Abstract Neoliberal educational policies have been implemented for more than three decades in Latin America and they have altered teaching practices. Likewise, the educational reforms have not considered the characteristics or idiosyncrasies, in this case, of Mexico, and they have been a copy of the European and U.S. educational models. Based on these problems, the main objective was to: make evident some problems in professional teaching practice, as well as the health repercussions of high school and university teachers as a consequence of neoliberal educational policies. There was the participation of 10 teachers who work at different educational levels: High School and Higher Education; in the State of Mexico, Hidalgo and Chile in South America. The research was divided into three phases: before, during and after the pandemic. The methodology used was qualitative, with a descriptive and interpretive approach. The results were presented as a “novel” constructed from the participants' narratives. Their problems related to teaching work, trigger a series of sickness at a biopsychosocial level. Definitely, the educational institution is going through a crisis and a rethinking of teaching work is urgently needed so that, the meaning of the teaching role does not die and along with it, the educational institution.

Resumen Las políticas educativas neoliberales se han implementado durante más de tres décadas en Latinoamérica, alterando el quehacer docente. Además, las reformas educativas no han considerado las características ni la idiosincrasia, en este caso, de México, debido a que han sido una copia de los modelos educativos europeos y de los Estados Unidos. Con base en estas problemáticas, el objetivo central de esta investigación consistió en evidenciar algunas problemáticas en la práctica profesional docente, así como las repercusiones de salud de profesoras de bachillerato y Universidad como consecuencia de las políticas educativas neoliberales. Se contó con la participación de diez profesoras que se desempeñan en diferentes niveles educativos: Bachillerato y Superior; en el Estado de México, Hidalgo y Chile en Sudamérica. La investigación se dividió en tres fases: antes, durante y después de la pandemia. La metodología utilizada fue cualitativa, con un corte descriptivo e interpretativo. Los resultados se presentaron como una “novela” construida a partir de las narraciones de las participantes. Sus problemáticas relacionadas al quehacer docente, desencadenan una serie de padecimientos a nivel biopsicosocial. Sin duda, la institución educativa atraviesa por una crisis y es urgente un replanteamiento de la labor docente para que el sentido del rol docente no muera y junto con él, la institución educativa.

Universities face the challenges of substantial reforms such as new managerialism, corporatism, neoliberalism, McDonaldisation, entrepreneurialism, massification, decolonisation, and many other approaches, philosophies, and practices that influence the original idea of the university. In competitive environments, new managerialism in the public sector can be a means of achieving more efficient, flexible, and adaptable management, thus, the permeation and manifestation of new managerialism in public higher education engender business practices and private-sector ideas. Furthermore, these transformations include globalisation and internationalisation, mass participation and vocational credentialing; business-like administration and internal product and performance regimes; quasi-market competition between institutions; and the part marketisation of teaching and research and services. These managerialist ideas, embedded in a neo-liberal conception of globalisation, have specific implications for higher education in the sense that they have the potential to limit contribution to future public administration research and graduate products to serve as public servants. Compounding the situation is academic capitalism, academic entrepreneurs, entrepreneurial academics and the commodification and commoditisation of a public good (education). Furthermore, even research universities seem to be giving way to entrepreneurial universities and are associated with the emergence of corporate universities. The university's entrepreneurial behaviour is seen in professors' perspectives on the university's role in knowledge dissemination -innovation agents being entrepreneurial academics and academic entrepreneurs - the former resembles innovative university members, while the latter resembles a typical start-up entrepreneur. This "Stalinist plan or new managerialism or new functionalism" and entrepreneurialism represents a healthy capitalist enterprise and propel thinking about whether or not universities pursue epistemologies, ontological scholarship, research and curriculum to improve public administration. This conceptual paper identifies complexities in propelling universities to a higher fitness landscape in producing public administration research and graduates. This is because a public university now fends for itself as it influences distinctive segments of the economy and militates against origins of public administration.

