Abstract: Although democracy is constitutionally foreseen in Brazil, it is threatened on a daily basis. It is then up to the members of the three Powers to protect it. However, sometimes these threats arise from members of the Powers themselves. Two of the factors that have contributed to the Brazilian democratic recession are populism, especially judicial populism and the messianic use of the robe by magistrates. This research analyzed how these phenomena have reflected on national democracy, having initially conceptualized them; discussed elements that contribute to their emergence and maintenance and, finally, demonstrated how populism and judicial messianism are causing democratic recession and favoring institutional weakening in the country. Judicial activism, thoughtfulness, lawfare, are some of the elements that give rise to populism and judicial messianism. Examples of populist decisions are cited, such as those made by the Lava-jato operation and how this phenomenon has increasingly become established in national courts. The approach used was hypothetical-deductive, supported by bibliographic and documentary research. It is concluded that the Judiciary, under the pretext of political moralism and responses to popular desires, has transformed itself into a superpower, unbalancing the harmony between the powers, making it necessary to impose limits on judicial protagonism. Abstract Brazil basis However themselves magistrates them finally country activism thoughtfulness lawfare cited Lavajato Lava jato courts hypotheticaldeductive, hypotheticaldeductive hypothetical deductive, deductive hypothetical-deductive Judiciary desires superpower powers protagonism

Resumo: Conquanto a democracia seja prevista constitucionalmente no Brasil, é cotidianamente ameaçada. Cabe, então, aos integrantes dos três Poderes protegê-la. Contudo, por vezes, essas ameaças surgem dos próprios membros dos Poderes. Dois dos fatores que têm contribuído com a recessão democrática brasileira são o populismo, sobremaneira, o populismo judicial e a utilização messiânica da toga por parte dos magistrados. Esta pesquisa analisou de que maneira estes fenômenos têm refletido na democracia nacional, tendo, inicialmente, os conceituado; discorrido sobre elementos que contribuem para o surgimento e manutenção deles e, por fim, demonstrado como o populismo e o messianismo judicial estão causando a recessão democrática e favorecendo o enfraquecimento institucional no país. Ativismo judicial, ponderacionismo, lawfare, são alguns dos elementos que ensejam o populismo e o messianismo judicial. Cita-se exemplos de decisões populistas, como as prolatadas pela operação Lava-jato e como esse fenômeno tem se fixado cada vez mais nas Cortes nacionais. A abordagem utilizada foi a hipotético-dedutiva, sendo apoiada por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Conclui-se que o Poder Judiciário, sob o pretexto de moralismo político e respostas aos anseios populares, tem se transformado em um superpoder, desequilibrando a harmonia entre os poderes, sendo necessário impor limites ao protagonismo judiciário. Resumo Brasil ameaçada Cabe então protegêla. protegêla protegê la. la protegê-la Contudo vezes sobremaneira magistrados nacional tendo inicialmente conceituado fim país ponderacionismo lawfare Citase Cita populistas Lavajato Lava jato nacionais hipotéticodedutiva, hipotéticodedutiva hipotético dedutiva, dedutiva hipotético-dedutiva documental Concluise Conclui Judiciário populares superpoder poderes judiciário

Abstract One of the distinctive features of a democratic society is the pervasive and endless public debate that regularly antagonize groups and individuals, clashing different interests and ideologies. In this competitive environment, the delegitimization of a political enemy is the more natural - and yet democratically unhealthy - way to win the confrontation between diverse ideas. Historically, one of the predilected strategies to discredit a political adversary has always been blaming its morality, thereby eroding the very root on which any consensus rests. The moral blaming is declined differently, depending on the social and cultural context of the time and therefore the dominating values. In a democratic debate, these moral allegations often relate to duplicity or spreading of misinformation, the so-called demagogy. Today, the same campaign is rolled out against some partiers accused to be “populists” for their appeal to the most illogic and instinctive popular sentiment. The definition of “populism” is though still uncertain and subject to academic debate. This article aims at presenting different definition and interpretation of this political phenomenon to better frame it in the nowadays Western politics. The concept of populism is considered in its different shapes, questioning on the one hand the consistency of the existing definition and on the other its relationship with the democratic tenet. At the end of this analysis, the focus is shifted to the European Union and the reason as to why all the populist parties are seemingly Eurosceptic. The reason provided challenges the ideas of European unity itself, underlying the contrasting directions that the experiment of integration conveys, and question the multi-layered architecture of the contemporary democracy.

