas tienden a ser optimistas en lugar de conservadoras, anticipando ganancias en lugar de pérdidas. Los resultados, evaluados en cinco dimensiones, revelaron que factores como la composición del consejo, la compensación variable y los acuerdos con accionistas reducen el optimismo, mientras que las auditorías con salvedades, los plazos más largos y la existencia de un comité de auditoría permanente aumentan el optimismo. Por tanto, se identifican atributos que influyen en el optimismo, la neutralidad de la información contable y, en consecuencia, la calidad de los informes financieros. Conclusiones: este estudio beneficia a varios usuarios de la información contable. Los inversores pueden identificar políticas de gobernanza que alineen intereses, los reguladores pueden mejorar la supervisión y los miembros de las organizaciones pueden adoptar políticas que fomenten la alineación de intereses entre los principales y los agentes.

Abstract Introduction / objective: In organisations, conflicts of interest give rise to agency costs aimed at mitigating agent opportunism. High-quality accounting information reduces these conflicts by minimising information asymmetry. Consequently, this study aims to investigate the relationship between agency costs and conditional conservatism in Brazilian electric power industry companies listed on the B3. Methodology: Data from 21 Brazilian electric power industry companies for the period 2012 to 2020 were utilised. Twenty-four attributes associated with agency costs were analysed, and Ball and Shivakumar’s (2005) conditional conservatism model was employed as a measure of accounting information quality. Panel data regression models were used to obtain the results. Results: According to the central conditional conservatism model, companies tend to exhibit optimism rather than conservatism, anticipating gains instead of losses. Results, assessed across five dimensions, revealed that factors such as board composition, variable compensation, and agreements with shareholders reduce optimism, while qualified audits, longer tenures, and the presence of a permanent audit committee increase optimism. Therefore, attributes that influence optimism, accounting information neutrality, and consequently, financial reporting quality, are identified. Conclusions: This study benefits various users of accounting information. Investors can pinpoint governance policies that align interests, regulators can enhance oversight, and organisation members can adopt policies that encourage the alignment of interests between principals and agents.

Resumen El uso racional del recurso hídrico está plasmado como una meta global en los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible (ODS), lo cual trae múltiples beneficios a los diferentes actores involucrados en la gestión integral de los recursos hídricos. Los programas de uso eficiente y ahorro del agua (PUEAA) contemplan una serie de actividades y metas que tienen por propósito contribuir a la sostenibilidad del recurso hídrico; de ahí la importancia de hacer un seguimiento a través de indicadores de cumplimiento que permitan recopilar información, tanto de las empresas como de las autoridades ambientales, con relación a su gestión. En este artículo se analiza la aplicación de la Ley 373 de 1997, en lo que se refiere al seguimiento de los PUEAA, en el Departamento de Nariño, durante el periodo 2015 a 2018. Para el desarrollo de esta investigación se realizó un inventario de los términos de referencia municipales de los proyectos formulados y ejecutados por las empresas de servicios públicos de agua (ESP). Se aplicaron indicadores de eficiencia y efectividad y se evaluaron los resultados con una matriz de cumplimiento. Los resultados mostraron que la línea estratégica de reducción de pérdidas presenta las deficiencias más significativas en la formulación y seguimiento de los PUEAA en el departamento (0% de cumplimiento). Mientras que la línea estratégica de educación y sensibilización ambiental para uso eficiente del agua presentó mejores resultados en sus indicadores (cumplimento mayor al 50%). Dentro de las conclusiones se tiene que, los bajos niveles observados en los indicadores están relacionados con la pérdida y falta de organización en la información de los expedientes de los PUEAA, tanto por la autoridad ambiental como por los usuarios (ESP), debido a la falta de conocimiento de los términos y exigencias de la Ley 373 de 1997.

Abstract. The rational use of water resources has been established as a global goal within the sustainable development goals (SDGs), offering numerous advantages to different stakeholders engaged in the comprehensive management of water resources. Water-use efficiency and conservation programs (PUEAAs, for their Spanish acronym) encompass a range of activities and objectives aimed at fostering the sustainability of water resources. Consequently, monitoring these programs through compliance indicators is of paramount importance, allowing data collection from companies and environmental authorities concerning their administration. This paper examines the implementation of the Law 373 of 1997, specifically focusing on the oversight of the PUEAA at the Department of Nariño from 2015 to 2018. For this purpose, an inventory of municipal terms of reference was compiled for projects developed and executed by water utility companies (ESPs, for their Spanish acronym). In addition, efficiency and effectiveness indicators were employed, and the indicators outcomes were assessed using a compliance matrix. The results indicated that the strategic initiative to reduce losses exhibited the most notable shortcomings in terms of the formulation and oversight of PUEAA within the department (0% compliance). Conversely, another strategic approach to educate and develop environmental awareness regarding the efficient use of water showcased more favorable outcomes in terms of its indicators (compliance exceeding 50%). In conclusion, it is evident that the deficient levels in the indicators stem from the mismanagement and disorganization of PUEAA records, on the part of the environmental authority and users (ESP). This deficiency is attributed to a lack of familiarity with the terms and stipulations outlined in the Law 373 of 1997.

