Resumen En el capitalismo contemporáneo, la mercadotecnia étnica y cultural ocupa un lugar destacado en el consumo de las clases medias altas globalizadas que buscan una autenticidad refinada. En este trabajo busco reflexionar sobre el consumo de “lo maya”, en un momento en que los discursos sobre la autenticidad de las tradiciones y los saberes se han convertido en un instrumento político y de acceso a recursos. Primero, quiero reflexionar sobre el papel del consumo y la moda en el capitalismo contemporáneo. Después, en cómo las políticas culturales internacionales, el reconocimiento de las naciones pluriculturales y la patrimonialización de la cultura abrieron la puerta a un mercado turístico que busca vender experiencias, sensaciones y contacto con la ancestralidad. Por último, abordaré el caso de la mercantilización de “lo maya” tanto en espacios rurales como urbanos.

Abstract In contemporary capitalism, ethnic and cultural marketing holds a prominent place among the consumption habits of the globalized upper-middle classes seeking refined authenticity. In this work, I aim to reflect on the consumption of “the Mayan”, in a time where discourses on the authenticity of traditions and knowledge, have also become political instruments and ways for accessing resources. First, I want to think about the role of consumption and fashion in contemporary capitalism. Then, how international cultural policies, the recognition of multicultural nations and the patrimonialization of the culture opened the door to a tourist market that seeks to sell experiences, sensations and contact with ancestry. Lastly, I will address the commodification of “the Mayan” in both rural and urban spaces.

Abstract: This article is a critical reflection and an attempt to rethink the politics of Blackness in Colombia drawing on my experience in the Afro-student movement and my insights about the policies of representation developed within the framework of the multicultural turn. From an autoethnographic perspective, as a methodological and writing practice, I aim to disentangle power structures in social formation processes in concrete experiences. Thus, throughout this journey, I analyze the production and reproduction of discourses that define the identity of “us Afro-Colombians”; an essential Blackness. I address the biological assumption that serves as a screening pattern to label some people as “good” or “bad” in this dynamic. Also, I ponder upon the multicultural inclusive discourse and its influence on bringing about new political subjectivities, especially what Claudia Mosquera has termed “Afro-privileged.”

Resumen: Este artículo constituye una reflexión crítica, en la que intento repensar la política de negridad en Colombia a partir de mi experiencia en el movimiento afroestudiantil y mis interpretaciones de las políticas de representación desarrolladas en el marco del giro multicultural. Desde la perspectiva autoetnográfica, como práctica metodológica y de escritura, pretendo comprender las estructuras de poder en los procesos de formación social de las experiencias concretas. Por tanto, a través de mi trayectoria, analizo la producción y reproducción de discursos que definen la identidad de un «nosotros afrocolombiano»; negro esencial. Abordo la perspectiva biológica que actúa como patrón de filtración y reconocimiento de quiénes son considerados «buenos» y quiénes «malos» en esta dinámica, y reflexiono sobre el discurso multicultural e inclusivo y su influencia en la generación de nuevas subjetividades políticas, especialmente en lo que Claudia Mosquera ha denominado «afro-privilegiados».

Resumo: Este artigo constitui uma reflexão crítica em que tento repensar a política da negridade na Colômbia, a partir da minha experiência no movimento afro-estudantil e das minhas interpretações das políticas de representação desenvolvidas no quadro do giro multicultural. Da perspectiva autoetnográfica, como prática metodológica e de escrita, pretendo compreender as estruturas de poder nos processos de formação social das experiências concretas. Portanto, por meio da minha trajetória, analiso a produção e reprodução de discursos que definem a identidade de um “nós afro-colombiano”; negro essencial. Abordo a perspectiva biológica que age como padrão de filtração e reconhecimento de quem é considerado “bom” ou “ruim” nessa dinâmica, e reflito sobre o discurso multicultural e inclusivo e sua influência na geração de novas subjetividades políticas, especialmente no que Claudia Mosquera denominou “afro-privilegiados”.