Sommario Una delle caratteristiche più evidenti della società democratica è l’aspro confronto di idee che ha luogo nella sfera pubblica. Questo dibattito, talvolta gravitante attorno a visioni della vita e della politica diametralmente opposte, è arricchente nella misura in cui a tutti i contendenti è garantita la massima libertà di espressione possibile. Comprensibilmente, in un contesto così competitivo, è normale la tentazione di delegittimare un avversario politico per l’immoralità delle sue idee o azioni, seguendo una scala di valori massimamente duttile a seconda del contesto storico e sociale. Storicamente una delle principali armi di delegittimizzazione morale è stata l’accusa di demagogia, molto vicina all’attuale connotazione di ciò che nell’immaginario collettivo contemporaneo si definisce “populismo”. In realtà, il termine “populismo” manca di una definizione univoca, e il dibattito accademico su ciò che possa rientrare o meno nella categoria è ancora in corso. Questo articolo mira a gettare luce su diverse interpretazioni del concetto, legandolo all’idea di demagogia e studiandone la relazione con il confronto democratico. Alla fine di quest’analisi introduttiva, lo scritto si focalizza sull’Unione Europea e sull’euroscetticismo dei partiti noti come “populisti”. Le conclusioni a cui si giunge spingono a problematizzare la definizione dell’idea di “populismo”, identificando le cause del fenomeno in un’architettura democratica multilivello che non sempre è improntata alla massima coerenza intrinseca e i cui contorni non sono sempre chiari ai cittadini.

Resumo O presente artigo discute a importância de a escola oferecer um “espaço para o brincar” para crianças que enfrentam conflitos morais sérios. Mediante a apresentação de vinhetas, analisa alguns diálogos travados durante o brincar em uma sala de aula, entre uma criança e uma bolsista participante do Programa Institucional de Bolsas de Iniciação à Docência - PIBID/Capes. À luz de conceitos da psicanálise, o estudo demonstra como o brincar promove um ambiente suficientemente bom que, com a ajuda de um adulto significativo, é vital para que aspectos morais sejam abordados sem moralismos ou racionalizações e para que o sentimento de pertencimento permita à criança usufruir mais profundamente do ambiente escolar.

Abstract This article discusses the importance of school offering a “space to play” for children who face serious moral conflicts. Through the presentation of vignettes, it analyzes some dialogues exchanges, during classroom playtime, between a child and a grant-holder participating in the PIBID/Capes Institutional Teacher Training Grant Program. In the light of psychoanalytical concepts, the study demonstrates how play promotes a good-enough environment that, with the help of a significant adult, is vital for moral aspects to be dealt without moralism or rationalizations, and for the feeling of belonging to allow a child to have a deeper enjoyment of the school environment.

Abstract Aestheticism and moralism are two vices in which aesthetic or moral values are overrated in situations where other values are at stake and should also be taken into account, but are underrated. Carlos Pereda maintains that they are pathologies of judgment and argues that literature has been the victim of different variants of these vices. To do this, he distinguishes between different forms of aestheticism and moralism, and analyzes how some of them have implications at the semantic and communication levels. Pereda proposes a “reflective model” that counteracts the simplification that these pathologies represent. In this note, I critically examine Pereda’s theory and propose other ways that the analysis of aestheticism and moralism can take.

Resumen El esteticismo y el moralismo son dos vicios de desmesura en los que se sobredimensionan los valores estéticos o morales en situaciones en las que están en juego otros valores que también deberían tomarse en cuenta, pero se subvaloran. Carlos Pereda sostiene que son patologías del juicio y argumenta que la literatura ha sido víctima de distintas variantes de estos vicios. Para ello, distingue entre diferentes formas de esteticismo y de moralismo, y analiza cómo algunas de ellas tienen implicaciones a nivel semántico y de comunicación. Pereda propone un “modelo reflexivo” que contrarrestre el vértigo simplificador que representan estas patologías. En esta nota, examino críticamente la teoría de Pereda y propongo otros modos que puede tomar el análisis del esteticismo y del moralismo.

