Resumen Introducción: La informalidad laboral y la formalización del empleo han sido ya ampliamente discutidas. Sin embargo, el problema sigue vigente en las agendas públicas y de gobierno tanto a nivel nacional como subnacional. Objetivo: El objetivo es evaluar el diseño de los instrumentos de política pública que ha implementado el gobierno estatal (2015-2021) para la formalización del empleo en Nuevo León. La población objetivo de los instrumentos son las Micro, Pequeñas y Medianas empresas (Mipymes) del estado de Nuevo León. Método y técnica: En una primera instancia, se llevó a cabo una investigación documental y de fuentes secundarias. Posteriormente, se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas con funcionarios a cargo de los instrumentos de política pública para la formalización del empleo. Se entrevistó al Director de Apoyo y Fomento a Pequeñas y Medianas empresas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; al Coordinador del Centro de Atención a Pequeñas y Medianas empresas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; a la titular de la Comisión Estatal de Mejora Regulatoria del Estado de Nuevo León; al Coordinador de Promoción y Vinculación del Programa Impulsa Nuevo León de la Secretaría de Economía del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; a la Directora de Planeación y Políticas Públicas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; y al Director de la Comisión de Desarrollo Económico del Consejo Nuevo León. Para sistematizar las opiniones de los entrevistados se utilizó el programa de computadora ATLAS.ti y en su análisis se crearon las categorías que se presentan en la Tabla 2. Finalmente, se contrastó la ideología de los actores involucrados con tres preceptos clave del neoliberalismo que se identificaron. Resultados: 1. El Gobierno de Nuevo León no cuenta con información sobre el número de empleos que generan las empresas que reciben los apoyos. 2. La planeación de los instrumentos de política pública se lleva a cabo, principalmente, por el sector privado. 3. Las cámaras empresariales de las Pequeñas y Medianas empresas (Pymes) son las que se encuentran principalmente involucradas. 4. Los apoyos se otorgan a partir de que las empresas acuden al gobierno a solicitarlos y no hay investigación y desarrollo. 5. Los apoyos se concentran principalmente en las Mipymes formales, pero no se cuenta con un padrón actualizado. 6. El seguimiento y monitoreo se realiza en la medida que las empresas continúan asistiendo a las oficinas del gobierno de Nuevo León. Conclusiones: Se concluye que se requiere rediseñar los instrumentos de política pública bajo el liderazgo del gobierno estatal y vincular, concretamente, a la población objetivo de los programas con las formas de intervención estatal.

Abstract Introduction: Labor informality and the formalization of employment have already been widely discussed. However, the problem remains on the public and government agendas at both the national and subnational levels. Objective: The objective is to assess the design of the public policy instruments that the government of Nuevo León has implemented (2015-2021) for the formalization of employment. The target population of the instruments are the Micro, Small and Medium enterprises of the state of Nuevo León. Method and technique: Firstly, a documentary research in secondary sources was carried out. Subsequently, semi-structured interviews were conducted with officials in charge of the public policy instruments for the formalization of employment. The people interviewed were: the Director of Support and Development for Small and Medium Enterprises of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the Coordinator of the Service Center for Small and Medium Enterprises of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the head of the State Commission for Regulatory Improvement of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the Coordinator for the Promotion of the Impulsa Nuevo León Program; the Director of Planning and Public Policies of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; and the Director of the Economic Development Commission of the Nuevo León Council. To systematize the opinions of the interviewees, the ATLAS.ti computer program was used and the categories created are presented in Table 2. Finally, the ideology of the actors involved was contrasted with three key precepts of neoliberalism that were identified. Results: 1. The Government of Nuevo León does not have information about the number of jobs generated by the companies that receive government financial support. 2. The planning of public policy instruments is carried out, mainly, by the private sector. 3. The business chambers of Small and Medium Enterprises are the ones that are mainly involved. 4. Financial support is granted after companies go to the government to request it and there is no research and development. 5. Financial support is mainly concentrated in the formal Micro, Small and Medium-sized enterprises, but there is no updated registry. 6. Monitoring is carried out as long as the companies continue to attend to the offices of the government of Nuevo León. Conclusions: It is concluded that it is necessary to redesign the public policy instruments under the leadership of the government of Nuevo León and to link, specifically, the target population of the programs with the forms of state intervention.

