RESUMEN La Sentencia 1364-17-EP/23 de la Corte Constitucional aparentemente cerró la discusión sobre el alcance del art. 233 de la CRE en lo que respecta al peculado. Se afirma serían autores tanto servidores públicos como sujetos que no ostenten esta condición, independientemente de sus conductas. La resolución es insatisfactoria. En la misma no se confrontó si el contenido del precepto constitucional era suficiente para cumplir con la determinación que requiere la tipificación de una conducta. El debate no puede cerrarse sin alcanzar estos niveles de análisis. El objetivo de este artículo es desafiar esta decisión, presentando argumentos que no fueron considerados, y a través de estos, cuestionar las conclusiones alcanzadas. Desde la explicación de lo que es un intraneus y un extraneus, se plantea otras formas de interpretar el art. 233. Entre las alternativas, se selecciona la que se cree que guarda armonía con todo el sistema de normas. El art. 233 fija la necesidad de que en el peculado se sancione como autores a no servidores públicos y a privados, pero no es suficiente para ser aplicado directamente. Es el principio de legalidad el que cumple con el mandato de determinación. Finalmente, se resalta que la norma penal sí contempla supuestos donde pueden intervenir como autores personas sin la calidad de servidores públicos, casos en los que existe certeza sobre la conducta prohibida.

ABSTRACT Sentence 1364-17-EP/23 of Constitutional Court and article 233 of the CRE regarding embezzlement seems to be closed. It is stated that both public servants and the ones who do not hold this condition can be authors regardless of their conduct. The resolution is not acceptable as it did not confront whether the content of the constitutional precept was sufficient to comply with the determination required to classify a conduct. The debate cannot be closed without reaching these levels of analysis. The aim of this article is to challenge this decision with arguments that were not considered and can be used to question the conclusions reached. From the explanation of what an intraneus and an extraneus are, other ways of interpreting article 233 are proposed. Among the alternatives, the selected is the one that is believed to be in harmony with the entire system of regulations. Article 233 establishes the need to sanction to non-public and private servants as perpetrators of embezzlement. However, it is not enough to be applied directly. It is the principle of legality that fulfills the mandate of determination. Finally, it is highlighted that the criminal law does contemplate cases where people without the status of public servants may intervene as perpetrators, cases in which there is certainty about the prohibited conduct.

RESUMEN: Objetivo/contexto: El artículo analiza la naturaleza partidista de los ministros en Uruguay (96% del total) durante el periodo 1985-2024, a partir de las condicionantes institucionales y políticas de la designación del gabinete. Dado que el presidente cuenta con poderes legislativos moderados, la nominación es utilizada para la construcción de mayorías capaces de aprobar las iniciativas del Gobierno y evitar que la oposición censure a los ministros en el Parlamento. Como el sistema político funciona con base en la lógica del modelo de Gobierno de partido, el artículo explora las consecuencias de su aplicación mediante el análisis del comportamiento de la bancada oficialista en una muestra de interpelaciones ministeriales realizadas en el Parlamento. Metodología: La investigación es un estudio de caso basado en el análisis estadístico de datos originales. La hipótesis principal considera cuatro variables independientes (tamaño del contingente legislativo del presidente, cohesión partidaria, tipo de gobierno y evolución del periodo de gobierno) y una serie de variables de control. Conclusiones: El estudio confirma que los presidentes uruguayos hacen un uso estratégico de la designación ministerial, a partir del supuesto de que la relación entre los poderes funciona como un típico modelo de gobierno de partido, similar al observado en regímenes parlamentarios. Los presidentes designan ministros partidistas de alto rango cuando cuentan con respaldo en el Parlamento y el partido está fuertemente cohesionado. Designan ministros partidistas de rango medio y bajo, cuando el presidente forma coaliciones y cuando su partido está menos cohesionado. Y, finalmente, prefieren ministros partidistas nuevos o discretos cuando el presidente pierde su coalición o durante los últimos años del mandato. Originalidad: Analiza la designación de ministros en Uruguay bajo un sistema presidencial que, a pesar de no tener poderes legislativos excesivos, se asemeja al modelo de gobierno de partido típico de los regímenes parlamentarios.