The purpose of this study was to investigate how clergy are dealing with HIV prevention and sexuality education of young people in their congregations. An electronic questionnaire was filled in by 142 clergy from white Afrikaans-speaking churches in the Reformed tradition. Results showed that 77% clergy believed that unmarried young people in their congregations are sexually active. More than 85% clergy agreed that it is the task of the church to provide sexuality and HIV prevention education to young congregants. However, not many clergy (13%) offered HIV prevention programmes for young people in their own congregations. The main HIV prevention message 85% of clergy were prepared to share with young congregants was 'abstinence only' or 'your body is the temple of God'. Only 15% clergy (significantly more female clergy) were prepared to offer comprehensive sexuality education (abstinence PLUS) programmes. The HIV prevention message of the church should at least be in line with the lived experiences and reality of its youth in today's society. The church can no longer afford to alienate young people through moralism only. She needs an approach that satisfies both morality and reality. INTRADISCIPLINARY AND/OR INTERDISCIPLINARY IMPLICATIONS: This article has implications for the fields of psychology, HIV and AIDS research and pastoral care. It challenges the way the church prepares young people to cope with HIV in a modern society and suggests change in terms of a greater participation in the sexuality education of young people.

Resumen Los escándalos sobre "corrupción" en todos los niveles del Estado boliviano son habituales y, hasta la fecha, ninguna ley ha sido efectiva para reducir su frecuencia. Se propone que esto se debe a que se ha unido bajo el nombre de "corrupción" diversas acciones fuera de la ley, cuyas causas y posibles remedios son distintos. Los que critican la "corrupción" expresan denuncias morales antes de analizar a los actores y las condiciones sociológicas de estas acciones. Es necesaria una investigación amplia y sin prejuicios para identificar los diferentes tipos de acciones y sus contextos como prerrequisito para establecer remedios que puedan reducir su ocurrencia.

Abstract The "corruption" scandals are habitual at all levels of the Bolivian state and, to date, no law has been effective in reducing their frequency. The proposal is that this is due to uniting under the label of "corruption" diverse actions outside the law, whose causes and possible remedies are distinct. Those who criticize "corruption" express moral outrage rather than analyzing the actors and the sociological contexts of these actions. An ample investigation is required in order to identify the different types of actions and their contexts as a prerequisite for the establishment of remedies which could reduce their occurrence

Resumo Este estudo objetivou compreender as concepções dos profissionais de saúde no Brasil sobre o uso/abuso de drogas. Trata-se de revisão da literatura nas bases de dados MEDLINE, LILACS, IBECS e Scielo. A amostra final foi composta por 22 artigos, com os resultados apontando predominância de concepções morais, naturalizantes e pautadas pelo modelo biomédico, em detrimento de perspectivas psicossociais, socioculturais ou mesmo biopsicossociais. Ao se tratar de um problema multifacetado e complexo, as tentativas de respostas devem ir numa direção de amplitude e abrangência, pensando o uso de drogas para além de uma doença meramente, ou prática necessariamente negativa, mas compreendendo os aspectos físicos, psicológicos e também sociais que o perpassam. Na reversão desse cenário, coloca-se a necessidade de formação/capacitação na área, mas com reflexão sobre pressupostos e metodologias que fundamentam os processos formativos.

Abstract This study aimed to understand the conceptions of Brazilian health professionals on drug use/abuse. It is an academic literature review in the following databases: MEDLINE, LILACS, IBECS and Scielo. The final sample consisted of 22 articles, with the results pointing to a predominance of moral and naturalized conceptions about drug use, guided by biomedical model rather than psychosocial, socio-cultural or even biopsychosocial perspectives. In the case of a multi-faceted and complex problem, answers' attempts should go in the direction of breadth and comprehensiveness, thinking drug use beyond a mere disease, or necessarily a bad thing, but understanding the physical, psychological and social aspects that pervade it. For the reversal of this scenario, it is necessary training/capacity building in the area, but reflecting the premises and methodologies that underlie these training processes.

Resumo Este estudo objetivou compreender as concepções dos profissionais de saúde no Brasil sobre o uso/abuso de drogas. Trata-se de revisão da literatura nas bases de dados MEDLINE, LILACS, IBECS e Scielo. A amostra final foi composta por 22 artigos, com os resultados apontando predominância de concepções morais, naturalizantes e pautadas pelo modelo biomédico, em detrimento de perspectivas psicossociais, socioculturais ou mesmo biopsicossociais. Ao se tratar de um problema multifacetado e complexo, as tentativas de respostas devem ir numa direção de amplitude e abrangência, pensando o uso de drogas para além de uma doença meramente, ou prática necessariamente negativa, mas compreendendo os aspectos físicos, psicológicos e também sociais que o perpassam. Na reversão desse cenário, coloca-se a necessidade de formação/capacitação na área, mas com reflexão sobre pressupostos e metodologias que fundamentam os processos formativos.