Abstract In recent years, the South Korean philosopher living in Germany, Byung-Chul Han, has been setting new paths for philosophical reflection using the theoretical potential that arises from the understanding of the new social, political and economic realities that mark this era of neoliberal evolution and of technological development in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Thus, topics such as the transformation of biopolitics into psycho-politics become a very relevant point for the analysis of current societies and their drifts. With this background of thought, this article aims to delve into Han’s arguments, exploring the crucial role that emotions play in societies of performance, fatigue and lack of democracy, resorting to the metaphor of the “hamster wheel” as an image evocative of the dynamics of current societies. In this way, an innovative perspective of the complexity of the 21st Century is presented by delving into certain nuances of Han’s thought in connection with the palpable reality of the emotions that act as the fuel that propels each individual in their own “existential wheel”. This articulation with emotional experiences contributes significantly to contemporary discussions about human nature in contexts of technological innovation.

Resumen En los últimos años, el filósofo surcoreano radicado en Alemania, Byung-Chul Han, viene marcando nuevos derroteros para la reflexión filosófica usando el potencial teórico que surge de la comprensión de las nuevas realidades sociales, políticas y económicas, que marcan esta época de evolución neoliberal y de desarrollo tecnológico, en el contexto de la cuarta Revolución Industrial. Así, temas como la transformación de la biopolítica en psicopolítica se convierten en un punto muy relevante para el análisis de las sociedades actuales y sus derivas. Con este trasfondo de pensamiento, el presente artículo tiene por objetivo sumergirse en las argumentaciones de Han, explorando el papel crucial que desempeñan las emociones en las sociedades del rendimiento, del cansancio y de la infocracia, acudiendo a la metáfora de la “rueda del hámster” como imagen evocadora de las dinámicas de las sociedades actuales. De esta forma, se presenta una perspectiva innovadora de la complejidad del siglo XXI, al adentrarnos en determinados matices del pensamiento de Han, en conexión con la realidad palpable de las emociones, que actúan como el combustible que impulsa a cada individuo en su propia “rueda existencial”. Esta articulación con las experiencias emocionales contribuye de manera significativa a las discusiones contemporáneas acerca de la naturaleza humana en contextos de innovación tecnológica.

Abstract This article asks if the subject is an autonomous being in political deliberation or are the thoughts, positions and forms of political organization mediated by the different communicational tools to which the subject is exposed who determine it? Thus, it analyzes the relationship between Mass Media and politics with the deliberative capacity of the individual when making decisions in the political context based on Han and Chomsky. The methodology is qualitative with documentary design, the instrument are bibliographic sheets applied to primary and secondary sources. Databases are used with the algorithm: “Neoliberalism, Psycho-politic, Big Data, Mass Media and Democracy”. Thirteen (13) books and twenty (20) articles are analyzed. The argumentative text identifies the new forms and tools of political organization and the relationship between politics and the media. It is concluded that: 1) Neoliberalism directs the idea of a free market towards the individual himself; 2) Critical citizenship that has a more active role in democracy is necessary; 3) Psycho-politics is identified as a new form of political organization; 4) The new tool of politics is Big Data; 5) It is evident that the relationship between politics and Mass Media is linked to power groups; and 6) The emotionalization of political communication decreases individual autonomy.