RESUMO: Objetivo/contexto: O artigo analisa a natureza partidária dos ministros no Uruguai (96% do total) durante o período de 1985-2024, considerando as condicionantes institucionais e políticas da nomeação do gabinete. Dado que o presidente possui poderes legislativos moderados, as nomeações são utilizadas para construir maiorias capazes de aprovar as iniciativas do governo e evitar que a oposição censure os ministros no Parlamento. Como o sistema político opera com base na lógica do modelo de governo de partido, o artigo explora as consequências de sua aplicação por meio da análise do comportamento da bancada governista em uma amostra de interpelações ministeriais realizadas no Parlamento. Metodologia: A pesquisa é um estudo de caso baseado na análise estatística de dados originais. A hipótese principal considera quatro variáveis independentes (tamanho do contingente legislativo do presidente, coesão partidária, tipo de governo e evolução do período de governo) e uma série de variáveis de controle. Conclusões: O estudo confirma que os presidentes uruguaios fazem uso estratégico das nomeações ministeriais, partindo do pressuposto de que a relação entre os poderes funciona como um típico modelo de governo de partido, similar ao observado em regimes parlamentares. Os presidentes nomeiam ministros partidários de alto escalão quando têm respaldo no Parlamento e o partido está fortemente coeso. Nomeiam ministros partidários de médio e baixo escalão quando o presidente forma coalizões e quando seu partido está menos coeso. E, finalmente, preferem ministros partidários novos ou discretos quando o presidente perde sua coalizão ou durante os últimos anos do mandato. Originalidade: Analisa a nomeação de ministros no Uruguai sob um sistema presidencial que, apesar de não ter poderes legislativos excessivos, assemelha-se ao modelo de governo de partido típico dos regimes parlamentares.

ABSTRACT: Objective/Context: The article analyzes the partisan nature of ministers in Uruguay (96% of the total) during the period 1985-2024, based on the institutional and political constraints of cabinet appointments. Given that the president has moderate legislative powers, nominations are used to build majorities capable of approving government initiatives and preventing the opposition from censuring ministers in Parliament. As the political system operates based on the logic of the party government model, the article explores the consequences of its application by analyzing the behavior of the ruling party’s caucus in a sample of ministerial interpellations conducted in Parliament. Methodology: The research is a case study based on statistical analysis of original data. The main hypothesis considers four independent variables (size of the president’s legislative contingent, party cohesion, type of government, and evolution of the government period) and a series of control variables. Conclusions: The study confirms that Uruguayan presidents make strategic use of ministerial appointments, based on the assumption that the relationship between powers functions as a typical party government model, similar to that observed in parliamentary regimes. Presidents appoint high-ranking partisan ministers when they have support in Parliament and the party is strongly cohesive. They appoint mid- and low-ranking partisan ministers when the president forms coalitions and when the party is less cohesive. Finally, they prefer new or discreet partisan ministers when the president loses his coalition or during the last years of the mandate. Originality: It analyzes the appointment of ministers in Uruguay under a presidential system that, despite not having excessive legislative powers, resembles the typical party government model of parliamentary regimes.

Abstract The IMF´s practices affect the lives of millions of persons all around the world. Recently, institutional actors of the United Nations have defined the rules that it should follow to promote the respect and effectiveness of Human Rights. However, the Fund acts as if such rules do not in fact exist. The article aims to analyze the juridical nexus that ties the IMF to Human Rights, problematizing the «argumentative strategies» through which it legitimizes its position on the field. This way of approaching to the debate allows the paper to: 1) prove the IMF's juridical link to these Rights and, at the same time, show the benefits and limits of the critics that are directed to said link; 2) introduce in a single coherent narrative the developments on this subject that the specialized literature exhibits in a fragmented manner; 3) show how the newest trends that inform the doctrine of Human Rights are translated into official juridical documents. It is argued that the Fund has the international obligation of respecting and enforcing Human Rights from its own mandate and considering the rules of institutional actors on this regard, under penalty of incurring in responsibility for their violation. IMFs s world Recently However exist argumentative strategies field 1 time 2 manner 3 documents regard violation