Abstract The illegal trade in firearms represents a significant problem for the maintenance of order and security in the country, as it leads to the acquisition of arms and ammunition without complying with the norms and regulations provided by the State, diverting the use of such equipment towards crime. The purpose of this research is to analyse the dynamics of the illegal firearms trade in Lima, Peru, using a qualitative methodology and a hermeneutic phenomenological design. The sample includes twenty officers from the Peruvian National Police (PNP) and the National Superintendence for the Control of Security Services, firearms, Ammunition and Explosives for Civilian Use (Sucamec). The information was collected through semi-structured interviews. The study concludes that the illegal firearms trade is structured in three key phases: the first phase determined by the leakage or diversion of arms from the legal to the illegal market, due to the lack of control and oversight by the relevant authorities. The second phase involves the creation of an illegal market in itinerant spaces, where various actors, such as intermediaries and buyers, participate. The third and final phase involves the consummation of the crime, including the delivery of the weapon and payment under strict security measures to ensure the impunity of those involved.

Resumo O comércio ilegal de armas de fogo representa um problema significativo para a manutenção da ordem e da segurança no país, pois leva à aquisição de armas e munições sem o cumprimento das normas e regulamentos fornecidos pelo Estado, desviando o uso desses equipamentos para o crime. O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a dinâmica do comércio ilegal de armas de fogo em Lima, Peru, usando uma metodologia qualitativa e um desenho fenomenológico hermenêutico. A amostra inclui vinte policiais da Polícia Nacional do Peru (PNP) e da Superintendência Nacional de Controle de Serviços de Segurança, Armas, Munições e Explosivos para Uso Civil (Sucamec). As informações foram coletadas por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas. O estudo conclui que o comércio ilegal de armas de fogo está estruturado em três fases principais: a primeira fase é determinada pelo vazamento ou desvio de armas do mercado legal para o ilegal, devido à falta de controle e fiscalização por parte das autoridades competentes. A segunda fase envolve a criação de um mercado ilegal em espaços itinerantes, onde vários atores, como intermediários e compradores, participam. A terceira e última fase envolve a consumação do crime, incluindo a entrega da arma e o pagamento sob rigorosas medidas de segurança para garantir a impunidade dos envolvidos.

Resumen El comercio ilegal de armas de fuego representa un problema significativo para mantener el orden y la seguridad del país, pues conlleva la adquisición de armas y municiones sin cumplir la normatividad y las regulaciones proporcionadas por el Estado, desviando la utilización de dichos equipos hacia la delincuencia. La investigación tiene como propósito analizar la dinámica del comercio ilegal de armas de fuego en Lima, Perú, mediante una metodología cualitativa y de diseño fenomenológico hermenéutico. La muestra incluye veinte funcionarios de la Policía Nacional del Perú (PNP) y la Superintendencia Nacional de Control de Servicios de Seguridad, Armas, Municiones y Explosivos de Uso Civil (Sucamec). La información se recolectó por medio de entrevistas semiestructuradas. El estudio concluye que el comercio ilegal de armas de fuego se estructura en tres fases clave: la primera fase determinada por la filtración o desvío de armas del mercado legal al ilegal, debido a la falta de control y fiscalización por las autoridades pertinentes. La segunda fase implica la creación de un mercado ilegal en espacios itinerantes, donde participan diversos actores, como intermediarios y compradores. La tercera y última fase comprende la consumación del delito, incluye la entrega del arma y el pago bajo estrictas medidas de seguridad para asegurar la impunidad de los involucrados.

In many South African universities, full research students receive little support during the research conceptualisation stage of the research journey, other than that provided by their supervisors, who tend to have limited time to engage with their students. Furthermore, during the proposal phase, scant attention is paid to the role of writing in research conceptualisation and scholarly development. In an attempt to address this neglect, the authors of this article worked collaboratively with academic staff from two schools within the Faculty of Commerce, Law, and Management at the University of the Witwatersrand to pilot academic literacies-informed projects aimed at integrating writing in the first year of existing postgraduate research programmes. This article provides insight into factors that constrain and enable such an integration endeavour. Data was collected through focus group discussions with the project teams from the participating schools. Drawing on Margaret Archer's structure, culture, and agency as the analytical framework, five themes emerged from the data: leadership and oversight, supervision and postgraduate pedagogy, supervisor awareness and support, the postgraduate research education curriculum, and student engagement and commitment. The authors discuss these themes in terms of their enabling and constraining dimensions, and conclude with observations that could inform similar initiatives in other postgraduate research programmes.