Resumen El presente artículo indaga si ¿es el sujeto un ser autónomo en la deliberación política o son los pensamientos, las posturas y las formas de la organización política mediadas por las distintas herramientas comunicacionales a las que se ve expuesto quienes lo determinan? Así, analiza la relación que existe entre mass media y política, con la capacidad deliberativa del individuo al tomar decisiones en el contexto político, a partir de Chomsky y Han. La metodología es cualitativa con diseño documental, el instrumento son fichas bibliográficas aplicadas a fuentes primarias y secundarias. Se usan bases de datos con el algoritmo: “Neoliberalismo, psicopolítica, big data, medios de comunicación de masas y democracia”. Se analizan 13 libros y 20 artículos. Se identifican las nuevas formas y herramientas de organización política y la relación entre política y medios de comunicación. Se concluye que: 1) el neoliberalismo direcciona la idea de libre mercado hacia el individuo mismo, 2) es necesaria una ciudadanía crítica que tenga un rol más activo en la democracia, 3) se identifica a la psicopolítica como una nueva forma de organización política, 4) la nueva herramienta de la política es el big data, 5) se evidencia que la relación entre política y mass media está vinculada con los grupos de poder y 6) la emocionalización de la comunicación política disminuye la autonomía individual.

Abstract This work aims to analyze the outstanding role that foreign capital, companies and entrepreneurs had in promoting the industrialization process in the city of Querétaro (Mexico) and its metropolitan area, which includes the municipalities of Corregidora, El Marqués and Colón, among 1943-2018, within the framework of a historical period in which two economic models were developed: Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) and neoliberalism. The main axis is the importance of foreign investments, understood as foreign companies and private Mexican business groups, for the implementation of said industrial development over more than seven decades, as well as investigating the types and industrialization processes that occurred in that period and their relationships with socio-technical and work areas. It is suggested as a hypothesis that said industrialization process can be defined as artificial and exogenous. First, because there was no local business community to carry out this process, as happened in other cities in Mexico -such as Monterrey-, and exogenous because, through national capital from other regions of the country, and especially from abroad, it was carried out the industrialization of the city. From the above, a process of dependent industrialization emerges, inserted in the periphery that has limited endogenous capacity in technological terms, but also in labor terms, a situation that has tended to worsen in the 1980s and that has continued its course to the present.

Resumen Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el destacado papel que tuvieron los capitales, empresas y empresarios foráneos para potenciar el proceso de industrialización en la ciudad de Querétaro (México) y su zona metropolitana, que incluye los municipios de Corregidora, El Marqués y Colón, entre 1943-2018, en el marco de un periodo histórico en que se desarrollaron dos modelos económicos: la Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones (ISI) y el neoliberalismo. Se tiene como eje principal la importancia que tuvieron las inversiones foráneas, entendido este término como empresas extranjeras y de grupos empresariales privados mexicanos para la puesta en práctica de dicho desarrollo industrial a lo largo de más de siete décadas, así como indagar en los tipos y procesos de industrialización que se dieron en ese periodo y sus relaciones con ámbitos socio-técnicos y de trabajo. Se sugiere como hipótesis que dicho proceso de industrialización se puede definir como artificial y exógeno. Primero, porque no existió un empresariado local que llevara a cabo dicho proceso, como sucedió en otras ciudades de México -como Monterrey-, y exógeno porque, mediante capitales nacionales de otras regiones del país, y sobre todo del extranjero, se llevó a cabo la industrialización de la ciudad. De lo anterior se desprende un proceso de industrialización dependiente, inserto en la periferia que ha limitado la capacidad endógena en términos tecnológicos, pero también laborales, situación que ha tendido a agravarse en la década de 1980 y que ha seguido su curso hasta la actualidad.

Resumen: El presente artículo analiza de forma descriptiva la evolución conceptual que ha tenido la educación superior chilena como concepto a partir de la perspectiva de Fernando Atria. En tal contexto, se empleó como punto de partida los siguientes textos: Neoliberalismo con rostro humano (2013), Derechos sociales y Educación (2014). Estos se contrastaron con algunas entrevistas más actualizadas con el fin de evidenciar la existencia de algún cambio significativo en torno a dicho concepto en una coyuntura pre estallido social (Octubre 2019) y post estallido. En ese sentido, resultó de especial significancia reflexionar este fenómeno sobre todo de cara a la discusión pública que gira alrededor de la redacción de la nueva constitución, así como los principales nudos conflictivos que giran alrededor de la consagración del acceso a la educación superior como un derecho constitucional inmaterializado. Por lo tanto, se buscó mostrar las tensiones desprendidas del proceso de transición del Atria intelectual académico hacia el político.