Resumen Con sus prácticas, el FMI afecta la vida de millones de personas alrededor del mundo. Recientemente, la ONU ha definido las pautas que los agentes del campo financiero deben seguir para promover el respeto y la efectividad de los Derechos Humanos (DDHH). Sin embargo, el Fondo actúa como si de hecho tales pautas no existiesen. Este trabajo procura analizar el nexo jurídico que ata al FMI a los DDHH, problematizando las «estrategias argumentativas» a través de las cuales él legitima su posición al respecto. Esta manera de ingresar al debate permite: 1) sustentar jurídicamente la ligazón del Fondo a estos derechos y, al mismo tiempo, mostrar las bondades y límites de las críticas que se le endilgan a dicha ligazón; 2) presentar en un único relato coherente los desarrollos sobre esta temática que la literatura especializada exhibe de manera fragmentada; 3) dar cuenta de cómo las últimas tendencias que informan la doctrina de los DDHH se traducen en documentos jurídicos oficiales. Se argumenta que el FMI tiene la obligación internacional de respetar y efectivizar los DDHH desde su propio mandato y considerando las pautas de los actores institucionales al respecto, so pena de incurrir en responsabilidad por su violación. prácticas mundo Recientemente DDHH. . (DDHH) embargo existiesen estrategias argumentativas respecto permite 1 tiempo 2 fragmentada 3 oficiales violación (DDHH

Climate change adaptation (CCA) and disaster risk reduction (DRR) agendas converge in their priorities to reduce social vulnerability and enhance resilience in the face of climate change. However, they are often treated separately in practice and in local government plans. In South Africa, while municipalities are legally mandated to develop Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) and Disaster Management Plans (DMPs), this is not the case for CCA. In this study, we assessed the engagement with, and linkages between, CCA and DRR in 20 local municipalities from contrasting socio-economic contexts in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa by conducting an analysis of their IDPs, DMPs and any plans or strategies pertaining to CCA. Our results show that none of the municipalities had separate CCA strategies, with only two municipalities complying with the mandate to have DMPs. While municipalities mostly included CCA- and DRR-related activities in their IDPs, there were no explicit linkages made between the two approaches. Apparent was the prioritisation of bolstering infrastructure with little attention towards addressing social vulnerability and building resilience. Overall, little has been done to prioritise or link CCA and DRR at the local government level, especially in the context of addressing social vulnerability and building resilience. These findings suggest the need for South Africa to implement and promulgate legal instruments, policies and resources to capacitate local municipalities in mainstreaming and integrating CCA and DRR. SIGNIFICANCE: • This study highlights that, while CCA and DRR converge in theoretical frameworks and international and national policies, little has been done to link the two at the local government level in South Africa. • Overall, findings indicate that social vulnerability reduction and resilience building are still not recognised as important aspects of CCA and DRR. • Local municipalities prioritise technical solutions and infrastructure maintenance, with little attention to development and structural causes of vulnerability. • Support, in terms of resources, is needed to capacitate local municipalities in (1) linking CCA and DRR and (2) reducing social vulnerability and building resilience.

This study proposes a methodology using OpenAlex (OA) for tracking Open Access publications in the case of Argentina, a country where a self-archiving mandate has been in effect since 2013 ( Law 26.899, 2013). A sample of 167,240 papers by researchers from the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) was created and analyzed using statistical techniques. We estimate that OA is able to capture between 85-93% of authors for all disciplines, with the exception of Social Sciences and Humanities, where it only reaches an estimated 47%. The availability of papers in Open Access was calculated to be 41% for the period 1953-2021 and 46% when considering exclusively the post-law period (2014-2021). In both periods, gold Open Access made up the most common route. When comparing equal periods post and pre-law, we observed that the upward trend of gold Open Access was pre-existing to the legislation and the availability of closed articles in repositories increased by 5% to what is estimated based on existing trends. However, while the green route has had a positive evolution, it has been the publication in gold journals that has boosted access to Argentine production more rapidly. We concluded that the OA-based methodology, piloted here for the first time, is viable for tracking Open Access in Argentina since it yields percentages similar to other national and international studies.