Abstract: The objective of this study is to investigate the processes of stigmatisation and otherness in squatter camps in Antofagasta, Chile, along with various differential dynamics. These processes position these spaces as receptors of South American migrant populations. The authors present various narratives (spatial body) of South American migrant women from the “Los Arenales” squatter camp. The stories suggest spatial segregation and stigmatisation processes based on the racialisation of human bodies and spaces within the camp. This can produce dangerous discourses or multicultural instrumentalisation which can legitimise more control over these spaces. In spite of this scenario, the squatter camps can also be a place of resistance to multiple processes of displacement and oppression, particularly as experienced by women, who at the same time, reenergise forms of solidarity of existence, dismantling colonial and gender mandates.

Resumen: El objetivo de este trabajo es indagar en los procesos de estigmatización y otrerización en campamentos de la ciudad de Antofagasta, Chile, así como en algunas dinámicas diferenciales que en la actualidad sitúan a estos espacios como receptores de población migrante sudamericana. Para ello, se comparten algunos relatos (corpoespaciales) de mujeres migrantes sudamericanas del macrocampamento Los Arenales. Estos relatos dan cuenta de segregación territorial y procesos de estigmatización sobre la base de racialización de las corporalidades y lugares del campamento. Esta situación produciría discursos de peligrosidad, o instrumentalización multicultural, lo que legitimaría un mayor control sobre estos espacios. No obstante, este escenario, los campamentos se configurarían en un lugar de resistencias frente a procesos de desplazamiento y opresiones múltiples vividas particularmente por mujeres, quienes a la vez revitalizan formas solidarias de existencia, desmontando mandatos de colonialidad y género.

RESUMEN El reconocimiento del carácter pluriétnico y multicultural de la nación colombiana corresponde a uno de los cambios más significativos introducidos por la Constitución de 1991, desde los planos societal y político. Con base en la experiencia de los pueblos indígenas, este artículo analiza los efectos de dicha transformación, entre discursos y prácticas. Ya pasados 30 años de la promulgación de la Carta Magna, en un contexto que atestigua un balance matizado para el “multiculturalismo a la colombiana”, se destaca su peso en el ámbito político (sub)nacional, entre la institucionalización y procesos de resistencia.

ABSTRACT The recognition of Colombia as a pluriethnic and multicultural nation corresponds to one of the most significant changes at the social and political level, introduced by the Constitution of 1991. Based on the experience of Indigenous peoples, this paper examines the effects of such a transformation at the intersection of discourses and practices. Thirty years later, in a context that reveals a nuanced balance of “Colombian-style multiculturalism,” Indigenous peoples’ influence stands out in the (sub)national political sphere, through institutionalization and resistance processes.

RESUMO O artigo propõe, a partir da obra de Eric Weil, a retomada do diálogo como registro político fundamental da linguagem em comunidades plurirreligiosas e multiculturais como a resposta do filósofo aos desafios postos pela intolerância religiosa que caracteriza o atual processo de remitologização da política. Para tanto, o texto se prende aos escritos em que o autor trata diretamente do tema da relação entre religião e política. A abordagem dessa relação centrada na tolerância e no diálogo em comunidades democráticas se justifica por oferecer uma chave para o nexo entre os textos estudados aqui e a arquitetônica do sistema weiliano: o enfrentamento da violência. A reflexão se estrutura em quatro momentos. Primeiro, toma as considerações de Weil sobre a secularização, depois passa ao tratamento da religião como problema político e à necessidade da elaboração de uma teoria da tolerância em comunidades multiculturais e plurirreligiosas. Posteriormente, considera o problema no contexto peculiar da atual “remitologização” dos discursos políticos e os riscos que se erguem à democracia. Por fim, chega à proposta weiliana do diálogo não apenas como condição de possibilidade da tolerância, mas acima de tudo como virtude política no sentido forte do termo.

