ABSTRACT Introduction: the postgraduate educational climate (CE) in the hospital environment can determine the way in which resident physicians (MRs) adapt to their new stage, during which professional burnout syndrome (PAS) is highly likely to occur at some point. Objective: to determine the relationship between the educational climate and professional burnout in physicians in the medical residency programs of the National Hospital 2023-2024. Methodology: cross-sectional observational study of a sample of MR convenience of both sexes from all medical specialties of the National Hospital between November 2023 and January 2024, MR with external rotation and/or vacations were excluded. Sample calculation; 136 MR. An online form from Google was sent to the MR email requesting voluntary participation. The SAP was measured with the standard Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI) method with subscales; emotional exhaustion (EA), depersonalization (DESP), personal fulfillment (PR), with PAS with high scores of AE, DESP and low RP. The EC was assessed with the measure of the hospital postgraduate educational environment (PHEEM) with subscales; perception of role autonomy (PAR), perception of teaching (PE), perception of social support (PSS), the higher the score, the better the EC. Demographic and academic variables, MBI and PHEEM scores were collected, and the SAP was considered dependent, as the main result was the predictive relationship of the PHEEM on the SAP. Data were compared with χ², t-test or Mann-Whitney U, ANOVA and linear regression (p-significant value =<0.05). Results: of 233 participants, the mean age was 28.75 (±2.20), 63.94 % (149) women, the general prevalence of PAS; 70.38 % (164/233), PAS in men 75 % (63/84) and women 67.78 % (101/149) p=0.0014, the first 2 years with the highest frequency of PAS; 65 (85.52 %), 59 (86.76 %) respectively p=0.0009, 63 (90 %) p=0.0071 surgical specialties. The subscales of the MBI, the AE; 79.82 % (186) with an average of 35.39 (± 11.61) points. The CE of MRs with SAP; 107.9 (19.6) dots and without PAS; 136.3 (12.1) dots 95 % CI 18.1-25.0 p= 0.0001. The PHEEM predicted the AE with R2=0.619, B= -0.18 (±0.009) p=0.001, and the DESP; R2= 0.385, B= -0.001(0.004) p=0.009, PSS being a significant predictor with inverse correlation in both. Conclusion: there is an inverse relationship between the educational climate and burnout syndrome in the population studied, with a high prevalence of burnout in male residents of surgical specialties, with the social support of the hospital educational environment being a significant predictor for the development of burnout syndrome.

RESUMEN Introducción: el clima educacional (CE) de posgrado en el ambiente hospitalario puede determinar la manera en como los médicos residentes (MR) se adaptan a su nueva etapa, durante el cual el sindrome agotamiento profesional (SAP) es altamente probable de producirse en algún momento. Objetivo: determinar la relación entre el clima educacional y el agotamiento profesional en médicos de los programas de residencias médicas del Hospital Nacional 2023-2024. Metodología: estudio observacional transversal de una muestra por conveniencia de MR de ambos sexos de todas las especialidades médicas del Hospital Nacional entre noviembre 2023 y enero 2024, se excluyeron MR con rotación externa y/o vacaciones. Calculo muestral; 136 MR. Se envío un formulario en línea de Google al correo electrónico del MR solicitando la participación voluntaria. El SAP fue medido con el método estándar Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI) con subescalas; agotamiento emocional (AE), despersonalización (DESP), realización personal (RP), existiendo SAP con puntuaciones altas de AE, DESP y bajas de RP. El CE fue valorado con la medida del entorno educativo de posgrado hospitalario (PHEEM) con subescalas; percepción autonomía de roles (PAR), percepción enseñanza (PE), percepción soporte social (PSS), a mayor puntaje mejor CE. Se recopiló variables demográficos, académicos, puntajes del MBI y PHEEM, el SAP fue considerado dependiente, como resultado principal la relación predictiva del PHEEM sobre el SAP. Se compararon datos con χ², prueba t o U de Mann-Whitney, ANOVA y regresión lineal (p-valor significativo =<0,05). Resultados: de 233 participantes, la edad media fue de 28,75 (± 2,20), el 63,94 % (149) mujeres, la prevalencia general del SAP; 70,38 % (164/233), SAP en hombres 75 % (63/84) y mujeres 67,78 % (101/149) p=0,0014, los 2 primeros años con mayor frecuencia de SAP; 65 (85,52 %), 59 (86,76 %) repectivamente p=0,0009, de especialidades quirúrgicas 63 (90 %) p=0,0071. Las subescalas del MBI el AE;79,82 % (186) con un promedio de 35,39 (± 11,61) puntos. El PHEEM de los MR con SAP; 107,9(( 19,6) puntos y sin SAP; 136,3(( 12,1) puntos IC 95 % 18,1-25,0 p= 0,0001. El PHEEM predijo el AE con R2=0,619, PPS; B= -0,18 (±0,009) p=0,001, y la DESP; R2= 0,385, PPS; B= -0,001 (±0,004) p=0,009 siendo PSS predictor significativo con correlación inversa en ambas. Conclusión: existe relación inversa entre el clima educativo y el sindrome de agotamiento profesional en la población estudiada, con alta prevalencia de este en residentes hombres de especialidades quirúrgicas, siendo el soporte social del ambiente educativo hospitalario un predictor significativo para el desarrollo del sindrome de agotamiento profesional.