Abstract Precisely at the moment when it is observed the recurrence of works in the Political Economy dedicated to analyzing contemporary capitalism from the focus of the construction of subjectivities, for which the fundamental pillar of the so-called neoliberal system is the advent of a new reason for world, or a new spirit of capitalism, the main purpose of this work is to rescue the theories of imperialism, especially the marxist ones, as a theoretical tool for the study of contemporary society, showing that they allow us to keep the analysis of neoliberalism in the concrete field of class society, without losing all the breadth of its unfolding in other areas of human life and consciousness. We raise the thought of Marx and Engels about the means of spiritual production, in The German Ideology, to help us in this debate.

Resumo No momento em que se observa a recorrência de trabalhos na área da Economia Política que se dedicam a analisar o capitalismo contemporâneo a partir do enfoque da construção das subjetividades, para os quais o pilar fundamental do chamado sistema neoliberal é o advento de uma nova razão de mundo, ou de um novo espírito do capitalismo, o propósito primeiro deste trabalho é o de resgatar as teorias do imperialismo, especialmente as marxistas, como ferramenta teórica de estudo da sociedade contemporânea, mostrando que elas nos permitem manter a análise do neoliberalismo no campo concreto da sociedade de classe, sem por isso perder toda a amplitude de seus desdobramentos nas demais dimensões da vida e da consciência humanas. Suscitamos o pensamento de Marx e Engels acerca dos meios da produção espiritual, n’A Ideologia Alemã, para nos auxiliar nesse debate.

ORIENTATION: The invasion of neoliberalism in higher education institutions as an ideology has significantly changed how these institutions are governed. The emergence is primarily aimed at emphasising market-driven and consumerist principles. In turn, it has impacted the academic work environment and academics. A clear example of the impact is the subjection of academics to surveillance processes to promote productivity RESEARCH PURPOSE: This study aimed to explore the coping strategies academics employ to navigate their academic work environment within this framework of the neoliberal university MOTIVATION FOR THE STUDY: Diminutive attention has been given to how academics adapt to and cope with the shift to and the demands of the neoliberal institution. The exploration of their coping strategies provided an in-depth understanding of how they navigate the perceived negative effects they experience in their work environment RESEARCH APPROACH/DESIGN AND METHOD: This study employed a cross-sectional, qualitative interpretative phenomenological research design. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with a diverse sample of 20 academics. Data were analysed following the principles of interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA MAIN FINDINGS: The findings revealed that academics mainly rely on five key coping strategies. These strategies centred around social support, active coping, distraction coping, interpersonal communication and religiosity PRACTICAL/MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS: To embrace and sustain the changes in the governance of the modern university, engagement between academics and new management needs to be authentic CONTRIBUTION/VALUE-ADD: The findings of this study may aid managers in their efforts to address the ideological differences between academia and new management

Resumen El estudio del teletrabajo se ha expandido en las diversas áreas del conocimiento, motivado, en gran parte, por la expansión de la actividad en todo el mundo, especialmente después de la pandemia de COVID-19. Al identificar en la literatura sobre el tema el predominio de prescripciones para adaptaciones de la modalidad y el foco en sus ventajas y desventajas, sugerimos una extensión del abordaje del fenómeno del teletrabajo para estos aspectos. Este ensayo ha argumentado que el teletrabajo se expande en el contexto del neoliberalismo y que las prácticas y discursos legítimos corresponden al surgimiento de un sujeto neoliberal. Su objetivo es discutir la evidencia de prácticas y discursos neoliberales analizados empíricamente por dos estudios sobre teletrabajo y rescatados momentos específicos de la relación entre modos no capitalistas de producción de trabajo y sus correspondientes elaboraciones subjetivas por parte de dos trabajadores. Finalmente, se sugiere que la adecuada comprensión del teletrabajo considere las determinaciones contextuales, históricas y culturales en las que se inserta el fenómeno.