ABSTRACT Based on Eric Weil’s work, the article proposes the resumption of dialogue as a fundamental political register of language, especially in plurireligious and multicultural communities. In other words, it proposes to understand the dialogue as the philosopher’s response to the challenges posed by religious intolerance that characterizes the current process of remitologizing politics. Therefore, we stick to the texts in which the author deals directly with the theme of the relationship between religion and politics. The approach of this relationship pointing to tolerance and dialogue in democratic communities is justified by offering a key to the connection between the texts studied here and the architecture of the Weilian system: the confrontation of violence. The reflection is structured in four moments. First of all, we take Weil’s considerations of secularization, then we move on to the treatment of religion as a political problem and the need to develop a theory of tolerance in multicultural and plurireligious communities. Subsequently, we considered the problem in the peculiar context of the current “remitologization” of political discourses and the risks that arise for democracy. Finally, we come to the Weilian proposal for dialogue as a condition for the possibility of tolerance and a political virtue in the strong sense of the term.

Resumen: En ciertas sociedades poscoloniales, la metáfora de la receta bien lograda fue y sigue siendo objeto de uso político cuando se trata de definir la cultura nacional, la cual es con frecuencia representada en forma de caldero u olla, donde los ingredientes y saberes autóctonos se combinan, sin ningún esfuerzo ni mediación, con otros productos y técnicas venidos de lejos. El resultado es un producto superior a cualquiera de las partes que lo integran. Este artículo cuestiona los principios de simetría, continuidad y pureza que caracterizan los relatos culinarios de la nación mestiza y multicultural, y muestra cómo se ha invisibilizado la presencia de ciertos actores históricos y sociales dentro del gran caldero. A partir de observaciones de campo y análisis de fuentes históricas y producciones audiovisuales, presentamos dos estudios de caso que exploran épocas distintas, en México y Perú. Este recorrido desde el siglo XVI hasta nuestros días muestra cómo, a lo largo de su historia, ambos Estados nación han gestionado las diferencias sociales y culturales dentro de sus territorios, empleando los conceptos de mestizaje y multiculturalismo como catalizadores de control y dominación. Concluimos, entonces, que los relatos de la cocina mestiza proponen una falsa simetría entre elementos culturales de grupos sociales que siempre estuvieron lejos de serlo. Al proclamar una fusión de culturas, supuestamente equilibrada, reflexiva y consensuada, borran la complejidad histórica de las culturas culinarias, así como las expresiones pasadas y presentes del colonialismo. Este artículo es un aporte a los estudios de la nación, desde la perspectiva de las culturas alimentarias. Revela los conflictos de exclusión, poder y jerarquía que atraviesan los discursos sobre las cocinas nacionales, y ofrece algunas claves para interpretar la agenda política de la nación mestiza: el multiculturalismo neoliberal.

Abstract: In certain post-colonial societies, the metaphor of the successful recipe was and continues to be used politically when it comes to defining national culture, often represented in the form of a pot or kettle, where indigenous ingredients and knowledge are combined, effortlessly and without mediation, with other products and techniques from afar. The result is a product that is superior to any of its parts. This article questions the principles of symmetry, continuity and purity that characterize the culinary stories of the mestizo and multicultural nation, and shows how the presence of certain historical and social actors has been made invisible within the great cauldron. Based on field observations and analysis of historical sources and audiovisual productions, we present two case studies that take place in different periods, in Mexico and Peru. This journey from the 16th century to the present day shows how both nation-states have managed social and cultural differences within their territories throughout their history, using the concepts of mestizaje and multiculturalism as catalysts for control and domination. The stories of mestizo cuisine propose a false symmetry between cultural elements of social groups that were always far from being so. By proclaiming a supposedly balanced, reflexive and consensual fusion of cultures, they erase the historical complexity of culinary cultures, as well as the past and present expressions of colonialism. This paper constitutes a contribution to the studies concerning the nation from the perspective of food cultures. It reveals the conflicts of exclusion, power and hierarchy that run through the discourses on national cuisines, and some keys to interpreting the political agenda of the mestizo nation: neoliberal multiculturalism.