Resumen: Introducción: En inicios del año 2015 se implementa el convenio de complementación público-privado entre los dos principales prestadores del Departamento de San José - Uruguay: AMSJ y ASSE San José, conformándose así la Unidad Departamental de Medicina Paliativa de San José (UDMP). El convenio tiene como principal objetivo asegurar la asistencia paliativa a todos los usuarios de los prestadores involucrados con los principios fundamentales de calidad, equidad y accesibilidad, siguiendo los lineamientos del Plan Nacional de Cuidados Paliativos del Ministerio de Salud Pública de Uruguay. El objetivo es describir y analizar la experiencia de la implementación del primer modelo de complementación público-privado del país en Cuidados Paliativos (CP). Metodología: Estudio descriptivo analítico, retrospectivo que incluye datos de los primeros siete años de funcionamiento del convenio. Resultados: El convenio de complementación público-privado en el Departamento de San José, permitió la creación de un equipo interdisciplinario que asistió en forma continua a 1422 pacientes provenientes de zonas urbanas y rurales, portadores de diversas patologías. La cobertura departamental de CP aumentó de forma significativa, pasando de 24 % en 2014 a 57% en 2021. Estos resultados se lograron implementando un modelo de asistencia paliativa que asegura la continuidad asistencial en internación, consultorio y domicilio, que permitió respetar la autonomía del paciente, logrando el fallecimiento de 67% de los pacientes en su hogar. La satisfacción de usuarios y familiares de la asistencia brindada fue evaluada como muy buena. Conclusiones: El convenio de complementación resultó ser una herramienta eficiente para favorecer el acceso a CP, evitando la superposición de equipos en la asistencia domiciliaria en todo el departamento de San José.

Resumo: Introdução: No início de 2015, foi implementado o acordo de complementaridade público-privado entre os dois principais prestadores do Departamento de San José Uruguai: AMSJ e ASSE San José, formando assim a Unidade Departamental de Medicina Paliativa de San José (UDMP). O principal objetivo do acordo é garantir cuidados paliativos a todos os usuários dos prestadores envolvidos, com os princípios fundamentais de qualidade, equidade e acessibilidade, seguindo as diretrizes do Plano Nacional de Cuidados Paliativos do Ministério de Saúde Pública do Uruguai. El objetivo es descrever e analisar a experiência de implementação do primeiro modelo de complementação público-privada em Cuidados Paliativos (CP) do país. Metodologia: Estudo descritivo, analítico, retrospectivo que inclui dados dos primeiros sete anos de vigência do convênio. Resultados: O acordo de complementação público-privada no Departamento de San José permitiu a criação de uma equipe interdisciplinar que atendeu continuamente 1.422 pacientes de áreas urbanas e rurais, com diversas patologias. A cobertura departamental do CP aumentou significativamente, de 24% em 2014 para 57% em 2021. Estes resultados foram alcançados através da implementação de um modelo de cuidados paliativos que garante a continuidade dos cuidados no internamento, no consultório e no domicílio, o que permitiu respeitar a autonomia do doente, atingindo a morte de 67% dos doentes no domicílio. A satisfação dos usuários e familiares com a assistência prestada foi avaliada como muito boa. Conclusões: O convênio de complementação revelou-se uma ferramenta eficiente para promover o acesso à CP, evitando a sobreposição de equipes na atenção domiciliar em todo o departamento de San José.

Abstract: Introduction: At the beginning of 2015, the public-private complementarity agreement was implemented between the two main providers of the Department of San José Uruguay: AMSJ and ASSE San José, thus forming the Departmental Unit of Palliative Medicine of San José (UDMP). The main objective of the agreement is to ensure palliative care to all users of the providers involved, with the fundamental principles of quality, equity and accessibility, following the guidelines of the National Palliative Care Plan of the Ministry of Public Health of Uruguay. The objective is describe and analyze the experience of implementing the country's first public-private complementation model in Palliative Care (PC). Methodology: Descriptive, analytical, retrospective study that includes data from the first seven years of operation of the agreement. Results: The public-private complementation agreement in the Department of San José allowed the creation of an interdisciplinary team that continuously assisted 1,422 patients from urban and rural areas, with various pathologies. Departmental CP coverage increased significantly, from 24% in 2014 to 57% in 2021. These results were achieved by implementing a palliative care model that ensures continuity of care in hospitalization, office and home, which allowed the patient's autonomy to be respected, achieving the death of 67% of patients at home. The satisfaction of users and family members with the assistance provided was evaluated as very good. Conclusions: The complementation agreement turned out to be an efficient tool to promote access to CP, avoiding the overlap of teams in home care throughout the department of San José.

Abstract This narrative review addresses the historical and legal evolution of advance directives globally and locally since their emergence. It starts from the principle of autonomy in modern bioethics and its relationship with the patient’s vulnerability, as well as the consideration of death by health professionals. It highlights the essential role of the advance directives document as a valuable tool in the physician-patient-family relationship, being fundamental to understanding the patient’s perspective. The document is defined considering the medical literature and its application is discussed, stressing the importance of not waiting until advanced clinical deterioration for its implementation. The review also examines national and international legislation, as well as current medical knowledge, with the aim of facilitating consensual decisions among all parties involved in patient care.

Resumen Esta revisión narrativa aborda la evolución histórica y legal de las voluntades anticipadas a nivel global y local desde su surgimiento. Parte del principio de autonomía en la bioética moderna y su relación con la vulnerabilidad del paciente, así como la consideración de la muerte por parte de los profesionales de la salud. Destaca el papel esencial del documento de voluntades anticipadas como una herramienta valiosa en la relación médico-paciente-familia, siendo fundamental para comprender la perspectiva del paciente. Se define el documento considerando la literatura médica y se discute su aplicación, subrayando la importancia de no esperar hasta un deterioro clínico avanzado para su implementación. La revisión también examina la legislación nacional e internacional, así como el conocimiento médico actual, con el objetivo de facilitar decisiones consensuadas entre todas las partes involucradas en el cuidado del paciente.

Abstract. In Mexico, educational institutions and government initiatives aimed at closing the achievement gap continue to struggle to provide access to higher education for young adults from indigenous communities. This article analyzes one model that serves young people in areas without institutions of higher education. The model in question is the distance learning model of the National Technological Institute of Mexico in the indigenous community of the municipality of Tolimán, Querétaro, Mexico. The researchers endeavored to learn about the experiences, expectations, and greater meaning around higher education by using qualitative methodology including focus groups. Among the findings, researchers observed that the distance learning model resolves two obstacles to the educational trajectory of indigenous youth. These are distance from university campuses and scarcity of financial resources among families to support students living outside the community while they study. Researchers also found that higher education delays the cultural mandates of marriage and parenthood, increasing autonomy and empowerment among women.