Resumo O estudo do teletrabalho tem se ampliado nos diversos campos do saber, motivado, em grande parte, pela expansão da atividade ao redor do globo, sobretudo após a pandemia da COVID-19. Ao identificarmos na literatura sobre o tema a predominância de prescrições às adaptações da modalidade e o enfoque em suas vantagens e desvantagens, sugerimos a ampliação da abordagem ao fenômeno do teletrabalho para além desses aspectos. Este ensaio argumentou que o teletrabalho se expande no contexto do neoliberalismo e que as práticas e discursos que o legitimam correspondem à emergência de um sujeito neoliberal. Teve por objetivo discutir as evidências das práticas e discursos neoliberais nos achados empíricos dos estudos acerca do teletrabalho e resgatou momentos específicos da relação entre modos de produção no trabalho capitalista e suas elaborações subjetivas correspondentes por parte dos trabalhadores. Por fim, sugere-se que a compreensão apropriada do teletrabalho considere as determinações contextuais, históricas e culturais nas quais o fenômeno se insere.

Abstract The study of telework has expanded in the various areas of knowledge, motivated, in large part, by the expansion of the activity around the world, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic. By identifying in the literature on the subject the predominance of prescriptions to adaptations of the modality and the focus on its advantages and disadvantages, we suggest an extension of the approach to the telework phenomenon for these aspects. This essay has argued that telecommuting expands in the context of neoliberalism and that legitimate practices and discourses correspond to the emergence of a neoliberal subject. Its objective is to discuss the evidence of neoliberal practices and discourses empirically analyzed by two studies on telework and rescued specific moments of the relationship between non-capitalist modes of production of work and their corresponding subjective elaborations on the part of workers. Finally, it is suggested that the proper understanding of telework consider the contextual, historical and cultural determinations in which the phenomenon is inserted.

Internationalization and academic mobility have traditionally been pivotal components within higher education, each serving distinct roles. Internationalization has been instrumental in promoting academic exchange, enabling knowledge dissemination, fostering research collaborations, and driving shared innovation. However, the emergence of neoliberal ideologies has embedded global capitalism's market dynamics into higher education systems globally, aligning the sector increasingly with market-oriented values. This paper investigates the effects of neoliberalism on the internationalization of higher education in Africa, with particular emphasis on evolving trends in international student mobility. It contends that neoliberal influences on international mobility extend beyond mere market considerations, touching on issues of hegemony within global knowledge frameworks that often marginalize African nations and institutions. The study is based on published sources and accessible statistical data from governmental and non-governmental entities. By exploring the intersections of neoliberalism and internationalization in higher education, this paper highlights the complex and nuanced nature of these dynamics and their concrete implications for the movement of students across borders. Furthermore, the article considers how neoliberal entanglements may shape the future trajectory of internationalization within African higher education contexts.

Resumen El presente trabajo sintetiza y evalúa críticamente las intervenciones de los intelectuales sobre la pandemia. Sostiene la hipótesis (por analogía con las revoluciones científicas) de que una crisis sa nitaria y económica era incapaz de generar por sí sola una transformación del sistema: hacía falta, además, la existencia de un paradigma alternativo, que se mostrase promisorio a los ojos de la sociedad. Se arguye luego que el pensamiento de un paradigma tal estuvo ausente en los discursos que vaticinaron, a raíz de la pan demia, la caída del capitalismo neoliberal. Por último, se reflexiona sobre el papel de la filosofía en la actualidad, criticando la práctica de la filosofía contemporánea como “crítica del presente” y reivindicando una función afirmativa del pensamiento.

AbstracT This paper synthesizes and critically evaluates the inter- ventions of intellectuals on the pandemic. The hypothesis is that (by analogy with scientific revolutions) a health and economic crisis was incapable of generating a lasting transformation of the system on its own: the existence of an alternative paradigm was also needed. It is then argued that the thought of such a paradigm was absent in the discourses that predicted, as a result of the pandemic, the fall of capitalism. Finally, it reflects on the role of philo- sophy in our time, criticizing the practice of contemporary philosophy as a “critique of the present” and claiming an affirmative function for thought.