Abstract This study aimed to understand the conceptions of Brazilian health professionals on drug use/abuse. It is an academic literature review in the following databases: MEDLINE, LILACS, IBECS and Scielo. The final sample consisted of 22 articles, with the results pointing to a predominance of moral and naturalized conceptions about drug use, guided by biomedical model rather than psychosocial, socio-cultural or even biopsychosocial perspectives. In the case of a multi-faceted and complex problem, answers' attempts should go in the direction of breadth and comprehensiveness, thinking drug use beyond a mere disease, or necessarily a bad thing, but understanding the physical, psychological and social aspects that pervade it. For the reversal of this scenario, it is necessary training/capacity building in the area, but reflecting the premises and methodologies that underlie these training processes.

This article explores the interrelated concepts of action, virtue and forgiveness in the political thought of Hannah Arend. For Arendt a truly ethical or virtuous life is one that displays strength of character and greatness or generosity of spirit (magnanimity). As such it is the exact opposite of resentment and meanness of spirit. Forgiveness, together with trustworthiness (the capacity to make and to keep promises), constitute for Arendt the highest "principles" of action. The capacities of promising and forgiving do not only impart stability and durability to our actions, but they give us, in the first place, the confidence to act at all. Cultivating the capacities ofpromising and forgiving can thus be viewed as the highest expression of (and the most fundamental precondition for) virtue. According to Arendt, nothing on earth can be more ethical or more virtuous than helping to create a situation in which it becomes possible for people to go on with their lives, to make a fresh start in all candidness without being constantly plagued by feelings of guilt and remorse. For Arendt revengefulness is the opposite of forgiveness. It represents the worst of all vices, mainly because it is purely reactive, unable to initiate anything new or creative. Hence, the basic concern for Arendt is to devise strategies towards overcoming resentment and revengefulness. These strategies are discussed in some detail, with particular attention to Arendt's criticism of moral sentiments such as pity and compassion, as well as the egalitarian view of social justice. Arendt insists on the world-directedness of virtue and forgiveness. She takes it out of the narrowly circumscribed sphere of sentiments such as love, relating it rather to something like respect, which she describes as "a kind of 'friendship' without intimacy and without closeness." Arendt insists that in principle nobody should be excluded from participating in the public life of politics. But when persons indeed make their appearance in the public sphere, they are expected to demonstrate certain qualities, and quite rightly so. They are judged in terms of their trustworthiness, their personal integrity, their capacity for judgement, often their physical courage, as well as their commitment to matters of public concern (the res publica) and to excellence, "regardless not only of social status and administrative office but even of achievement and congratulation". Thus, participating in politics necessarily has an "elitist" (i.e. "aristocratic" or self-perfectionist) dimension: Only those who exhibit exceptional qualities and a passion for public life should be "allowed" to appear in the public sphere. The demand that everybody must be allowed to participate, irrespective of their capabilities or commitment to the public interest, will eventually lead to the degeneration of political action and its corruption through extra-political issues and interests. These views of Arendt must nevertheless be seen together with her plea for the "right to have rights", i.e. the right to belong to a political community where one can be seen and heard. This is the most basic, the most fundamental human right. Itfinds its purpose and legitimacy in itself, in the human condition of worldliness, natality and plurality. From an Arendtian perspective, a political community can only claim recognition and legitimacy if its members themselves respect the human conditions of natality and plurality. This, in turn, is what makes possible and sustains the public sphere, which isfor Arendt the best guarantee for a dignified, genuinely human existence, fragile as it may be. Violating these conditions amounts for Arendt to a "law against humanity". Genuine democracy requires a belief in equality and, where necessary, measures to maintain it. But this does not at all imply uniformity or homogenising of differences, which basically follows the logic of fabrication (social engineering). According to Arendt, this would lead to the destruction of the public sphere and genuine politics, leaving the door wide open for totalitarian rule or new forms of despotism.