Resumen. En México, consolidar el acceso a la educación superior para los jóvenes indígenas es una tarea pendiente para las diversas instituciones educativas y los proyectos gubernamentales que buscan atender los rezagos históricos que en materia educativa han presentado los pueblos originarios. Este artículo busca contribuir al análisis de uno de los modelos de educación que existen para atender a jóvenes estudiantes que habitan en regiones donde no hay planteles de educación superior: el modelo de educación a distancia del Tecnológico Nacional de México, de la región indígena de Tolimán, Querétaro. El objetivo es recuperar las experiencias, las expectativas y los significados que la educación superior tiene para los estudiantes mediante un acercamiento cualitativo con la técnica de grupos de enfoque. Los principales hallazgos revelan que este modelo resuelve dos obstáculos en las trayectorias educativas de los jóvenes indígenas: la lejanía de los planteles de educación superior y la escasez de recursos familiares para sostener a los alumnos fuera de su comunidad mientras estudian. También se observó que la educación superior retrasa el mandato cultural del matrimonio y la procreación, lo que incrementa la autonomía y el empoderamiento de las mujeres.

Abstract Argentina and Brazil illustrate how distinctive electoral designs impact candidate selection for subnational elective offices. In Argentina, the provinces’ autonomy to establish their own electoral rules extends to the selection of candidates. Their adherence to the national law is optional. In Brazil, although all states share the same electoral legislation, the rules for choosing candidates are established by each political party, whether at the national or subnational level. This study analyzes how the political reforms carried out in both countries in recent years have affected the selection of subnational candidates. By applying a top-down approach for a multilevel analysis, we argue that political reforms driven from the national level in both countries have posed multilevel tensions that have had various effects on these electoral and party systems, impacting the degree of plurality and the transparency of the elections. In Argentina, the failed process of vertical homogenization of candidate selection through open, simultaneous, and obligatory primaries (PASO) has impacted subnational electoral reforms and practices among provincial political actors. In the Brazilian case, national jurisprudence and reforms have emerged to foster coordination between parties at both levels of government. Both cases show a tendency towards nominations of closed and vertical candidacies as a result of multilevel tensions.

Resumen Argentina y Brasil ilustran cómo distintos diseños electorales impactan en la selección de candidaturas para cargos electivos subnacionales. En Argentina, la autonomía de las provincias para establecer sus propias normas electorales se extiende a la selección de candidaturas, pues es opcional la adhesión a la ley nacional. En Brasil, si bien la legislación electoral es común para todos los estados, las reglas al elegir candidaturas, ya sea a nivel nacional o subnacional, son establecidas por cada partido. En este artículo se analiza cómo las reformas políticas llevadas a cabo en ambas naciones han tenido efectos sobre la selección de candidaturas subnacionales. Utilizando el abordaje top-down para el análisis multinivel, argumentamos que las reformas políticas en estos dos países han planteado tensiones multinivel con impactos en sus sistemas electorales y partidarios que afectaron el grado de pluralidad y la transparencia de la oferta electoral. En Argentina, el proceso fallido de homogeneización vertical de la selección de candidaturas a través de las primarias, abiertas, simultáneas y obligatorias (PASO) ha impactado en las reformas electorales subnacionales y en las prácticas de los actores políticos provinciales. En el caso brasileño, la jurisprudencia y las reformas nacionales surgen para fomentar la coordinación entre los partidos en ambos niveles de gobierno. Los dos casos muestran una tendencia a las nominaciones de candidaturas cerradas y verticalistas.

Abstract This article aims to assess the limits of the debate on the crisis of hegemony in the United States in the 1970s. We raise the thesis that the crisis of this decade did not correspond to the supposed crisis of hegemony - despite the questions raised against it. We will argue that during the post-war period, the USA built the foundations of a global power that were consolidated during this and the following decade, through the foundation of the formatters parameters of the interstate system - security, currency/finance, production/technology. The crisis of the decade corresponds, therefore, not to a crisis of hegemony, but to the antagonism between the limits of the autonomy of National States and to the rise of a transnational economic order, whose vertex situated the American global power. 1970s s it postwar post war period security currencyfinance currency finance currency/finance productiontechnology production technology production/technology corresponds therefore order

Resumo Este artigo tem por objetivo avaliar os limites do debate acerca da crise de hegemonia dos Estados Unidos na década de 1970. Nossa hipótese é que a crise daquele período não correspondeu à crise de hegemonia - à revelia dos questionamentos a ela. Argumentaremos que, ao longo do pós-guerra, os EUA construíram as bases de um poder global que se consolidaram no decorrer daquela quadra e da seguinte, mediante o alicerçamento dos parâmetros formatadores do sistema interestatal - segurança, moeda/finanças, produção/tecnologia. A crise da década corresponde, por conseguinte, não à crise de hegemonia, mas ao antagonismo entre os limites da autonomia dos Estados Nacionais e a ascensão de uma ordem econômica transnacional, em cujo vértice se situa o poder global estadunidense. JEL: F40, F62, P16, N12. 1970 ela pósguerra, pósguerra pós guerra, guerra pós-guerra seguinte segurança moedafinanças moeda finanças moeda/finanças produçãotecnologia produção tecnologia produção/tecnologia corresponde conseguinte transnacional estadunidense JEL F40 F F62 P16 P N12 N 197 F4 F6 P1 N1 19 1