Resumen El análisis de la evolución de las reformas académicas de las últimas décadas permite observar que, en nombre de la innovación, esta fue pensada, desde sus inicios, como una obra política dirigida a convertir a la universidad en proveedora, dentro de los acuerdos de libre comercio, de ‘servicios educativos’. Estos se convierten en ‘productos’ susceptibles de comercialización, y así, se instaura el ‘capitalismo académico’, concepto con el que se pretende dar cuenta de los procesos de comercialización de la docencia e investigación académica. Las reformas se encadenan en el tiempo una tras otras, con dos objetivos, restar poder al Estado, y poner fin al ‘Estado Educador’ nacido en la Ilustración como ideal republicano. Ideal bajo el que la educación aparece como un elemento central para la formación de una ciudadanía emancipada frente a un capitalismo globalizado sin ciudadanía.

Abstract The analysis of the evolution of academic reforms in recent decades allows us to observe that, in the name of innovation, this was conceived from the outset as a political oeuvre aimed at turning the university into a provider, within the free trade agreements, of 'educational services'. These become 'products' susceptible to commercialization, and thus, 'academic capitalism' is established, a concept with which it is intended to account for the processes of commercialization of teaching and academic research. The reforms are chained one after the other over time, with two objectives: to reduce the power of the State, and to put an end to the 'Educating State' born in the Enlightenment as a republican ideal. Ideal under which education appears as a central element for forming an emancipated citizenship in the face of a globalized capitalism without citizenship.

Resumen El neoliberalismo va más allá de un simple programa económico o una ideología política, se trata de un proyecto civilizatorio global de una lógica normativa práctica que define las normas de vida y las relaciones sociales. Pero quizás, la mayor novedad que ofrece el neoliberalismo con respecto al liberalismo clásico es el principio general de la competencia generalizada que obliga a rechazar la cooperación como principio básico de la convivencia, la igualdad y el desarrollo social. Ese principio de la competencia generalizada se ha incorporado en todas las organizaciones sociales, incluida la Academia como referente del conocimiento científico. Y es que, en estos últimos 20 años, las Instituciones de Educación Superior, han sufrido un cambio de modelo al amparo de una profunda crisis económica y ética en España y la influencia de la globalización. En este sentido desde este trabajo se centran principalmente dos temas: la competencia generalizada y los cambios en las instituciones de educación superior en España. Por un lado, que la competencia generalizada ha reemplazado a la cooperación como principio básico en la convivencia y desarrollo social y, por otro, que las instituciones de educación superior en España han experimentado cambios que han incrementado la desigualdad y la brecha de género, llevando a la consolidación de una universidad elitista y patriarcal.

Abstract Neoliberalism goes beyond a simple economic program or political ideology; it is a global civilizing project of a practical normative logic that defines the norms of life and social relations. But perhaps the greatest novelty offered by neoliberalism with respect to classical liberalism is the general principle of generalized competition that forces the rejection of cooperation as a basic principle of coexistence, equality and social development. This principle of generalized competition has been incorporated in all social organizations, including academia, as a reference of scientific knowledge. In the last 20 years, Higher Education Institutions have undergone a change of model under the protection of a deep economic and ethical crisis in Spain and the influence of globalization. In this sense, this paper focuses mainly on two issues: generalized competition and changes in higher education institutions in Spain. On the one hand, generalized competition has replaced cooperation as a basic principle in coexistence and social development and, on the other hand, higher education institutions in Spain have undergone changes that have increased inequality and the gender gap, leading to the consolidation of an elitist and patriarchal university.