Hierdie artikel ondersoek die onderling verbandhoudende begrippe van handeling, deug en vergiffenis in die politieke denke van Hannah Arendt. Vir Arendt is 'n waarlik etiese of deugdelike lewe een wat gekenmerk word deur 'n sterk karakter en grootmoedigheid, gulhartigheid en ruimgeestigheid. As sodanig is dit die presiese teendeel van ressentiment, wraaksug en kleingeestigheid. Vergiffenis, tesame met betroubaarheid (die vermoë om beloftes te maak en te hou), maak vir Arendt die hoogste "beginsels" van handeling uit. Wanneer daaraan voldoen word, verleen dit nie alleen stabiliteit en duursaamheid aan ons handelinge nie, maar verskaf dit ook die nodige vrymoedigheid en vertroue om hoegenaamd te kan handel. Kultivering van die vermoë om beloftes te maak en te vergewe kan dus beskou word as die hoogste uitdrukking van (en die mees fundamentele voorwaarde vir) deugdelikheid. Niks op aarde kan volgens Arendt méér eties of méér deugsaam wees as om 'n situasie te help skep waarin dit vir mense moontlik word om met hulle lewens voort te gaan, d.w.s. in alle vrymoedigheid 'n nuwe begin te maak sonder om voortdurend gebukkend te gaan onder gevoelens van skuld en berou nie. Vir Arendt is wraaksugtigheid die teendeel van vergiffenis. Dit verteenwoordig die ergste ondeug, veral omdat dit suiwer reaktief is en nie in staat om enigiets nuuts of kreatief te inisieer nie. Daarom is dit vir Arendt so belangrik om strategieë te bedink om ressentiment en wraaksug te bowe te kom. Hierdie strategieë word taamlik breedvoerig bespreek, met besondere aandag aan Arendt se kritiek op morele sentimente soos jammerhartigheid en meegevoel, sowel as die egalitaristiese opvatting van sosiale geregtigheid.

La Regeneración como proyecto político de finales del siglo XIX en Colombia representó una transformación radical de la instrucción pública en el país, lo cual se manifestó en especial por la entrega de la formación a la Iglesia católica. Este artículo explora el discurso relacionado con el fortalecimiento de la moral en los estudiantes como un medio de llegar a la civilización y cómo esto funcionó como una manifestación política contra el radicalismo liberal. Para ello se realizó una revisión de los discursos publicados en la revista La Escuela Primaria, así como los informes de los prefectos de provincia y de los funcionarios encargados de la vigilancia de la instrucción pública. Con ello se pudo evidenciar el interés por fortalecer las cualidades de las maestras y directoras de acuerdo con los ideales de la civilización católica, donde la moralidad jugaba un papel predominante en la formación de ciudadanos.

The Regenerationas apoliticalproject at the end of the nineteenth century in Colombia represented a radical transformation of public education in the country, which is expressed in particular by the delivery of the education development to the Catholic church. This article studies the discourse related to the strengthening of moralism in the students as a way to reach civilization, and how, this worked on as a political demonstration against the liberal radicalism. It was conducted a review of the speeches published in the Escuela Primaria journal, as well as, the reports of the Governors of province and official responsible for the surveillance of public instruction. This demonstrated the interest in strengthening the qualities of teachers and directors in accordance with the ideals of the Catholic civilization, where morality played a dominant role in the education of citizens.

A Regeneração, como projeto político de fináis do século XIX na Colômbia, representou uma transformação radical da instrução pública no país, o qual se manifestou, especialmente, pela entrega da formação da igreja católica. Este artigo explora o discurso relacionado com o fortalecimento da moral nos estudantes como uma forma de chegar à civilização, e como isto funcionou como uma manifestação política contra o radicalismo liberal. Para isso, se realizou uma revisão dos discursos publicados na revista A Escola Primária, assim como os informes dos prefeitos de província e dos funcionários encarregados de fiscalizar a educação pública. Com isso se pôde evidenciar o interesse por fortalecer as qualidades das professoras e diretoras de acordo com os ideais da civilização católica, em que a moralidade atribuía um papel predominante na formação de cidadãos.

Quest’articolo esplora il concetto di moralità in “Un racconto di Natale” di Charles Dickens”. Nel confrontare il comportamento dei personaggi principali (Scrooge e Cratchit), sono stati analizzati gli atteggiamenti morali e amorali negli intercambi sociali all’interno del contesto della storia tenendo conto della visione dei valori morali che esistevano nella società del XIX secolo. Con lo scopo di ripercorrere i modelli di comportamento dei personaggi principali, sono stati usati gli stadi dello sviluppo proposti da Kohlberg (1984) per mettere alla prova le reazioni di Scrooge e Cratchit. La diagnosi concludente è quella di considerare che la condotta sociale espressa nell’opera è in linea con l’atteggiamento comune dell’Età Vittoriana. È creato, inoltre, uno scritto finale in relazione all’importanza dell’uso del testo letterario per l’insegnamento della lingua inglese come lingua straniera (ILE) e la sua applicabilità nell’educazione.