Resumo O presente artigo é resultado de uma análise comparada entre as diversas espécies de sistemas eleitorais, com o fim de estabelecer as bases para uma justiça eleitoral. São estudadas as principais características de sistemas eleitorais, no que diz respeito às suas funções normativas, executivas e jurisdicionais, bem como a independência e autonomia entre elas; à sua alocação em uma das três esferas de poder estatal; ao recrutamento, à carreira e às prerrogativas dos membros que a integram; e aos princípios fundamentais e diretrizes que orientam suas decisões. O objeto da pesquisa contempla direitos nacionais representativos de sistemas jurídicos de influência do common law e do civil law e, com lastro em normas internacionais, a justiça eleitoral é situada como uma instituição indispensável para a salvaguarda de direitos fundamentais, sob a ótica dos direitos humanos. De modo qualitativo, com suporte legislativo e doutrinário, enseja-se uma exposição e a reflexão sobre as conformações da justiça eleitoral, seus estândares mínimos e o papel que ela desempenha na manutenção de uma democracia. eleitorais normativas jurisdicionais elas estatal recrutamento integram decisões internacionais humanos qualitativo doutrinário ensejase enseja se democracia

Abstract This article is the result of a comparative analysis of the various types of electoral systems, with the aim of establishing the foundations of electoral justice. The main characteristics of electoral systems are studied in terms of their normative, executive and adjudicative functions, as well the independence and autonomy among them; the allocation of such functions to one of the three spheres of state power; the recruitment, career and prerogatives of their members; and the main principles and guidelines orienting their decisions. The research is focused on national rights representative of legal systems influenced by common law and civil law. Based on international norms, electoral justice is contextualized as an indispensable mechanism of safeguarding fundamental rights from a human rights perspective. With a qualitative approach, supported by legislation and legal doctrine, the paper presents and reflects on the forms of electoral justice, its minimum standards, and the role played by such justice in the maintenance of a democracy. The research is focused on the subject of national rights representative of legal systems influenced by common law and civil law; with support from international norms, electoral justice is contextualized as an indispensable institution to safeguard fundamental rights from the perspective of human rights. In a qualitative approach, with support from legislative and doctrinal texts, the article provides an exposition and reflection on the forms of electoral justice, the minimum standards and the role played by such justice in maintaining a democracy. normative them power recruitment members decisions norms approach doctrine democracy texts

Resumo Neste artigo, investigamos os modos de apropriação do Projeto de Apoio às Ciências Humanas (PROHUM) em três universidades nacionais argentinas: La Plata, General Sarmiento e Luján. Foi realizado um estudo de caso instrumental coletivo em escala microssocial, triangulando dados de documentos institucionais e entrevistas em profundidade com autoridades. A pesquisa buscou determinar o grau de autonomia desses atores nas definições institucionais alcançadas. Entre as medidas comuns, foi dada prioridade ao fortalecimento do número de cargos docentes em disciplinas de ensino nas disciplinas incluídas no PROHUM. As medidas de consolidação de equipes para as etapas iniciais dos cursos de graduação também tiveram lugar de destaque. Entre as diferenças, destacam-se os critérios que orientaram as decisões em cada caso: a massividade ou a situação de evasão nos primeiros anos. Nos três casos, ficou evidente um alto grau de autonomia na definição de melhorias na formação de professores.

Resumen En este artículo, indagamos los modos de apropiación del Proyecto de Apoyo a las Ciencias Humanas (PROHUM) en tres universidades nacionales argentinas: las de La Plata, General Sarmiento y Luján. Se desarrolló un estudio de casos colectivo de tipo instrumental a escala microsocial, triangulando datos plasmados en documentos institucionales y en entrevistas en profundidad a autoridades. La investigación buscó determinar el grado de autonomía de esos actores en las definiciones institucionales alcanzadas. Entre las medidas comunes, se privilegió el fortalecimiento de cargos afectados a asignaturas de formación pedagógica en profesorados de las disciplinas incluidas en el PROHUM. También tuvieron un lugar destacado las medidas de consolidación de equipos para los tramos iniciales de las carreras. Entre las diferencias, se resaltan los criterios que orientaron las decisiones en cada caso: la masividad o la situación de desgranamiento en los primeros años. En los tres casos, se evidenció un alto grado de autonomía para definir las mejoras de la formación docente.

Abstract In this article we look into the ways of appropriation of the Human Sciences Support Project (PROHUM) in three Argentine national universities: those of La Plata, General Sarmiento and Luján. A collective case study of instrumental type was developed at a micro-social scale, triangulating data from institutional documents and in-depth interviews with authorities. The research sought to determine the degree of autonomy of these actors in the institutional definitions reached. Among the common measures, priority was given to the strengthening of positions assigned to pedagogical training subjects in teaching programs in the disciplines included in the PROHUM. The measures for the consolidation of teams for the initial stages of the careers also had a prominent place. Among the differences, the criteria that guided the decisions in each case stand out: the massiveness or the situation of dropout in the first years. In all three cases, a high degree of autonomy in defining improvements in teacher training was evident.