Resumen Las promesas situadas en la universidad han claudicado y han quedado encadenadas -como Prometeo- al trastocarse sus pretensiones. En este escrito se busca atisbar situaciones propicias para la universidad, apreciando sus condicionantes por el neoliberalismo y el mercado, sus retos generalizados tanto de afuera como de dentro, y sus problemáticas para construir un mundo común en un capitalismo globalizado. Así, se pretende visibilizar las amenazas que se ciernen sobre la universidad contemporánea que nos obligan a adentrarnos en lo que ella habría de ser, buscando su incondicionalidad y labor crítica, pues de otra forma, estamos frente a una universidad, que ya no existe, pero la imaginamos, y estamos atrapados en una fábula.

Abstract The promises in the university have given way and been chained -like Prometheus- when their pretensions have been disrupted. In this paper, we seek to glimpse favorable situations for the university, appreciating its conditionings by neoliberalism and the market, its generalized challenges both from outside and inside, and its problems in building a common world in a globalized capitalism. Thus, it is intended to make visible the threats looming over the contemporary university that force us to enter what it should be, looking for its unconditionality and critical work. Otherwise, we are facing a university that no longer exists, but we imagine it and are trapped in a fable.

Resumen: Utilizando la teoría crítica y metodología cualitativa documental, a través de los conceptos de neoliberalismo autoritario y acumulación por legitimación, en el presente ensayo se analiza la reforma energética materializada en el gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto en México a partir del Pacto por México, signado entre los principales partidos políticos y el gobierno federal. Las evidencias reflejan una imposición de dicha reforma sin consultar a la población con el fin de privatizar los recursos energéticos del país, la cual fue allanada por una legitimación mediática donde el gobierno canalizó grandes recursos económicos a los principales medios de comunicación del país. Se concluye que la reforma energética se da en un contexto neoliberal autoritario, de imposición para el reforzamiento del modelo económico imperante, donde el Estado renuncia a la posibilidad de negociar con los diversos sectores de la población y buscando la legitimación a través de moldear la opinión pública.

Abstract: Using critical theory and qualitative documentary methodology, through the concepts of authoritarian neoliberalism and accumulation by legitimization, this essay analyzes the energy reform materialized in the government of Enrique Peña Nieto in Mexico through the Pact for Mexico, signed between the main political parties and the federal government. The evidence reflects an imposition of such reform without consulting the population with the purpose of privatizing the country’s energy resources, which was paved by a media legitimization where the government channeled large economic resources to the country’s main media. It is concluded that the energy reform takes place in an authoritarian neoliberal context, of imposition for the reinforcement of the prevailing economic model, where the State renounces the possibility of negotiating with the different sectors of the population and seeks legitimization through the molding of public opinion.

Resumen El artículo pretende actualizar el Humanismo Crítico que su autor encuentra en el legado de la Escuela de Frankfurt. En una primera parte argumenta que la “abolición del ser humano” es una tendencia que acompaña a nuestras sociedades desde hace tiempo (1) y que esta tendencia se hace más visible a través de una crítica comprometida de la “modernidad neoliberal” (2). En la segunda parte el ensayo explica lo que se entiende aquí por “Humanismo Crítico”, tratando primero de distanciarse de una de las propuestas más actuales por definir este concepto (3), para después indicar que el concepto, tal como es usado aquí, se orienta en las obras de la Escuela de Frankfurt, de las cuales se discuten por razones de espacio solamente las de Max Horkheimer (4) y de Theodor W. Adorno (5). El argumento central del artículo es que desde la perspectiva de la Escuela de Frankfurt el compromiso con el Humanismo Crítico obliga a la práctica de la investigación social crítica.

Abstract The article aims to update the Critical Humanism that its author finds in the legacy of the Frankfurt School. In the first part, it argues that the “abolition of the human being” is a tendency that has been accompanying our societies for some time (1) and that this tendency becomes more visible through a committed critique of “neoliberal modernity” (2). In the second part the essay explains what is understood here by “Critical Humanism”, trying first to distance itself from one of the most current proposals for defining this concept (3), and then indicating that the concept as used here is oriented in the works of the Frankfurt School, of which only those of Max Horkheimer (4) and Theodor W. Adorno (5) are discussed for reasons of space. The central argument of the article is that from the perspective of the Frankfurt School, the commitment to Critical Humanism follows the practice of critical social research.