En este estudio se propone una metodología utilizando OpenAlex (OA) para monitorear el acceso abierto (AA) a las publicaciones científicas para el caso de Argentina, país donde rige el mandato de autoarchivo -Ley 26.899 (2013)-. Se conformó una muestra con 167.240 artículos de investigadores del Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) que se analizaron con técnicas estadísticas. Se estimó que OA puede representar entre 85-93% de los autores para todas las disciplinas, excepto Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, donde solo alcanza al 47%. Se calculó que 41% de los artículos publicados entre 1953-2021 incluidos en la fuente están en AA, porcentaje que sube a 46% al considerar exclusivamente el periodo post ley (2014-2021). En ambos periodos es la vía dorada la que representa mayor proporción. Al comparar periodos iguales post y pre ley, se observó que la tendencia en alza de la vía dorada era preexistente a la legislación y la disponibilidad de artículos cerrados en repositorios aumentó un 5% a lo que se estima en base a tendencias existentes. Se concluye que si bien  la vía verde ha tenido una evolución positiva, ha sido la publicación en revistas doradas lo que ha impulsado más rápidamente el acceso a la producción argentina. Asimismo, que la metodología basada en OA, piloteada aquí por primera vez, es viable para monitorear el AA en Argentina ya que arroja porcentajes similares a otros estudios nacionales e internacionales.

There is a prevalent notion among healthcare professionals that their private lives have no bearing on their work. Yet, the public has expectations about the conduct of health professionals while at work or in public. Citizens are quick to broadcast information, and express opinions, and beliefs about the conduct of health partitioners via social media. Consequently, incidents and behaviours traditionally confined to the work environment, have been brought into the public domain, attracting interest and scrutiny. The exposure of personal information can have serious ramifications to the individual and professional reputation. We have witnessed in recent times, the regulator having to acknowledge, process and adjudicate professional conduct emanating outside the work environment. In this article we interrogate the jurisdiction of the HPCSA regarding "unprofessional conduct" outside work. Several contextual questions are discussed: (i) what does it mean for the HPCSA to protect the public? (ii) How far does the HPCSA's mandate to protect the public go extend? (iii) How should the regulator interact with social media as a source of information about practitioner's behaviour and conduct. We contend that, in some cases, the HPCSA as a regulatory authority, can exercise its jurisdiction and prescribe how their members should conduct themselves outside of work. Eventually, Health Professions Council of South Africa, must protect the public and regulate the profession - "by all means necessary" or only when the "means are necessary"

RESUMEN En el presente artículo se hace un análisis de las determinantes de salud que se asocian a algunas Enfermedades Cardiovasculares, tales como las Cardiopatías adquiridas y las Cardiopatías congénitas desde una mirada integradora. Desde esta perspectiva se pretende contribuir a la educación y sensibilización de la comunidad científica en aras de potenciar las acciones preventivas, rehabilitadoras y asistenciales con estos pacientes y sus familias, así como hacer un llamado a las políticas públicas de salud para que concienticen su participación en dichas acciones desde enfoques multidisciplinarios y a la reformulación de intervenciones capaces de disminuir la carga atribuible a estas enfermedades y sus deletéreas consecuencias. Se enfatiza en el rol relevante la Psicocardiología dado su encargo social, carácter netamente humanista y punto de encuentro entre dos ciencias- la Cardiología y la Psicología. Se particulariza en aportes científicos a nivel internacional, así como en las variables sociales, ambientales, biológicas, psicológicas y culturales que se relacionan a estos padecimientos.

ABSTRACT The present article conducts an analysis of the health determinants associated with certain Cardiovascular Diseases, such as acquired heart diseases and congenital heart diseases, from an integrative perspective. From this standpoint, the aim is to contribute to the education and awareness of the scientific community, with the purpose of enhancing preventive, rehabilitative, and healthcare actions for these patients and their families. Additionally, a call is made to public health policies to raise awareness of their involvement in such actions, employing multidisciplinary approaches and the reformulation of interventions capable of reducing the burden attributable to these diseases and their deleterious consequences. The relevant role of Psychocardiology is emphasized, given its social mandate, inherently humanistic nature, and its position as a meeting point between two sciences - Cardiology and Psychology. The article focuses on international scientific contributions, as well as the social, environmental, biological, psychological, and cultural variables related to these conditions.