Resumo: Em algumas sociedades pós-coloniais, a metáfora da receita bem-feita foi e continua sendo objeto de uso político quando se trata de definir a cultura nacional, a qual é, com frequência, representada em forma de caldeirão ou de panela, em que os ingredientes e saberes autóctones são combinados, sem nenhum esforço de mediação, com outros produtos e técnicas vindos de longe. O resultado é um produto superior a qualquer das partes que o integram. Este artigo questiona os princípios de simetria, continuidade e pureza que caracterizam os relatos culinários da nação mestiça e multicultural, e mostra como a presença de certos atores históricos e sociais têm sido invisibilizada dentro do “grande caldeirão”. A partir de observações de campo e análise de fontes históricas e produções audiovisuais, apresentamos dois estudos de caso que exploram épocas diferentes, no México e no Peru. Esse percorrido desde o século XVI até os nossos dias mostra como, ao longo de sua história, ambos os Estados-Nação lidaram com as diferenças sociais e culturais dentro de seus territórios, com a utilização dos conceitos de “mestiçagem” e “multiculturalismo”, como catalizadores de controle e dominação. Portanto, conclui-se que os relatos da culinária mestiça propõem uma falsa simetria entre elementos culturais de grupos sociais que sempre estiveram longe de ser isso. Ao proclamar uma fusão de culturas, supostamente equilibrada, reflexiva e consensual, eliminaram a complexidade histórica das culturas culinárias, bem como as expressões passadas e presentes do colonialismo. Este artigo é uma contribuição para os estudos da nação sob a perspectiva das culturas alimentares. Revela os conflitos de exclusão, poder e hierarquia que permeiam os discursos sobre a culinária nacional, e oferece algumas soluções para interpretar a agenda política da nação mestiça: o multiculturalismo neoliberal.

Resumo Em "O Tempo das Huacas", projeto de Filipa Cordeiro e Rui Mourão, noções ameríndias são articuladas em variados contextos. O foco do presente artigo observa relações entre alguns destes funcionamentos em consonância a conceitos proeminentes à obra de Mourão. Com isso, verificam-se estratégias de flexibilização das estruturas da instituição artística e da realidade, encabeçadas pelo diálogo multicultural e pelo corpo-manifesto. Num processo de redefinição das sociedades pós-coloniais, este ímpeto utópico é, na arte contemporânea, exemplar.

Abstract In "The Huacas' Time", a project of Filipa Cordeiro and Rui Mourão, Amerindian notions are articulated in diverse contexts. The focus of the present article observes relations among some of these trends in consonance with paramount concepts of Mourão's body of work. Thereby, it detects strategies to constraint the structures of the artistic institution and of the reality, led by multicultural dialogue and the bodymanifesto's protagonism. In a redefinition of postcolonial societies' context, this utopian impetus is exemplary in contemporary art.

ABSTRACT We live in a moment of hardening of nationalist discourses against immigration and racial minorities. In this conservative climate, Canada prevails as a benchmark for multicultural integration. However, there are voices within the nation that question this image of harmony. The case of the Black Vancouver community has not yet been studied in depth in this regard. This article of reflection aims to contribute to the debate on the relations of the nation-state and subaltern groups, and how they manifest themselves in the multicultural city. Vancouver has been chosen as a paradigmatic space because of its transcultural character built on indigenous lands. The object of study was the literature of Wayde Compton author and black activist of the city. Stemming from theories of the socio-spatial dialectic of Edward Soja and Leonie Sandercock, this article analyses the connection between the city, its representation in literature and its effects on social relationships. The work of Compton and its parallelism with the geo-history of Vancouver and subaltern ethnic communities were analysed. The result reaches a reading of Vancouver as a (post)colonial city and space of subaltern multiculturalism, regarding the official Canadian model, and colonialism that has made invisible to the Black Vancouver and the indigenous communities.