Education systems are shaped by various internal and external contextual forces (De Beer, 2017). External contextual trends typically include language, demography, geography, technology, politics, and financial and economic trends. Religion represents one of these external contextual trends that can affect an education system (see Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010; Wolhuter & Van der Walt, 2018). Making use of established metabletic-comparative methodology, this article seeks to highlight the impact of religion as a formative factor of education in the BRICS countries. Religion is treated significantly differently in the education systems of the BRICS member states. In schools in India and China, no religious activities are allowed in accordance with the respective constitutions, while any religious activities may take place in schools in Brazil, Russia and South Africa, provided that the activities comply with particular guidelines. Broadly considered, any religious activities are conducted in primary schools in Brazil, provided that attendance is voluntary. Religion in Brazilian schools is influenced by the strong position of the Roman Catholic faith in Brazilian society, which could potentially be detrimental to minority groups in Brazil (Senefonte, 2018:440). Learners in Russia, according to Russian law, are free to choose for themselves the religious module in which they wish to receive education. Schools in Russia do not, however, always implement this legislation correctly, since a school's resources actually determine which module the learners should take. The manner in which religion is being dealt with, causes unhappiness among learners and parents as they do not really have freedom of choice regarding the religious module in which they wish to receive instruction (Zöllner, 2016). The legislation in China clearly states that no religious activities may take place in public schools, yet the ruling party of China intends to enshrine tenets of atheism in learners in schools (Vickers, 2022; Wang & Froese, 2020). Compared to the other BRICS member states, China has the most officially, constitutionally recognised ethnic groups. In terms of legislation and policy formulations, the ethnic minority groups obtain various benefits in terms of education. The wide variety of ethnic groupings poses various challenges to the government of China as the views of all these groups in the education system have to be taken into account. Various documents, including the South African Schools Act 76 of 1996, and other education policies provide clear guidelines as to how religion ought to be dealt with in South African schools. In South Africa, learners are taught various major deities worldwide. All learners in South Africa are exposed to the concept of religion through the subject Life Orientation (Grades 7-12). Teachers in South Africaface the challenge of respecting all kinds of religions and not preaching their own views on a religion. This challenge of respecting all religions can result in conflict in schools, as learners may feel that they will be discriminated against if one type of religion is singled out, for example during assembly. This underscores the role and value of South African teachers in inculcating citizenship values (see Wolhuter, Janmaat, Van der Walt & Potgieter, 2020). The Government of India faces opposition from minority groups with regard to religion in schools as the socio-political hegemony religion is especially preferred in terms of the drafting of academic textbooks (Traub, 2018). This preferential treatment of a particular religion is contrary to the Indian constitution, as no single religion may be singled out, nor should any religion be discriminated against (Majumdar, 2018). The preference given to a particular religion in textbooks can result in a negative impact on the education system of India. The analysis and interpretation show that there is still a close relationship between religion and education in the BRICS countries. However, all five BRICS member states face different problems regarding religion and each of the five member states also deals with its problems differently. This conclusion is now unpacked in this summary, and in detail defended in the ensuing full text. In terms of dealing with religion, South Africa appears to be more tolerant than Brazil, Russia, India and China, although this tolerance still causes more problems for the South African government, in the sense of opposition from various adherents of a wide variety of faith groupings who would like schools to play a role in strengthening the religious beliefs of their children. Several court cases have been fought in South Africa as schools struggle to accommodate the wishes of all religious groups in South Africa (see Nthontho, 2020). In contrast to forces in all the BRICS countries trying to separate religion and (public) education, the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, the proto-charter of Human Rights Charters in the contemporary world, Article 26 states that everyone has the right to education, education should be oriented towards the total development of the child's personality, and that parents have a preferential right to decide on the type of education their children should receive. The BRICS member states can learn from each other how to deal with religion in schools, even though none have yet managed to deal satisfactorily with religion in education. The common factor among all five BRICS countries is that religion is used again and again (consciously or unconsciously) to reinforce political or ideological hegemony. It seems that the shortcoming in all these countries is pointing to a lack of recognition of the place and role of religion in the lives of their citizens and that secular-political objectives, notably the forcing of official ideological hegemony, as well as the achievement of national unity above the full recognition of religious freedom, are also stated in the education system and in citizens 'choice of the kind of religious education of their children. As a result, the role of religion in creating a strong moral fibre for a society therefore never seems to come into its own. Moreover, judging by the United Nations Charter's Human Rights provisions on education, educative education (incl. teaching and learning), in accordance with its full scope of semantic value, does not currently come into its own. The same seems to be the case as regards the human right to parental advocacy with respect to religious education. The experience of the BRICS countries in terms of religion-in-education shows that it is sensible and even necessary, for example, along the path of enlarged parental speech in education and school autonomy, to allow more room for religious freedom in education. The BRICS countries are currently being proposed as the leading grouping of the Global South in a new formative world order. Against this background, current trends regarding religion-in-education in these countries therefore probably represent a bold example. However, it should nonetheless be denounced by the academic community and better examples should subsequently be extracted and presented from other national education systems from future research.

'n Onderwysstelsel word deur verskeie samelewingskontekstuele kragte gevorm. Hierdie kontekstuele faktore sluit taal, demografie, geografie, tegnologie, politiek en finansiële en ekonomiese tendense in. Godsdiens is een van die laasgenoemde tendense wat 'n onderwys-stelsel kan beïnvloed. Die BRICS-organisasie bestaan uit Brasilië, Rusland, Indië, Sjina en Suid-Afrika en is 'n supra-nasionale blok wat baie aandag in die openbare sowel as akademiese diskoers oor internasionale politiek en maatskaplike kwessies trek (De Beer, 2017). Godsdiens word wyd geag as 'n omstrede en sensitiewe faktor in onderwysstelsels (sien Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010). In hierdie artikel word godsdiens as vormgewende faktor van die onderwysstelsels in die BRICS-lande ondersoek, om die waarde daarvan as 'n aanskouingsles vir Suid-Afrika en ander lande te bepaal. Die BRICS-lidlande is doelbewus vir hierdie navorsing gekies weens die besondere waarde van hierdie lande as vertoonvenster van onderwysstelsels se antwoord op samelewingstendense van die een-en-twintigste eeu. Dokumentontleding is uitgevoer ten opsigte van beleidsdokumente, wetgewing, artikels en staatspublikasies, ten einde inligting in te samel. In die verwerking en interpretasie van inligting is die metableties-vergelykende metode gebruik ten einde beste praktyke ten opsigte van die hantering van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels vanuit die BRICS-lidlande te identifiseer. Die ondersoek het ernstige tekortkominge in al die BRICS-lande se hantering van godsdiens in onderwys aan die lig gebring. Nie een van die lande se beleid of praktyk slaag die toets, soos gemeet aan die Verenigde Nasies se Handves van Menseregte nie. Die noodsaak van voortgesette navorsing oor die plek van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels van die wêreld word ten slotte verduidelik.