Abstract This paper addresses the development and trajectory of various Aymara organizations in Chile during the dictatorship and their response to establishing internal neoliberal colonialism during the 1980s. The promulgation of Law Decree 1.122, which reforms the Water Code in 1981, is reviewed in the context of the installation of neoliberalism in Chile and the emergence of different organizations that came together to defend the waters and the people, raising a process of ethnogenesis and revitalization of their culture, traditions, and identity. This process is understood by analyzing the conflict involving COTALI [for Coscaya, Tarapacá, and Lirima] and Compañía Minera Cerro Colorado as the beginning of Aymara organization, followed by the development of three Aymara organizations (Pacha Aru, Centro Cultural Aymara and Aymar Markas), through the examination of their reflections, actions, networks and publications, particularly in the second half of the decade. In this way, the deployment of these organizations is observed in their capacity for articulation as an incipient Aymara movement, the deepening of their approaches throughout the decade, and their impact on regional society.

Resumen El presente artículo aborda el desarrollo y trayectoria de distintas organizaciones aymaras en Chile durante la dictadura y su respuesta al establecimiento de un colonialismo interno de matriz neoliberal, durante la década de 1980. Se revisa la promulgación del Decreto de Ley 1.122 que reforma el Código de Aguas en 1981, en el contexto de instalación del neoliberalismo en Chile, así como el surgimiento de distintas organizaciones que se articularon para defender las aguas y a su pueblo, levantando un proceso de etnogénesis y revitalización de su cultura, tradiciones e identidad. Para comprender este proceso, se analiza el conflicto que involucró a COTALI [por Coscaya, Tarapacá y Lirima] y a la Compañía Minera Cerro Colorado como el inicio de la organización aymara, seguido del desarrollo de tres organizaciones aymaras (Pacha Aru, Centro Cultural Aymara y Aymar Markas), a través del examen de sus reflexiones, sus acciones, sus redes y sus publicaciones, particularmente en la segunda mitad de la década. De esta manera, se observa el despliegue de dichas organizaciones, su capacidad de articulación como un incipiente movimiento aymara, la profundización de sus planteamientos a lo largo de la década y su impacto en la sociedad regional.

Abstract This article discusses the growth of noir in France and the United States of America (USA) in the 1980s and 1990s. Under its various forms such as the polar, the sub-genre embraces a leftist agenda, aiming at exploring the rise of domestic issues such as race, gender discrimination, and poverty to expose the dark side of neoliberalism and its ideologies of equality, prosperity, and justice. A decolonial reading of Didier Daeninckx’s Meurtres pour mémoire (1983), Daniel Pennac’s La petite marchande de prose (1989), and Walter Mosley’s Black Betty (1994) demonstrates how the process of narration and a conscious focus on “decent people” threaten ideologies of nation building, consumerism, and gender/racial equality. Through the works of Walter Mignolo and Achille Mbembé, we aim to show how neoliberal capitalism follows the same pattern of appropriation of resources and bodies that has been in place since the Industrial Revolution. A pattern deconstructed by noir writers with the aim of promoting more humanity.

Resumo Este artigo discute o crescimento da literatura noir em França e nos Estados Unidos da América nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Sob as suas diversas formas, como a polar, o subgénero abraça uma agenda esquerdista, com o objetivo de explorar a ascensão de questões internas como raça, discriminação de género e pobreza, para expor o lado negro do neoliberalismo e as suas ideologias de igualdade, prosperidade e justiça. Uma leitura descolonizante de Meurtres pour mémoire (1983) de Didier Daeninckx, La petite marchande de prose (1989) de Daniel Pennac, e Black Betty (1994) de Walter Mosley, demonstra como o processo de narração e o foco consciente nas “pessoas decentes” ameaçam as ideologias de construção da nação, consumismo e igualdade de género/raça. Através das obras de Walter Mignolo e Achille Mbembé, pretendemos mostrar como o capitalismo neoliberal segue o mesmo padrão de apropriação de recursos e corpos existente desde a Revolução Industrial. Um padrão desconstruído pelos escritores noir com o objetivo de promover mais humanidade.