RESUMEN Vivimos en un momento de endurecimiento de discursos nacionalistas sobre inmigración y minorías raciales. En este clima conservador, Canadá prevalece como referente de integración multicultural, sin embargo, existen voces dentro de la nación que cuestionan esta imagen de armonía. El caso de la comunidad negra en Vancouver aún no ha sido estudiado en profundidad en este aspecto. Este artículo de reflexión pretende contribuir al debate sobre las relaciones de la nación-estado y grupos subalternos y cómo se manifiestan en la ciudad multicultural. Se ha escogido Vancouver como espacio paradigmático por su carácter transcultural, construida sobre tierras indígenas. El objeto de estudio fue la literatura de Wayde Compton, autor y activista negro de la ciudad. Partiendo de teorías de la dialéctica socio-espacial de Edward Soja y Leonie Sandercock, este artículo analiza la conexión entre la ciudad, su representación en la literatura y sus efectos en las relaciones sociales. Se analiza la narrativa de Compton y su paralelismo con la geo-historia de Vancouver y comunidades raciales subalternas. Como resultado, se llega a una lectura de Vancouver como ciudad (post)colonial y espacio de multiculturalismo subalterno, frente al oficial canadiense y al colonialismo que ha invisibilizado al Vancouver Negro y a las comunidades indígenas.

Resumo A partir do fortalecimento de discursos multiculturais e políticas identitárias no final do século XX, pesquisas em ciências sociais passaram cada vez mais a tratar as ideologias da mistura racial latino-americana como mitos que escondem (e, portanto, apoiam) a reprodução das desigualdades raciais. Esses estudos foram guiados principalmente por comparações entre países com mistura racial generalizada (geralmente Brasil, México ou Colômbia) e países em que a mistura foi censurada e menos visível (mais comumente, os EUA). Neste artigo, a mirada se orienta para as diversas maneiras pelas quais a mistura racial atualmente afeta as formações raciais na América Latina, olhando inicialmente para o Brasil e o México, dois dos maiores países da região, e também com a maior população afro-descendente e indígena do continente. Para tal comparação, analisamos os resultados do projeto PERLA.

Abstract By the end of the twentieth century, with the rise of multicultural discourses and identity politics, Latin American ideologies of racial mixture had become increasingly denounced as myths that conceal (and thus support) the reproduction of racial inequalities. These studies have largely been guided by comparisons between countries with widespread racial mixing (usually Brazil, Mexico or Colombia) and countries in which it was less encouraged and visible (most commonly, the USA). In this paper we move the focus to the diverse ways in which racial mixture currently impacts racial formations in the Latin America, looking initially at Brazil and Mexico, two of the largest countries in the region, and also those with the largest Afro-descendent and indigenous populations in the continent. For comparison, we analyze survey data from the PERLA project.

Abstract The article shows three cases of rural schools in the South of Chile led by mapuche teachers who, due to a critical posture towards State’s interculturality, carry out educational projects which aim to educate according to the culture of the local areas where the schools are located. The discourses and practices carried out in these schools are analyzed as the expression of a model of mapuche education which advances within a system marked by neoliberalism at the level of both educational and intercultural or multicultural policies. These schools, which were studied through ethnographic and qualitative approaches, adopt several means and mechanisms arranged by current regulations to penetrate in a comprehensive way school life with mapuche values and practices. We argue that, by the moment, due to legal, political and social conditions, operating as another option within the free educational system based on free competition seems to be the only way to develop a model of mapuche education.

Resumen En este artículo mostramos tres casos de escuelas rurales del sur de Chile conducidas por profesores mapuche, quienes, insatisfechos con la interculturalidad de Estado, implementan proyectos educativos orientados a entregar una educación que refleje la cultura de los sectores donde se ubican. Analizamos los discursos y las prácticas desarrolladas en estas escuelas como la expresión de un modelo de educación mapuche que se abre espacio dentro de un sistema marcado por el neoliberalismo tanto en el plano de las políticas educacionales como de las interculturales o multiculturales. Estas escuelas, que fueron estudiadas desde enfoques etnográficos y cualitativos, adoptan una pluralidad de herramientas y mecanismos dispuestos por la normativa vigente para penetrar de manera transversal la vida escolar con los valores y conocimientos mapuche. Concluimos que, por el momento, por condiciones legales, políticas y sociales, presentarse como una opción más dentro del sistema educativo de libre competencia parece ser la única alternativa para poner en práctica un modelo de educación mapuche.