Resumen En este artículo se presenta una reflexión histórica sobre la evolución de la Archivística como opción profesional en la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, así como un análisis sobre su desarrollo como una ciencia de la información. A partir de la investigación documental y registros institucionales, se pauta el desarrollo de la propia licenciatura dentro de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras hasta los últimos años, con una nueva cultura archivística nacional resultado de la promulgación de la legislación de carácter federal en la materia. Generar una perspectiva amplia sobre sus trayectorias permite: a) establecer si las condiciones institucionales actuales contribuyen al desarrollo profesional de sus egresados a partir de la identidad y autonomía de su campo, o si sólo acentúan la dependencia disciplinaria; b) constatar la pertinencia de su diseño curricular actual y las posibles sendas de profundización para adecuarlo, en función de sus propios avances teóricos.

Abstract This article presents a historical reflection on the evolution of the Archivist as a professional option at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), as well as an analysis of its development as an information science. From the documentary research and institutional records, it is guided the development of the own bachelor within the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters until the last years, with a new national archival culture resulting from the enactment of federal legislation on the subject. Generating a broad perspective on their careers allows: a) establishing whether current institutional conditions contribute to the professional development of their graduates based on the identity and autonomy of their field, or if they only accentuate disciplinary dependence; b) ascertain the relevance of its current curricular design and possible paths of deepening to adapt it, based on its own theoretical advances.

Abstract: More and more naturally we recognize children and adolescents (NNA) as social actors capable of managing for themselves, according to their age and level of development, specific aspects of their lives; spaces in which we gradually and correlatively grant them greater scope for personal action. This paradigmatic change in the understanding of children and adolescents has been influenced by the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1989. It meant moving forward from a until then welfare perspective that observed children and adolescents as subject objects of protection, as passive subjects, to the guardianship of responsible adults (doctrine of guardianship protection), to their consideration as subjects of law, that is, as holders and main agents in the exercise of their rights, with respect to which adults have duties of protection. orientation and guidance (doctrine of comprehensive protection). Reviewing the terms of the Convention and the adjustments made to the national legal framework, this article explores how this new model, based on human rights, is extended and in what terms, to the healthcare space.

Resumen: Cada vez con mayor naturalidad reconocemos a niños, niñas y adolescentes (NNA) como actores sociales capaces de agenciar por sí mismos, según su edad y nivel de desarrollo, aspectos específicos de su vida; espacios en los cuáles correlativamente y de manera gradual vamos otorgándoles mayores márgenes de actuación personal. Este cambio paradigmático en la comprensión de NNA ha estado influenciado por la adopción de la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño (CDN), en 1989. Ella supuso avanzar desde una mirada hasta entonces asistencialista que observaba a NNA como objetos de protección sometidos, en tanto sujetos pasivos, a la tutela de adultos responsables (doctrina de la protección tutelar), a su consideración como sujetos de derecho, esto es, como titulares y principales agentes en el ejercicio de sus derechos, respecto de los cuales cabe a los adultos deberes de orientación y guía (doctrina de la protección integral). Revisando los términos de la Convención y las adecuaciones experimentadas por el marco jurídico nacional, esta actualidad explora el modo como este nuevo modelo, fundamentado en los derechos humanos, se hace extensible y en qué términos, al espacio sanitario.

Resumen: Cada vez con mayor naturalidad reconocemos a niños, niñas y adolescentes (NNA) como actores sociales capaces de agenciar por sí mismos, según su edad y nivel de desarrollo, aspectos específicos de su vida; espacios en los cuáles correlativamente y de manera gradual vamos otorgándoles mayores márgenes de actuación personal. Este cambio paradigmático en la comprensión de NNA ha estado influenciado por la adopción de la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño (CDN), en 1989. Ella supuso avanzar desde una mirada hasta entonces asistencialista que observaba a NNA como objetos de protección sometidos, en tanto sujetos pasivos, a la tutela de adultos responsables (doctrina de la protección tutelar), a su consideración como sujetos de derecho, esto es, como titulares y principales agentes en el ejercicio de sus derechos, respecto de los cuales cabe a los adultos deberes de orientación y guía (doctrina de la protección integral). Revisando los términos de la Convención y las adecuaciones experimentadas por el marco jurídico nacional, esta actualidad explora el modo como este nuevo modelo, fundamentado en los derechos humanos, se hace extensible y en qué términos, al espacio sanitario.

Abstract: More and more naturally we recognize children and adolescents (NNA) as social actors capable of managing for themselves, according to their age and level of development, specific aspects of their lives; spaces in which we gradually and correlatively grant them greater scope for personal action. This paradigmatic change in the understanding of children and adolescents has been influenced by the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1989. It meant moving forward from a until then welfare perspective that observed children and adolescents as subject objects of protection, as passive subjects, to the guardianship of responsible adults (doctrine of guardianship protection), to their consideration as subjects of law, that is, as holders and main agents in the exercise of their rights, with respect to which adults have duties of protection. orientation and guidance (doctrine of comprehensive protection). Reviewing the terms of the Convention and the adjustments made to the national legal framework, this article explores how this new model, based on human rights, is extended and in what terms, to the healthcare space.

Resumen Este artículo trata sobre el cambio institucional del Ministerio Público Federal (MPF) de una institución defensora de derechos a un luchador contra la corrupción. Tiene dos objetivos: el primero es empírico: demostrar que los constituyentes no tenían la corrupción como una preocupación relevante, sino que, a pesar de esto, el trabajo del MPF priorizó la lucha contra la corrupción en la década de 2000 sobre otras atribuciones igualmente relevantes. El segundo es analítico: analizar y discutir los cambios institucionales incrementales después de 2003 que explican al MPF como un luchador contra la corrupción. Para eso, se realiza el análisis de los documentos oficiales de la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, de los resultados de dos encuestas con miembros del MPF, aplicadas en 1996 y 2016, y de los datos sobre las actividades extrajudiciales y judiciales del MPF entre 2012 y 2018. Se concluye que una combinación de factores exógenos y endógenos facilitó el cambio institucional, sin embargo, existe un modelo institucional que permite más autonomía y discreción, que, en un contexto dado, puede ser utilizado, por ejemplo, contra el sistema político. (MPF objetivos empírico relevante esto 200 relevantes analítico eso Constituyente 199 2016 201 2018 embargo discreción dado utilizado ejemplo político 20 19 2 1