This article explores the concept of morality in Charles Dickens´s A Christmas Carol. By contrasting the two main characters’ behavior (Scrooge’s and Cratchit’s), moral and amoral attitudes in social exchanges were analyzed within the context of the story, by taking into account the perspective that people during the 1800’s had on moral values. To explore the two main characters’ behavioral patterns, the five stages of moral development, proposed by Kohlberg (1984) were used to test Scrooge’s and Cratchit’s reactions. Also, a historical approach to literary criticism was used to analyze the literary text. This article concludes with an overall diagnosis of their behavior, which, in the light of the textual evidence, matches the common social behavior of the Victorian Era. A final note is made regarding the importance of the use of the literary text in the teaching of English as a Foreign Language (EFL), and its implications in the field of education.

Este trabalho analisa o conceito de moralidade em Um Conto de Natal de Charles Dickens. Contrastando a conduta dos personagens principais (Scrooge e Cratchit), foram analisadas as atitudes morais e amorais nos intercâmbios sociais no contexto da história, levando em conta a visão dos valores morais existente na sociedade do século XIX. Para explorar os padrões de conduta dos personagens principais, foram utilizados os estágios do desenvolvimento moral propostos por Kohlberg (1984) para avaliar as reações de Scrooge e as de Cratchit. A conclusão, depois de ter feito um diagnóstico geral de sua conduta que, como se observou na evidência textual, é que a conduta deles coincide com a conduta social comum da Era Victoriana. Além disso, foi desenvolvida uma parte final que se relaciona com a importância que tem o uso do texto literário no ensino do Inglês como Língua Estrangeira (ILE), e suas implicações no âmbito educacional.

Este trabajo explora el concepto de moralidad en Un Cuento de Navidad de Charles Dickens. Contrastando la conducta de los personajes principales (Scrooge y Cratchit), se analizaron las actitudes morales y amorales en intercambios sociales dentro del contexto de la historia tomando en cuenta la visión de los valores morales existente en la sociedad del siglo XIX. Para explorar los patrones de conducta de los personajes principales, se utilizaron los estadios del desarrollo moral propuestos por Kohlberg (1984) para poner a prueba las reacciones de Scrooge y Cratchit. Además, se utilizó un enfoque histórico para el análisis literario del texto en cuestión. Se concluye con un diagnóstico general de su conducta que, a la luz de la evidencia textual, concuerda con la conducta social común de la Era Victoriana. Se hace, además, un apartado final relacionado con la importancia que tiene el uso del texto literario en la enseñanza del Inglés como Lengua Extranjera (ILE), y sus implicaciones en el campo educativo.

Dans ce travail, on explore le concept de moralité dans Un Conte de Noël de Charles Dickens. En contrastant le comportement des personnages principaux (Scrooge y Cratchit), on a analysé les attitudes morales et amorales lors des échanges sociaux encadrés dans l’histoire tenant compte la vision des valeurs morales de la société du XIXe siècle. Pour explorer les patrons de comportement des personnages principaux, on s’est servi des stades du développement moral proposés par Kohlberg (1984) afin de mettre à l’épreuve les réactions de Scrooge y Cratchit. On termine par un diagnostic général de leurs comportements que, à la lumière de la preuve textuelle, correspondent au comportement social commun de l’Époque Victorienne. On présente aussi une section finale liée à l’importance de l’usage du texte littéraire dans l’enseignement de l’anglais comme langue étrangère (ESL) et ses implications dans le domaine éducatif.

A direita política evangélica no Brasil tornou-se presuntiva, mas foram prefiguradas durante os processos simultâneos de redemocratização nacional e de politização evangélica na década de 1970 . Nesta encruzilhada, os líderes de várias denominações religiosas adotaram a linguagem de uma crise moral aguda, lançando as bases para uma direita evangélica. A própria crise moral tornou-se "nosso terreno", o ponto de inserção dos evangélicos de direita na esfera política, e uma das várias questões-chave que dividem evangélicos reacionários e seus correligionários progressistas. Até o momento da Constituinte, a posição dos Batistas e Assembleianos, como vozes dos conservadores que apoiaram amplamente o regime militar e se opuseram às iniciativas de justiça social do ecumenismo de esquerda e ao comunismo, tinha sido estabelecida após anos de pronunciamentos que ligavam essas questões à crise moral. Este artigo inicia um exame desses anos, dos contornos determinantes da transição gradual das coisas etéreas para as coisas políticas - e o significado destes contornos para facilitar a ascensão da direita evangélica.