Abstract The article collects partial conclusions of an ongoing project, financed by Fondecyt (nº11140804) and Becas-Chile, and sponsored by the University of Chile, University of Sao Paulo, and the University of La Frontera. Its objective is to analyze the intercultural educational discourse in contexts of violence, taking as a specific focus of study the function that the intercultural school fulfills within the armed conflict that the Chilean State maintains with the Mapuche people in the Araucanía region. The theoretical-methodological perspective used is the Discourse Analysis from the contributions and possibilities opened by philosopher Michel Foucault, taking as a file of analysis two types of samples: documentary and ethnographic; the first, collected from the years 1990-2016; and the second, acquired during the last two years (2015-2016). In the first part, I will try to make visible those non-discursive practices involved in the destabilization of the extractivist and mono-exporting model in Chile, and its effects on the militarization of the Araucanía region. Then, I will briefly describe the characteristics of ethno-governmental rationality that operates in multicultural discourses and practices in post-dictatorship period, and then show how ethnicity processes work in educational programs on interculturality. In the last part, as a conclusion, I will formulate some reflections that intend to establish links between intercultural education programs, culturalism or cultural racism, governmentalization of the State, and security strategies of perception and construction of the internal enemy.

Resumen El artículo recoge conclusiones parciales de un proyecto en curso, financiado por Fondecyt (nº11140804) y Becas-Chile, y patrocinado por la Universidad de Chile, Universidad de Sao Paulo, y Universidad de La Frontera. Tiene como objetivo analizar el discurso educativo intercultural en contextos de violencia, tomando como foco específico de estudio, la función que la escuela intercultural cumple al interior del conflicto armado que el Estado chileno mantiene con el pueblo mapuche en la región de la Araucanía. La perspectiva teóricometodológica utilizada es el Análisis del Discurso desde las contribuciones y posibilidades abiertas por el filósofo Michel Foucault, tomando como archivo de análisis dos tipos de muestras: documentales y etnográficas; las primeras, recopiladas desde los años 1990-2016; y las segundas, adquiridas en el transcurso de los último dos años (2015-2016). En la primera parte, intentaré visibilizar aquellas prácticas no-discursivas implicadas en la desestabilización del modelo extractivista y monoexportador en Chile, y de sus efectos en la militarización de la región de la Araucanía. Luego, describiré brevemente las características de la racionalidad etnogubernamental que opera en los discursos y prácticas multiculturales en post-dictadura, para después mostrar el modo en que funcionan los procesos de etnicidad en los programas educativos sobre interculturalidad. En la última parte, a modo de conclusión, formularé algunas reflexiones que pretenden establecer vínculos entre los programas de educación intercultural, culturalismo o racismo cultural, gubernamentalización del Estado, y estrategias securitarias de percepción y construcción del enemigo interno.

Abstract: After seventeen years of debate, the Chilean Congress approved the ILO 169 Convention on indigenous rights that compels the State to consult indigenous communities on issues that directly affect them. As the political and economic conditions were unfavourable, this political outcome is surprising. Indeed, the legal status of the indigenous people in Chile is weaker than in the rest of Latin America. This article explains this outcome through a detailed description of institutional changes as well as social pressures from the indigenous movement. These factors made rightwing sectors to adapt their discourses in order to accept Chile as a multicultural society. Moreover, a relevant part of the story is related to territorial differences among legislators. Discourse adaptation toward a soft recognition of indigenous rights is a likely outcome in a very conservative environmental setting.

Resumen: Después de diecisiete años de discusión, el Congreso en Chile aprobó la suscripción de este país al Convenio 169 de la OIT que obliga al Estado a consultar a los pueblos indígenas sobre los temas que los afectan directamente. Como las condiciones políticas e intereses económicos no eran favorables, sorprende este resultado debido a que en la región Chile es uno de los países más retrasados en dicha materia. Con base en un detallado análisis, en este artículo se sostiene que ciertos giros legales y una creciente presión del movimiento indígena impulsaron un cambio en la estrategia de la derecha política. A esto se suma la mayor aceptación de legisladores que representan territorios con alta concentración indígena. Se trata de una adaptación discursiva hacia un reconocimiento débil en un contexto político caracterizado por una fuerte resistencia a la diversidad.