Resumo Introdução: O problema da segurança energética já foi tratado a partir de uma abordagem multidimensional, mas sempre associado a uma questão geopolítica, de segurança nacional ou de soberania. A segurança interna sob o neoliberalismo representa um processo de inflação do sistema penal. Assim, a segurança energética, mesmo a partir de uma abordagem multidimensional, fica embaçada se predominar uma abordagem que criminaliza aqueles que autogerenciam o acesso aos direitos à vida e à moradia adequadas, à energia e à cidade. Objetivo: O principal objetivo deste artigo é propor uma nova forma de entender o problema da segurança energética, levando-o de um conceito estanque para um pêndulo entre "segurança/insegurança" que serve para ponderar o grau de gozo desses direitos. Metodologia: para isso, foram coletados, analisados e sistematizados os incêndios em moradias entre 2018 e 2023 em uma cidade de 640.000 habitantes (Salta, Argentina), e essas informações foram cruzadas com dados do Registro Nacional de Bairros Populares e do Município de Salta. Conclusões: Isso levou à conclusão de que a reapropriação da "segurança energética" como escudo para garantir o acesso a direitos é um terreno fértil não apenas para fins acadêmicos, mas também para fins jurídicos, sociais e políticos.

Abstract Introduction: The problem of energy security has already been addressed from a multidimensional approach, but always associated with a geopolitical, national security or sovereignty issue. Internal security during neoliberalism represents a process of inflation of the penal system. Thus, energy security, even from a multidimensional approach, is blurred if an approach that criminalizes those who self-manage access to the rights to adequate life and housing, to energy and to the city predominates. Objective: The main objective of this article is to propose a new way of understanding the problem of energy security, taking it from a watertight concept to a pendulum between "security/insecurity" that serves to weigh the degree of enjoyment of these rights. Methodology: For this purpose, housing fires between 2018 and 2023 in a city of 640 thousand inhabitants (Salta, Argentina) were collected, analyzed and systematized, and this information was crossed with data from the National Registry of Popular Neighborhoods and the Municipality of Salta. Conclusions: This allowed concluding that reappropriating "energy security" as a shield to guarantee access to rights is a fertile ground not only for academic purposes, but also for legal, social and political ones.

Resumen Introducción: el problema de la seguridad energética ha sido ya abordado desde un enfoque multidimensional, pero siempre asociado a una cuestión geopolítica, de seguridad nacional o de soberanía. La seguridad interna durante el neoliberalismo representa un proceso de inflación del sistema penal. Así, la seguridad energética, incluso desde un enfoque multidimensional, se desdibuja si predomina un enfoque que criminalice a quienes se autogestionan el acceso a los derechos a la vida y vivienda adecuadas, a la energía y a la ciudad. Objetivo: el objetivo principal de este artículo es proponer una nueva forma de comprender el problema de la seguridad energética, llevándola de un concepto estanco a un péndulo entre “seguridad/inseguridad” que sirva para ponderar el grado de goce de esos derechos. Metodología: para ello, se recopilaron, analizaron y sistematizaron los incendios de viviendas entre 2018 y 2023 en una ciudad de 640 mil habitantes (Salta, Argentina) y se cruzó esa información con datos del Registro Nacional de Barrios Populares y de la Municipalidad de Salta. Conclusiones: ello permitió concluir que reapropiarse de la “seguridad energética” como escudo para garantizar el acceso a derechos es un terreno fértil no sólo a los fines académicos, sino también jurídicos, sociales y políticos.