Abstract: This paper aims to conduct a descriptive analysis about the conceptual development that Chilean higher education has had from the perspective of Fernando Atria. We will use his texts; “Neoliberalism con rostro Humano” (2013) and “Derechos Socials and Education” (2014), as a starting point. They will be contrasted with some more up-to-date interviews, to determine the existence of any meaningful change around his higher education concept towards a context pre and post social outbreak (October 2019). Thus, it is of special significance to make reflections around the public discussion that involves the new Chilean constitution drafting, where Atria also won its seat as a conventional constituent. Therefore, it is sought in this process to show his transition from academic to political.

Abstract This article aims to address the meta-legal relations between the management of the speed of the criminal process and the social constraints arising from neoliberal reason. To this end, it is based on the premise established by Foucault and deepened by Dardot and Laval that neoliberalism has become socially rooted to the point of transmuting from a simple economic model to a rationality that spreads to the most diverse social fields. The work is guided by the question: are there harmful effects beyond the loss of quality in the motivation of decisions with the adoption of efficiency logic by the criminal judge? The objective is to verify whether the management principles of this reason may be harmful to the proper functioning of the criminal process. This is an exploratory, interdisciplinary research, based exclusively on bibliographical references. The conclusion is that there are no conditions for intensifying the pace of the criminal process without a loss of quality that is not only technical, but also democratic, since acceleration without other measures ends up catalyzing authoritarian clots that have never been completely expunged from the Brazilian system of criminal procedure.

Resumo Trata-se de artigo que visa abordar as relações metajurídicas entre a gestão da velocidade do processo penal e os constrangimentos sociais oriundos da razão neoliberal. Para tal, partiu-se da premissa instituída por Foucault e aprofundada por Dardot e Laval de que o neoliberalismo se arraigou socialmente ao ponto de se transmutar de um simples modelo econômico a uma racionalidade que se espalha para os mais diversos campos sociais. O trabalho é guiado pela pergunta: há efeitos deletérios para além da perda da qualidade da motivação das decisões com a adoção da lógica eficientista pelo juiz penal? O objetivo é verificar se os princípios de gestão dessa razão podem ser perniciosos ao bom funcionamento do processo penal. É pesquisa de cunho exploratório, de cariz interdisciplinar, calcada em referencial bibliográfico, exclusivamente. Ao cabo, conclui-se que não há condições de se intensificar o ritmo do processo penal sem haver uma perda de qualidade não só técnica, mas também democrática, visto que o aceleramento desprovido de outras medidas acaba por catalisar coágulos autoritários nunca completamente expurgados do sistema processual penal brasileiro.

Abstract The objective of this essay is to analyze educational reform in Mexico through the shared interests of the economic elites and the political class. Authoritarian neoliberalism is examined using a qualitative methodology of exploratory and descriptive nature. The concept of authoritarian neoliberalism posits that we are living a stage of capitalism in which states have augmented their authoritarian features in decision making, without the consensus of the population, to reinforce processes of capital accumulation. This has allowed them to generate legal scaffolding and reinforce the repressive apparatus to immunize themselves against social protest, renouncing negotiation and co-optation. All this has been done in alliance with the economic and financial elites. The results show that the educational reform was imposed by the economic elites in an agreement with the political power, without any negotiation with the teachers. With the help of the mass media, teachers were blamed for the failures of the educational system, creating a climate of lynching, especially against those who went out to demonstrate in public. We conclude that the educational reform and its imposition -far from aiming at educational quality- sought to control the teaching profession and consolidate the precarious labor conditions that are characteristic of the neoliberal model.