Right-wing evangelical politics in Brazil have become presumptive, but they were prefigured during the simultaneous processes of national redemocratization and evangelical politicization in the 1970s. At this crossroads, leaders of several denominations adopted the language of acute moral crisis, laying the groundwork for an evangelical Right. Moral crisis itself became "nosso terreno" - the point of insertion for right-wing evangelicals in the political sphere, and one of several key issues that would divide reactionary evangelicals from their progressive co-religionists. By the time of the constituinte, Baptists' and Assembleianos' position as vocal conservatives who largely supported the military regime and opposed ecumenicalism, leftist social justice initiatives, and communism had been established by years of pronouncements linking these issues to moral crisis. This paper begins an examination of those years, of the determinative contours of the gradual transition from things ethereal to things political-and the significance of these contours in facilitating the rise of the evangelical Right.

A estabilidade econômica no Brasil permitiu que itens acessíveis somente às classes sociais mais abastadas fossem consumidos na "base da pirâmide". Tal fato despertou interesse acadêmico e empresarial por melhor compreender esse fenômeno. Duas linhas argumentativas surgiram, com distintas perspectivas. Enquanto uma defende um discurso hedonista, ao incentivar o consumo pela base da pirâmide, como forma de diminuir a pobreza, a outra, cuja perspectiva dominante é moralista, critica tal visão, pois acredita que somente a inserção das pessoas com menor poder aquisitivo no processo de produção contribuirá para melhorar suas vidas.. Um dos objetivos do presente ensaio é, portanto, discutir como a literatura sobre o consumo na base da pirâmide apresenta elementos desses tipos de discursos. Além disso, busca-se estimular mais estudos, propondo uma agenda inicial de pesquisa

Economic stability in Brazil has allowed items that were formerly only accessible to the better-off social classes, to be consumed at ¨the bottom of the pyramid¨. This has aroused the interest of both the academic and business world and led to a desire for a better understanding of this phenomenon. Two lines of argument have arisen with distinct perspectives. The first supports a hedonistic approach, which believes that consumption at the base of the pyramid is driven by a wish to reduce poverty, while the other, where a moralistic standpoint is predominant, criticizes this view because it believes that people's lives can only be improved by including people with less purchasing power in the production processes. One of the aims of this essay is thus to discuss how the literature on consumption at the bottom of the pyramid, shows features of these types of approaches. In addition, it seeks to encourage further studies by setting out a research agenda.

La estabilidad económica en Brasil permitió que artículos accesibles solamente a las clases sociales más adineradas fueran consumidos por la "base de la pirámide". Tal hecho despertó el interés académico y empresarial para comprender mejor ese fenómeno. Surgieron dos líneas argumentativas, con distintas perspectivas. Mientras una defiende un discurso hedonista, al incentivar el consumo por la base de la pirámide como forma de disminuir la pobreza, la otra, cuja perspectiva dominante es moralista, critica tal visión, pues considera que solamente la inserción de las personas con menor poder adquisitivo en el proceso de producción contribuirá a mejorar sus vidas. Uno de los objetivos del presente ensayo es, por lo tanto, discutir cómo la literatura sobre el consumo en la base de la pirámide presenta elementos de esos tipos de discursos. Además, se busca estimular más estudios, proponiendo una agenda inicial de investigación.

This essay is a reflection on the phenomenon of the monstrous. It is underpinned by the following question: Can contemporary thought identify and judge certain phenomena in a well-founded manner as "monstrous " - given the modern tendency to condemn the negative in a dualist fashion, and the opposite tendency in postmodernism to question, even in a spirit of indifference, its very existence? By means of an appeal to traditional philosophy and theology it is argued that the monstrous can be understood as a contra-spiritual movement. In traditional thought the spiritual is not only experienced as a substantive entity, but also as a movement between body and spirit, between immanent and transcendent being. The aim of the spiritual movement is to have community with and participate in transcendent being. By contrast, it is argued that the monstrous can be associated with those movements of the spirit that is characterised by a reductive focus on immanent being (and more precisely, by a single-minded focus on survival, i.e. by the attempt of the subject to survive without taking cognisance of the inner tendency of the spirit to participate in being as such). The latter represents the monstrous moment: Instead of the subject opening itself for the spiritual movement toward being, the exclusive focus on survival (and the good that the latter represents in traditional thought) is accompanied by the paradoxical turn into its opposite. In short, being is henceforth experienced as monstrous. However, it is also argued that the monstrous cannot be seen as a substantial power, but rather as something that is without ontological substance. In fact, being nothing but a reduction of being, the monstrous can be experienced as a privation of being, i.e. as mere nothingness. In order to substantiate the argument, an appeal is made to natural law as understood by Aquinas (and the underlying idea that nature is marked by the spiritual desire to transcend the immanent in favour of contemplating being as such). In terms of Aquinas' understanding of natural law being is not only characterised by a tendency toward the good, but also - and more specifically - toward survival, community and contemplation. Seen from this perspective the monstrous represents in essence a forgetfulness of the spiritual desire for more than mere survival, i.e. for community and contemplation. In the concluding paragraphs the focus turns to different ways in which modernism has responded to its own understanding of being as a monstrous event. It is argued that modernism responded to the monstrous by means of monstrous instruments, namely the modern territorial state (Hobbes' Leviathan) and puritanical moralism. In responding to the monstrous by means of the monstrous the preconditions were laidfor what can be referred to as the modern dialectic of the monstrous. In other words, both the modern leviathan and puritanical moralism repeated the monstrous in the very attempt to transcend its violent implications. By contrast, traditional philosophy and theology point to ways in which spiritual desire is redirected in such a manner that the monstrous itself is exposed as a being without substance. Instead of merely repeating the dialectic of the monstrous, traditional philosophy and theology can thus show the way beyond its violent circularity.