Abstract In the context of climate change and forest fires, the lack of an intercultural approach in fire management policies, which incorporates the cultural knowledge of communities, has had negative consequences, posing a threat to the preservation of these practices within the communities. The objective of this article is to understand the relationship between culture and fire as a possibility for the integrated management of this element, addressing the challenges of community work in the key of Heideggerian dwelling, building, and caring. Phenomenology from Heidegger serves as our methodological guide. The comprehensive journey leads us to the conclusion that the term 'culture' is related to the experience of Heideggerian building and dwelling, as long as it is seen from the perspective of care and protection, akin to communal construction. Thus, we question the colonial oversight paradigm of prohibitive policies regarding fire use in communities. This article aims to promote governmental practices that integrate culture from its conceptual depth into participatory institutional programs for the design of fire management policies, adopting an intercultural approach. In this way, we will recognize pyrobiocultural territories as cores of knowledge through which people live and dwell with care from people's memory lens.

Resumen En el contexto del cambio climático e incendios forestales, la falta del enfoque intercultural en las políticas de manejo del fuego, que integre los conocimientos culturales de los pueblos, ha tenido consecuencias negativas, y representa una amenaza para la preservación de estos saberes dentro de las comunidades. El objetivo del artículo es comprender la relación entre la cultura y el fuego como una posibilidad para el manejo integral de este elemento. Para ello, se abordan los desafíos del trabajo comunitario en clave de un habitar, construir y cuidar heideggeriano. La fenomenología desde Heidegger es nuestra guía metodológica. El trasegar comprensivo nos conduce a la conclusión que el término cultura tiene que ver con la experiencia de construir y habitar heideggeriano, en la medida que sea vista desde el cuidado y protección, tal como construcción comunal. Así, cuestionamos el paradigma colonial fiscalizador de las políticas prohibicionistas sobre el uso del fuego en las comunidades. Este artículo busca fomentar prácticas gubernamentales que integren la cultura desde su profundidad conceptual en programas institucionales participativos para el diseño de políticas de manejo del fuego, adoptando un enfoque intercultural. Así, lograremos reconocer territorios pirobioculturales como centros de conocimiento en los que se habita y mora desde el cuidado bajo los lentes de la memoria de los pueblos.

The President's power to grant pardons, remit fines, penalties or forfeitures and the nature of the accountability for the exercise of such power remains unclear. The question of accountability relates to whether the President has a constitutional obligation to disclose the reasons for his decision. The nature of the power is broadly formulated and should undergo reform to enhance the attendant accountability. Over the years, there were debates on whether the granting of pardons constitutes administrative action in terms of the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act (PAJA). Because it is a power that potentially has an adverse effect on rights enshrined in the Bill of Rights, it is submitted that it should be construed in terms of PAJA. Similarly, the role of Parliament in exercising oversight over the process is unclear and inadequate. The article submits that the President should exercise the power together with the relevant Cabinet Minister, and subject to legislative endorsement.

This study investigates the relationship between the South African electoral system and its consequential effects on legislative oversight. Through an analysis of historical data, electoral structures, and parliamentary dynamics, this study aims to illuminate the various ways in which the chosen electoral system shapes the nature and efficacy of legislative oversight mechanisms. The study delves into the features of South Africa's electoral model, exploring how proportional representation and constituency-based elements influence the conduct of elected representatives in Parliament. In addition, this study assesses the implications of these electoral dynamics for the ability of parliamentary bodies to oversee effectively the conduct of the executive branch in order to ensure accountability and transparency in the governing process. By examining the impact of one-party dominance in Parliament as a consequence of the electoral system, this study provides insights into the intricate interplay between electoral systems and the crucial function of legislative oversight in fostering a robust democratic system.

Abstract: There is a global tendency toward the decline of democracy. While some believe that this is leading to an authoritarian regression, others think that institutional checks and balances make democracy resilient. The purpose of this paper is to discuss ten of the main dimensions of democratic backslash in Mexico during the administration of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). In an extremely polarized context, AMLO has concentrated power and monopolized the public conversation; has ignored constitutional and legal norms and militarized the state. He has attacked government oversight institutions and reduced the capacity of civic organizations, undermining the bases of the democracy.

Resumen: Existe una tendencia global al deterioro de la democracia. Para algunos, ésta se orienta hacia una regresión autoritaria; para otros, los contrapesos institucionales la hacen resiliente. Este artículo pasa revista a 10 de las principales dimensiones del retroceso democrático en México durante la presidencia de Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). En un entorno de intensa polarización, AMLO ha concentrado el poder en sus manos y monopolizado la conversación pública; ha violentado la legalidad, militarizado al Estado civil, embestido a los organismos de contención del poder, constreñido los espacios cívicos y perseguido a las voces críticas. Todo ello ha atropellado los cimientos de la incipiente democracia.