Resumen El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar la reforma educativa en México focalizando la sinergia de intereses entre las élites económicas y la clase política. Sobre la base de una metodología cualitativa, de índole exploratoria y descriptiva, se examina el neoliberalismo autoritario; este concepto establece que atravesamos una etapa del capitalismo en la cual los Estados han aumentado sus rasgos autoritarios en la toma de decisiones sin tener en cuenta el consenso de la población, con el fin de apuntalar los procesos de acumulación de capital. Lo anterior les ha permitido generar andamiajes jurídicos y reforzar los aparatos represivos con el fin de crear inmunidad ante la protesta social, renunciando a la negociación y a la cooptación; todo ello en alianza con las élites económicas y financieras. Los resultados demuestran que la reforma educativa fue impuesta por las élites económicas en acuerdo con el poder político, sin mediar una postura de negociación con el profesorado. Apoyados por los medios de comunicación masivos, se culpó al personal docente del fracaso del sistema educativo, creando un clima de linchamiento, sobre todo contra quienes salieron a manifestarse en el espacio público. Se concluye que la reforma educativa y su imposición, lejos de pretender una mejora en la calidad, buscaba controlar al magisterio y consolidar la precarización laboral, una medida distintiva del modelo neoliberal.

ABSTRACT This paper starts gathering historical evidence related to eventual regulation/deregulation cycles in the two first decades of the XXth and XXIth centuries. Following, an analysis on the passageway of the Medieval Man to a Liberal Man in Europe, and on the economic and political features of the Classical Liberalism in its path to Neoliberalism. Later on, a search for answers to the recent disarrangements and authoritarian trends in the world. Many critics were made to Neoliberalism as well as speculations on the future of this system.

RESUMO O estudo começa coletando evidências relativas a eventuais ciclos de regulação/desregulação entre as décadas iniciais do séculos XX e XXI. Depois, analisa a passagem do Homem Medieval para o Homem Liberal na Europa, onde foca no impacto econômico e político desses eventos desde o Liberalismo Clássico até o Neoliberalismo. Segue-se uma busca de respostas para o atual quadro de desarranjos e tendências autoritárias no mundo derivadas, em essência, do Neoliberalismo dominante e especulações são feitas acerca do futuro desse sistema.

Abstract This article discusses two different phases of neoliberalism as city government practice in Brazil: the first one as progressive neoliberalism and the second as authoritarian, austere, and militarized management of social collapse. In the first part of the text, I use the works of Christian Laval and Pierre Dardot (2009 [2013] and 2016) and Dardot et. al (2021) to inscribe the proposed debate in the transition between two expressions of neoliberalism, initially as world reason or political rationality and later as war strategy. In the second part, such phases will be observed through recent transformations in city government practices, using some examples related to the latest housing and land regularization programs.

Resumo Este artigo discute duas diferentes fases de aclimatação do neoliberalismo como prática de governo das cidades no Brasil. A primeira, como progressismo neoliberal e a segunda, como gestão autoritária, austera e militarizada do colapso social. Na primeira parte, dialogo com os trabalhos de Dardot e Laval (2009 e 2016) e de Dardot et al. (2021), para inscrever o debate proposto na transição entre duas expressões do neoliberalismo, primeiro, como razão mundo ou racionalidade política e segundo, como estratégia de guerra. Na segunda parte, tais fases serão observadas a partir de recentes transformações nas práticas de governo das cidades, através da análise de alguns exemplos relacionados aos últimos programas de provisão habitacional e regularização fundiária vigentes no Brasil.

The historical development of social service supervision reveals that the professional and organisational demands do not co-exist without challenges. The tension that often manifests between professional and managerial supervision is explained using the analogy of "polity dualism", a concept widely used in political science to describe the co-existence of democratic and traditional rulership. The study adopted a qualitative exploratory-descriptive design underpinned by an interpretive paradigm. Seventeen social workers and supervisors were purposively sampled at the Department of Social Development, King Cetshwayo District, KwaZulu-Natal. The findings were presented in terms of two main themes and two related subthemes. These included participants' understanding of supervision and relating their understanding of supervision with experience. The recommendations could be summarised to involve the need to limit supervisors' responsibilities to providing supervision only and to address the challenges posed by polity dualism by relying on professional supervision that offers more support and guidance and encourages collaboration between supervisors and supervisees.