Abstract This article deals with the institutional change of the Brazilian Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office (MPF) from a rights-defending institution to an anticorruption fighter. It has two goals: the first one is empirical: to demonstrate that the constituents did not have corruption as a relevant concern, but that, despite this, the action of the MPF prioritized the fight against corruption in the 2000s over other equally relevant attributions. The second goal is analytical: to analyze and discuss the incremental institutional changes after 2003 that explain the MPF as a corruption fighter. To this end, the content of official documents of the National Constituent Assembly, the results of two surveys with members of the MPF, applied in 1996 and 2016, and data from the extrajudicial and judicial activities of the MPF between 2012 and 2018 are analyzed. We conclude that a combination of exogenous and endogenous factors facilitated institutional change, however there is an institutional model that allows more autonomy and discretion, which, in a given context, can be used, for example, against the political system. Prosecutors Prosecutor s (MPF rightsdefending rights defending fighter goals empirical concern attributions analytical 200 end Assembly 199 2016 201 analyzed discretion which context used example system 20 19 2 1

Resumo Este artigo trata da mudança institucional do Ministério Público Federal (MPF) de instituição defensora de direitos para combatente da corrupção. Têm-se dois objetivos: o primeiro é empírico: demonstrar que os constituintes não tinham a corrupção como uma preocupação relevante, mas que, a despeito disso, a atuação do MPF priorizou o combate à corrupção nos anos 2000 em detrimento de outras atribuições igualmente relevantes. O segundo objetivo é analítico: analisar e discutir as mudanças institucionais incrementais depois de 2003 que explicam o MPF como combatente da corrupção. Para tanto, realiza-se análise de conteúdo de documentos oficiais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, dos resultados de dois surveys com membros do MPF, aplicados em 1996 e em 2016, e dos dados das atividades extrajudicial e judicial do MPF entre 2012 e 2018. Conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores exógenos e endógenos facilitou a mudança institucional, no entanto, existe um modelo institucional que permite mais autonomia e discricionariedade, que, em determinado contexto, pode ser utilizado, por exemplo, contra o sistema político. (MPF Têmse Têm se objetivos empírico relevante disso 200 relevantes analítico tanto realizase realiza Constituinte 199 2016 201 2018 Concluise Conclui entanto discricionariedade contexto utilizado exemplo político 20 19 2 1

Resumo: Na Argentina, assim como em outros países, houve uma variabilidade de políticas públicas relacionadas às tecnologias de saúde implementadas no combate e tratamento da COVID-19 durante a pandemia. Este estudo buscou analisar como ocorreram a articulação vs. cooperação, e a autonomia vs. divisão de poderes entre as entidades na Argentina, explorando assimetrias entre diferentes entidades na implementação de políticas públicas relacionadas a tecnologias de saúde na pandemia, bem como as influências de outros atores. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental para o período de 2020-2021 (relatórios técnicos publicados pela Organização Mundial da Saúde, agências nacionais e sociedades científicas, leis, decisões judiciais, imprensa, pesquisas e entrevistas em profundidade com membros dos Ministérios da Saúde da Argentina). Os processos e os resultados da tomada de decisão nos Ministérios da Saúde foram analisados, traçando a cobertura e orientações de cada tecnologia e o partido político no poder na província. Observou-se uma heterogeneidade nos resultados e processos entre os Ministérios, e disputas em seu interior. Houve uma baixa adesão às orientações oficiais, influenciada por diferentes critérios técnico-políticos (relações de poder, pressão social, midiática, acadêmica, do poder Judiciário e do Legislativo). Em alguns casos, observou-se uma forte tensão entre governo e oposição a partir da discussão das tecnologias. Cada província da Argentina definiu suas políticas sobre tecnologias de saúde para a COVID-19 de forma autônoma, e a tomada de decisões na administração pública foi desordenada, complexa e não linear durante a pandemia. Resumo países COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 pandemia vs cooperação atores tanto realizouse realizou se 20202021 2020 2021 2020-202 relatórios científicas leis judiciais imprensa Argentina. . Argentina) analisados Observouse Observou interior oficiais técnicopolíticos técnico políticos relações social midiática acadêmica Legislativo. Legislativo Legislativo) casos observouse observou autônoma desordenada COVID1 1 COVID- 2020202 202 2020-20 202020 20 2020-2 20202 2 2020-

Abstract: Argentina, as other countries, showed several public policies related to the health technologies implemented to fight and treat the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to analyze how articulation vs. cooperation and autonomy vs. division of powers between entities occurred in Argentina, exploring asymmetries between several entities in implementing public policies related to health technologies during the pandemic and the influences of other actors. For this, a documentary research was carried out related to 2020-2021 (technical reports published by the World Health Organization, national agencies and scientific societies, laws, court decisions, press, and research and in-depth interviews with members of the Argentine Ministries of Health). The processes and results of decision-making in the Ministries of Health were analyzed, outlining the coverage and orientations of each technology and the political party in power in the province. This study found heterogeneous results and processes between Ministries and disputes within them. It also observed the poor adherence to official guidelines due to technical-political criteria (power relations, social, media, academic, judiciary, and legislative pressure). Some cases showed a strong tension between the government and its opposition over the discussion of technologies. Each province in Argentina has autonomously defined its policies on health technologies for COVID-19, and decision-making in public administration was disorderly, complex, and non-linear during the pandemic. Abstract countries COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 vs actors this 20202021 2020 2021 2020-202 technical Organization societies laws decisions press indepth depth Health. . Health) decisionmaking decision making analyzed them technicalpolitical relations social media academic judiciary pressure. pressure pressure) COVID19, 19, disorderly complex nonlinear non linear COVID1 1 COVID- 2020202 202 2020-20 202020 20 2020-2 20202 2 2020-