Migratory processes in southern Europe over the last two decades have brought about substantial changes to the ethnic makeup of secondary schools. Classrooms have increased in their complexity in terms of teaching, as there are pupils with different cultural and economic backgrounds and educational needs, but also in the relationships among the peer groups of pupils. what kinds of attitudes and relations can be found among the members of this culturally diverse pupil body? what kinds of views are held by the pupils about each other? The aim of this paper is to shed light on stereotypes and xenophobic attitudes towards immigrant pupils in secondary schools in Spain, principally among peer groups, and on how teachers address this multicultural classroom dynamic and complexity and any possible prejudices towards stereotypes and racist attitudes that surface inside the classroom. Relationships tend to be formed among peer groups of the same ethnicity and there is a marked rejection of pupils from Moroccan origin. Teachers are neither aware of pupils' stereotypes nor of their own. As a consequence, they are not giving sufficient pedagogical responses to resolve arguments or disrespectful situations against immigrant pupils. This in turn is contributing, on the one hand, to racist and xenophobic societies. On the other hand, teachers' low expectations of these immigrant pupils has had an effect on their academic achievements and on dropout rates. The present study is based on 2196 questionnaires administered to pupils at 43 Spanish secondary schools. In-depth interviews with 54 secondary school teachers were also carried out, so as to understand teachers' discourses and pedagogical resources.

Abstract: Discourses on multiculturalism in Spain often refer to the presence of foreign immigrants. This implies that diversity is viewed from a mainly national and ethnic point of view, and has significant gaps, whose consequences are described and analyzed in this article. Using ethnographic material, the author shows how the intercultural paradigm under development in Spain is largely Western-Centric. A model is proposed that seeks, in practice, to interculturalize minorities, making them the objects of public policy, in which there are underlying inequalities, which the paradigm in question fails to examine at the theoretical level.

Resumen: Los discursos sobre interculturalidad en España a menudo hacen referencia a la presencia de población inmigrante extranjera. Esto implica que se mire a la diversidad desde un punto de vista principalmente nacional y étnico, y que haya importantes ausencias cuyas consecuencias se describen y analizan en este artículo. Utilizando material etnográfico, se muestra cómo el paradigma intercultural en desarrollo en España es en gran medida occidentalocéntrico. Se propone un modelo que pretende, en la práctica, interculturalizar a las minorías, haciéndolas objetos de atención de políticas públicas en las que subyacen desigualdades que el paradigma en cuestión, a nivel teórico, no plantea.

En el artículo se abordan algunas estrategias de apropiación territorial en el contexto de las relaciones interétnicas de una localidad andina en Colombia. A través de ejemplos etnográficos y jurídicos se analizan las relaciones de poder que configuran las prácticas territoriales, en un contexto en el que las intervenciones de la política multicultural del Estado colombiano han influido en la producción de discursos sobre la etnicidad que son apropiados en diferentes niveles por los grupos locales. Este análisis busca revelar la complejidad de la puesta en escena de lo afro y lo indígena en una localidad como Guamal, e intenta escapar de las lecturas esencialistas o pragmatistas de la etnicidad, al hacer énfasis en las dinámicas político-territoriales que configuran las fronteras étnicas.

This paper discusses some strategies of territorial appropriation in the context of inter-ethnic relations in an Andean locality in Colombia. Through ethnographic and legal examples I analize power relations that shape territorial practices, in a context in which multicultural policy interventions of the Colombian state have influenced the production of ethnicity discourses that are appropriated at different levels by local groups. This analysis seeks to reveal the complexities involved in the staging of Afro and indigenous concepts in a locality such as Guamal, while trying to avoid es-sentialist or pragmatic views on ethnicity by emphasizing political and territorial dynamics that shape ethnic frontiers/boundaries.