RESUMEN El objetivo del trabajo es ofrecer una perspectiva crítico-histórica sobre el capitalismo desde sus orígenes hasta el siglo XXI, reflexionando sobre las transformaciones más significativas que experimentó a partir del siglo XX, en el que de ser estudiado como sistema-ideología predominantemente afín a la esfera de la económica y la producción por Marx y el marxismo ortodoxo, se convirtió en un imaginario bajo el cual acontece la vida humana y no humana en su totalidad. Se propone una revisión del enfoque analítico y crítico para actualizar y reconstruir su estudio. Lo anterior, se hará partiendo del estudio histórico y económico-político que propone Piketty, donde muestra que el capitalismo ha sido siempre principalmente un sistema de apropiación de riqueza por parte de las clases dirigentes en detrimento de aquellas subordinadas su poder, resultando invariablemente en un régimen de desigualdad, dominación e injusticia, lo cual, durante el siglo XXI se ha exacerbado. En una segunda parte, se expone la necesidad de actualizar nuestras percepciones conceptuales y metodológicas para captar las complejidades del capitalismo del siglo XXI, el cual con la globalización transnacional devino en su fetiche: el neoliberalismo, el cual Fraser ubica como el principal enemigo a vencer.

ABSTRACT The objective of the work is to offer a critical-historical perspective on capitalism from its origins to the 21st century, reflecting on the most significant transformations that it experienced starting in the 20th century, in which if it was studied as a system-ideology predominantly related to sphere of economics and production by Marx and orthodox Marxism, became an imaginary under which human and non-human life occurs in its entirety. A review of the analytical and critical approach is proposed to update and reconstruct your study. The above will be done based on the historical and economic-political study proposed by Piketty, where he shows that capitalism has always been mainly a system of appropriation of wealth by the ruling classes to the detriment of those subordinated to their power, invariably resulting in a regime of inequality, domination and injustice, which, during the 21st century, has been exacerbated. In a second part, the need to update our conceptual and methodological perceptions is exposed to capture the complexities of 21st century capitalism, which with transnational globalization became its fetish: neoliberalism, which Fraser places as the main enemy to defeat.

In light of the pervasive influence that neoliberalism has on the country's higher education sector and, subsequently, its research agenda, we argue that a recalibration of the philosophical and theoretical perspectives of education researchers is warranted. To this end, we advocate in this paper for a shift from the research subject being viewed, according to Barnacle (2009, p. 16) as a "brain in a vat" customary to positivistic thinking to a phenomenology of what we think of as the broken African body that views the African research subject in their fullness as a living, intersubjective, epistemic, bodily being shaped by invisible socio-political structures that condition both mind and body. This approach that centres on the search for understanding the structure of human consciousness, emphasises the influence that the historical, cultural, and social forces have made intrinsic to the African lived body. Accordingly, we argue that when we are conducting educational research the African body should be reframed as a vessel imbued with distinctive memories of various traumas of colonialism and apartheid, along with its resilience in regaining its balance from such perturbations. From this perspective we animate the crucial need by researchers to embrace the African body to enrich education in South Africa by engaging with the profound complexities of the South African context.

Faced with contemporary demands in the field of the fight for rights and, especially, in the face of environmental devastation that forces us to rethink the way in which the hegemonic Western world is structured, it is possible to notice a transformation in the themes of scientific research in universities, which have been seeking a dialogue intercultural and the recovery of ancestral knowledge. In this context, several questions have arisen regarding the way in which this dialogue occurs, in order to understand whether the inclusion of non-hegemonic knowledge promotes structural transformations or is characterized as a functional change for neoliberalism and its colonial logic, which comes being called “epistemic extractivism” or “knowledge piracy”. With the aim of presenting the problem of epistemic extractivism, this article will initially discuss the problem of ethnobiopiracy as the highest expression of this extractive mentality, and, in the second movement of the article, it will raise ethical-political challenges so that scientific research can to carry out intercultural dialogue promoting human rights. We will argue that to break with epistemic extractivism it is necessary to recognize different forms of production and expression of knowledge as legitimate, as well as recognizing their knowers as legitimate, that is, as subjects of knowledge and rights, with attention to their struggles and demands and with retribution for their teachings.