In hierdie artikel word nagedink oor die verskynsel van die monsteragtige. In die hart daarvan staan die volgende vraag: Kan die denke op 'n gefundeerde wyse na bepaalde handelinge as "monsteragtig" verwys? In aansluiting by die tradisie van filosofiese denke word aangevoer dat die monsteragtige as 'n kontra-geestelike verskynsel verstaan moet word: Terwyl die geestelike in die tradisie van filosofiese en teologiese denke verbind word met die beweging van die gees tussen die immanente en die transendente geheel van dit wat is, hou die monsteragtige verband met 'n beweging ingevolge waarvan die aandag op die immanente (en in die besonder die strewe na selfbehoud) ingekort word. In plaas daarvan om sigself vir die transendente geheel oop te stel, keer die uitsluitlike fokus op selfbehoud (en die goeie wat dit in die tradisie verteenwoordig), om in sy negatiewe teendeel. Na laasgenoemde kan as die monsteragtige verwys word. In aansluiting hierby word aangevoer dat die monsteragtige, juis vanweë die reduksionistiese aard daarvan, nie 'n substantiewe mag is wat op ontologiese gewig kan aanspraak maak nie. Inteendeel, as reduksie van die werklikheid val dit met die "niks" saam. In die slotgedeeltes word stilgestaan by verskillende wyses waarop op die monsteragtige geantwoord kan word. Tydens die era van die modernisme is op die monsteragtige by wyse van die monsteragtige staat (Hobbes se Leviatan) en 'n ewe monsteragtige puristiese moralisme geantwoord. Daarmee het die modernisme 'n dialektiek van die monsteragtige op dreef gebring. Daarteenoor staan die tradisie van filosofiese en teologiese denke, wat nie aan die monsteragtige enige ontologiese substansie toeken nie, maar eerder die voorwaardes vir genoemde dialektiek bevraagteken.

Os bairros de Santa Inés e Santa Fe, no centro histórico de Bogotá, estão entre os mais perigosos da capital colombiana e são classificados pelo governo distrital como Zonas Vermelhas, Críticas ou de Alto Impacto. Neste artigo, são exploradas, a partir de uma perspectiva etnográfica, as diversas relações entre legalidade e ilegalidade nessas regiões de medo e perigo, cuja degradação física e moral é atribuída a certas pessoas estigmatizadas. São descritas as regulações informais internas ou máximas da rua, como no dar papaya ["não dar mole"], e sua coexistência com práticas de "limpeza social", que refletem intolerância e moralismo no convívio com a diferença. Recentemente, os projetos de renovação urbana, que fazem parte dos planos de recuperação do Centro, buscam intervir nesses setores de delinquência, prostituição e atividades ilegais com o fim de erradicar a violência e empreender futuros megaprojetos residenciais e comerciais de revalorização imobiliária.

The Santa Inés and Santa Fe districts in Bogotá's historical centre are among the Colombian capital's most dangerous, classified by the local government as Red, Critical or High Impact Zones. This article provides an ethnographic exploration of the complex relations between legality and illegality in these regions associated with fear and danger, whose physical and moral decline are attributed to certain stigmatized groups of people. It describes the informal internal regulations or street maxims, such as no dar papaya ['don't be soft'], and their coexistence with 'social cleansing' practices that reflect intolerance and moralism in the face of difference. Recently the urban reform projects, which form part of the plans for recuperating the Centre, have tried to intervene in these sectors of crime, prostitution and illegal activities in order to eradicate violence and pave the way for future residential and commercial megaprojects designed to improve the real estate value of urban areas.