Resumen: En pandemia, en Argentina y en otros países se observó variabilidad en las políticas públicas implementadas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para prevención y tratamiento de la COVID-19. El objetivo fue analizar cómo se procesaron en Argentina los movimientos de coordinación vs. cooperación, y de autonomía vs. reparto de autoridad entre entidades, explorando asimetrías entre diferentes entidades en la implementación de políticas públicas sobre tecnologías sanitarias en pandemia y las influencias de otros actores. Se realizó una revisión documental del período 2020-2021 (informes técnicos publicados por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, organismos nacionales y sociedades científicas, leyes, fallos judiciales, prensa, encuestas y entrevistas en profundidad a miembros de los Ministerios de Salud de Argentina). Se indagó sobre procesos y resultados de la toma de decisiones en los Ministerios de Salud, mapeando la cobertura y recomendación de cada tecnología y el partido político provincial gobernante. Hubo heterogeneidad en resultados y procesos entre los Ministerios, y disputas en el interior de los mismos. La adherencia a recomendaciones oficiales fue baja, influyendo distintos criterios técnico-políticos (relaciones de poder, presión social, de los medios, académicos, poder Judicial y Legislativo). En algunos casos se observó una fuerte tensión entre oficialismo y oposición al partido gobernante a partir de la discusión sobre tecnologías. Cada provincia argentina definió sus políticas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para COVID-19 con autonomía, y la toma de decisiones en la administración pública en pandemia fue desordenada, compleja y no lineal. Resumen COVID19. COVID19 COVID 19. 19 vs cooperación actores 20202021 2020 2021 2020-202 informes científicas leyes judiciales prensa Argentina. . Argentina) mismos baja técnicopolíticos técnico políticos relaciones social medios académicos Legislativo. Legislativo Legislativo) COVID-1 desordenada lineal COVID1 1 2020202 202 2020-20 COVID- 202020 20 2020-2 20202 2 2020-

Resumo: Na Argentina, assim como em outros países, houve uma variabilidade de políticas públicas relacionadas às tecnologias de saúde implementadas no combate e tratamento da COVID-19 durante a pandemia. Este estudo buscou analisar como ocorreram a articulação vs. cooperação, e a autonomia vs. divisão de poderes entre as entidades na Argentina, explorando assimetrias entre diferentes entidades na implementação de políticas públicas relacionadas a tecnologias de saúde na pandemia, bem como as influências de outros atores. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental para o período de 2020-2021 (relatórios técnicos publicados pela Organização Mundial da Saúde, agências nacionais e sociedades científicas, leis, decisões judiciais, imprensa, pesquisas e entrevistas em profundidade com membros dos Ministérios da Saúde da Argentina). Os processos e os resultados da tomada de decisão nos Ministérios da Saúde foram analisados, traçando a cobertura e orientações de cada tecnologia e o partido político no poder na província. Observou-se uma heterogeneidade nos resultados e processos entre os Ministérios, e disputas em seu interior. Houve uma baixa adesão às orientações oficiais, influenciada por diferentes critérios técnico-políticos (relações de poder, pressão social, midiática, acadêmica, do poder Judiciário e do Legislativo). Em alguns casos, observou-se uma forte tensão entre governo e oposição a partir da discussão das tecnologias. Cada província da Argentina definiu suas políticas sobre tecnologias de saúde para a COVID-19 de forma autônoma, e a tomada de decisões na administração pública foi desordenada, complexa e não linear durante a pandemia.

Abstract: Argentina, as other countries, showed several public policies related to the health technologies implemented to fight and treat the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to analyze how articulation vs. cooperation and autonomy vs. division of powers between entities occurred in Argentina, exploring asymmetries between several entities in implementing public policies related to health technologies during the pandemic and the influences of other actors. For this, a documentary research was carried out related to 2020-2021 (technical reports published by the World Health Organization, national agencies and scientific societies, laws, court decisions, press, and research and in-depth interviews with members of the Argentine Ministries of Health). The processes and results of decision-making in the Ministries of Health were analyzed, outlining the coverage and orientations of each technology and the political party in power in the province. This study found heterogeneous results and processes between Ministries and disputes within them. It also observed the poor adherence to official guidelines due to technical-political criteria (power relations, social, media, academic, judiciary, and legislative pressure). Some cases showed a strong tension between the government and its opposition over the discussion of technologies. Each province in Argentina has autonomously defined its policies on health technologies for COVID-19, and decision-making in public administration was disorderly, complex, and non-linear during the pandemic.

Resumen: En pandemia, en Argentina y en otros países se observó variabilidad en las políticas públicas implementadas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para prevención y tratamiento de la COVID-19. El objetivo fue analizar cómo se procesaron en Argentina los movimientos de coordinación vs. cooperación, y de autonomía vs. reparto de autoridad entre entidades, explorando asimetrías entre diferentes entidades en la implementación de políticas públicas sobre tecnologías sanitarias en pandemia y las influencias de otros actores. Se realizó una revisión documental del período 2020-2021 (informes técnicos publicados por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, organismos nacionales y sociedades científicas, leyes, fallos judiciales, prensa, encuestas y entrevistas en profundidad a miembros de los Ministerios de Salud de Argentina). Se indagó sobre procesos y resultados de la toma de decisiones en los Ministerios de Salud, mapeando la cobertura y recomendación de cada tecnología y el partido político provincial gobernante. Hubo heterogeneidad en resultados y procesos entre los Ministerios, y disputas en el interior de los mismos. La adherencia a recomendaciones oficiales fue baja, influyendo distintos criterios técnico-políticos (relaciones de poder, presión social, de los medios, académicos, poder Judicial y Legislativo). En algunos casos se observó una fuerte tensión entre oficialismo y oposición al partido gobernante a partir de la discusión sobre tecnologías. Cada provincia argentina definió sus políticas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para COVID-19 con autonomía, y la toma de decisiones en la administración pública en pandemia fue desordenada, compleja y no lineal.