Frente a las demandas contemporáneas en el campo de la lucha por los derechos y, especialmente, frente a la devastación ambiental que obliga a repensar la forma en que se estructura el mundo occidental hegemónico, es posible advertir una transformación en los temas de investigación científica en las universidades, que vienen buscando el diálogo intercultural y la recuperación de conocimientos ancestrales. En este contexto, han surgido varios interrogantes respecto de la forma en que se da este diálogo, con el fin de comprender si la inclusión de conocimientos no hegemónicos promueve transformaciones estructurales o se caracteriza como un cambio funcional para el neoliberalismo y su lógica colonial, que viene denominándose “extractivismo epistémico” o “piratería del conocimiento”. Con el objetivo de presentar la problemática del extractivismo epistémico, este artículo discutirá inicialmente el problema de la etnobiopiratería como máxima expresión de esta mentalidad extractiva, y, en el segundo movimiento del artículo, planteará desafíos ético-políticos para que la investigación científica podemos para llevar a cabo un diálogo intercultural que promueva los derechos humanos. Argumentaremos que para romper con el extractivismo epistémico es necesario reconocer como legítimas las diferentes formas de producción y expresión de conocimiento, así como reconocer a sus conocedores como legítimos, es decir, como sujetos de conocimiento y derechos, con atención a sus luchas y demandas y con retribución por sus enseñanzas.

Diante de demandas contemporâneas no campo da luta por direitos e, especialmente, diante da devastação ambiental que obriga a repensar o modo como se estrutura o mundo ocidental hegemônico, é possível notar uma transformação dos temas das pesquisas científicas nas universidades, que vêm buscando um diálogo intercultural e o resgate de saberes ancestrais. Neste contexto, têm surgido diversos questionamentos no que tange à forma como esse diálogo ocorre, de maneira a compreender se a inclusão de saberes não hegemônicos promove transformações estruturais ou se caracteriza como uma mudança funcional para o neoliberalismo e a sua lógica colonial, o que vem sendo chamado de “extrativismo epistêmico” ou “pirateamento de saberes”. Com o objetivo de apresentar o problema do extrativismo epistêmico, este artigo discutirá, inicialmente, o problema da etnobiopirataria como a mais alta expressão dessa mentalidade extrativista, e, no segundo movimento do artigo, levantará desafios ético-políticos para que a pesquisa científica possa de fato realizar o diálogo intercultural promovendo os direitos humanos. Defenderemos que para romper com o extrativismo epistêmico é necessário reconhecer como legítimas diferentes formas de produção e expressão de conhecimentos, bem como reconhecer como legítimos/as seus/suas conhecedores/as, isto é, como sujeitos de saberes e de direitos, com atenção a suas lutas e demandas e com a retribuição por seus ensinamentos.

This work, in dialogue with the theoretical-methodological assumptions of the Dialogical Perspective of Language, developed by the Bakhtin Circle (BAKHTIN, 2008 [1963]; VOLOCHINOV [1920] (2017), aims to present an analysis of statements in the commentary genre online regarding the video “How to put together a curriculum for Homeschooling”, part of the YouTube channel entitled “Canal Educalar. “Homeschooling”, conceptualized in this work as domestic schooling (PENNA, 2019; TRAVERSINNI and LOCKMANN, 2022), is a phenomenon educational system in which the right of the family to replace, in the domestic space, the formal schooling commonly carried out in the school space is claimed. This phenomenon gained prominence for being affiliated with the neoliberal and conservative assumptions disseminated throughout the Bolsonaro government (2018-2022). Thus, the analysis of the 41 comments, present in the video, was based on the methodological paths present in Volochínov (2017) , Rodrigues (2005) and Remenche and Rohling (2016) , in which we focused on observing, firstly, the social dimension of the online comment genre to later analyze the verbal dimension. From the analysis of the comments, we noticed the derogatory construction of the school space as a space harmful to the student's development, as well as the discursivization of homeschooling as a possibility of protecting diversity social and students with specific educational needs. The link to neoliberal and conservative projects was also present, as responsive attitudes of positive valuation to such discursivities. Furthermore, in linguistic materiality, there was the use of derogatory emojis in relation to the school, which highlights the socio-communicative potential of the genre in the evaluative accent of the statement.

Este trabalho, em diálogo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Perspectiva Dialógica da Linguagem, elaborada pelo Círculo de Bakhtin (BAKHTIN, 2008 [1963]; VOLOCHINOV [1920] (2017), destina-se a apresentar uma análise de enunciados do gênero comentário online a respeito do vídeo “Como montar um currículo para Homeschooling”, integrante do canal de Youtube intitulado “Canal Educalar. O “Homeschooling”, conceituado neste trabalho como escolarização doméstica (PENNA, 2019; TRAVERSINNI e LOCKMANN, 2022), é um fenômeno educacional em que se reclama o direito de a família substituir, no espaço doméstico, a escolarização formal realizada comumente no espaço escolar. Tal fenômeno ganhou destaque por filiar-se aos pressupostos neoliberais e conservadores difundidos ao longo do governo Bolsonaro (2018-2022).  Desse modo, a análise dos 41 comentários, presentes no vídeo, pautou-se nos percursos metodológicos presentes em Volochínov (2017) , Rodrigues (2005)  e Remenche e Rohling (2016) , em que nos debruçamos a observar, primeiramente, a dimensão social do gênero comentário online para, posteriormente, analisarmos a dimensão verbal.A partir da análise dos comentários, percebeu-se a construção depreciativa do espaço escolar como um espaço prejudicial ao desenvolvimento do aluno, bem como a discursivização do homeschooling como possibilidade de proteção à diversidade social e a alunos com necessidades educacionais específicas. Mostrou-se presente, também, a vinculação aos projetos neoliberais e conservadores, como atitudes responsivas de valoração positiva a tais discursividades. Além disso, na materialidade linguageira, houve o uso de emojis depreciativos em relação à escola, o que evidencia o potencial sociocomunicativo do gênero no acento valorativo do enunciado.

Resumen En este artículo se examina el despliegue del poder empresarial en Chile en el espacio concreto del Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP). Según datos del año 2021, son 79 las empresas, personas jurídicas y personas naturales que aportaron una donación anual a esta institución. Esta cifra de donantes motiva el objetivo principal de este artículo: analizar la estructura de poder corporativo que se teje alrededor de este think tank y de las empresas que lo financian. Para ello, se responden dos preguntas fundamentales: ¿cuáles son las empresas centrales en la red corporativa de los financiadores del CEP? y ¿cuáles son los directores y consejeros más representativos de esta red corporativa de los financiadores del CEP? Metodológicamente se ha utilizado el análisis de redes sociales que permite identificar cómo se organizan las redes corporativas cuando las empresas comparten directorios y consejeros (interlocking directorates). En este marco, se discute el liderazgo de los grupos económicos Angelini, Matte y Luksic en la red corporativa tejida alrededor de este think tank; además, se demuestra cómo hasta 40 consejeros directivos del CEP ocupan cargos en empresas que lo financian. Por último, se concluye que la estructuración reticular del poder de los grupos económicos en Chile ha traído consecuencias relacionadas con la resiliencia del neoliberalismo en el país.

Abstract This article examines the deployment of business power in Chile in a specific space - namely, the think tank Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP). According to data from the year 2021, there are 79 companies, legal entities, and individuals that made an annual donation to the institution. This number of donors motivates the main objective of this article: to analyze the corporate power structure that is articulated between this think tank and the companies that finance it. To this end, two fundamental questions are answered: which are the core companies in the corporate network of CEP funders and which are the most representative directors and board members of this corporate network of CEP funders? Regarding the methodology, social network analysis has been used to identify how corporate networks are organized when companies share directors and advisors (interlocking directorates). The leadership of economic groups like Angelini, Matte, and Luksic in the corporate network shows how these relations are intertwined. In addition, it exhibits how 40 directors of the CEP held positions in companies that provide economic stimulus to the think tank. Finally, it is concluded about the reticular structure of the power of productive elites in Chile and their consequences related to the resilience of neoliberalism in this country.