Abstract The connection between political issues and commitments made by political parties in the electoral campaign and the subsequent framework of government actions is essential for theories that explain representative democracy. But, after all, do the parties fulfill their campaign pledges? Or yet, what explains why some governments comply with a relatively larger number of pledges than others? Through an overview of the international literature on the role of electoral pledges in representation, this article offers a (i) systematic assessment of how different empirical approaches alter the results related to the fulfillment of pledges in the mandate and, above all, (ii) a more considered assessment given the gains and limitations implicit in the models recurrently used to assess pledge fulfillment. democracy But all yet others representation i (i ii (ii

Resumo A ligação entre temas políticos e compromissos realizados por partidos políticos na campanha eleitoral e o subsequente quadro de ações do governo é essencial para as teorias que explicam a democracia representativa. Mas afinal, os partidos cumprem suas promessas de campanha? Ou ainda, o que explica o porquê de alguns governos cumprirem um número relativamente maior de promessas do que outros? Empregando um balanço na literatura internacional sobre o papel das promessas na representação, este artigo oferece (i) uma avaliação sistemática de como diferentes abordagens empíricas alteram os resultados relativos ao cumprimento de compromissos na gestão do mandato e, sobretudo, (ii) uma avaliação mais ponderada diante de ganhos e limitações implícitas aos modelos recorrentemente usados para avaliar o seu cumprimento. representativa afinal ainda outros representação i (i sobretudo ii (ii

Abstract Between 1999 and 2020, the Central Bank of Brazil - BCB rested on a regime of operational autonomy, but, unlike other central banks, its board of directors did not have a functional mandate established by law. How to explain the functioning of this autonomy without the existence of a legal guarantee? The article seeks to tackle this question by carrying out an in-depth case study examining the governance and performance of BCB. The findings confirm the hypothesis that an institutional complementarity of three factors played the role of a functional substitute for a mandate established by law: the Weberian organization of the BCB, its external coalitions, and the regulatory capacity. The Weberian organization guaranteed cohesion to the bureaucracy and limited political control exercised through appointments; external coalitions reinforced the BCB's powers within the State apparatus, and the regulatory capacity institutionalized the BCB's performance, reinforcing other authorities' deferential behavior. 199 2020 but banks law guarantee indepth in depth appointments BCBs s apparatus authorities behavior 19 202 1 20 2

Resumo Entre 1999 e 2020, o Banco Central do Brasil - BCB contou com um regime de autonomia operacional, mas, diferentemente da regra geral dos demais bancos centrais, seus dirigentes não contaram com um mandato funcional estabelecido em lei. Como explicar o funcionamento desta autonomia sem a existência de uma garantia legal? O artigo procura responder a esta questão realizando um estudo de caso em profundidade em que analisa a governança e a atuação do BCB. Seus achados confirmam a hipótese de trabalho de que uma complementaridade institucional de três fatores desempenhou o papel de substituto funcional de um mandato estabelecido em lei, são eles: a organização weberiana do BCB, as suas coalizões externas de proteção e a capacidade regulatória adquirida pela autarquia. A organização weberiana garantiu coesão à burocracia e limitou o controle político exercido por meio das nomeações; as coalizões externas reforçaram os poderes do BCB dentro do Estado e a capacidade regulatória institucionalizou a atuação do BCB, o que reforçou um comportamento deferente das demais autoridades em relação às suas políticas. 199 2020 operacional mas centrais lei legal eles autarquia nomeações políticas 19 202 1 20 2

PURPOSE: This article evaluates the impact of the de jure independence of the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) on the credibility and discipline of domestic monetary policy. Credibility captures the extent to which economic agents trust the SARB to pursue its price stability mandate and is measured by the relationship between the SARB's independence and domestic inflation. Discipline relates to the effect of independence on money growth rates, where independence is associated with a more disciplined central bank and moderate money growth rates. METHODOLOGY: A simple autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) econometric specification and Granger causality tests are employed. Following the extant empirical literature, existing indexes of central bank independence (CBI) are regressed on annual rates of inflation and money growth. FINDINGS: A statistically significant negative relationship is established between both i) CBI and inflation and ii) CBI and money growth for the South African economy. This suggests that the SARB's legal independence plays an important role in containing inflation (credibility) and limiting excessive money growth (discipline). CONTRIBUTION: This article fills a gap in the extant literature by being the first attempt at formalising the empirical link between de jure CBI, inflation, and the rate of money growth in the South African economy.

We, Academic Development (AD) practitioners, question whether AD's objective in South Africa (SA) as a 'liberatory educational and social movement' to enhance educational quality for all students, is effectively pursued. AD practitioners often work on the fringes of the academy, fighting for relevance and legitimacy within an increasingly performative and managerialist academic culture. Despite innovative AD initiatives AD work is criticised for being unresponsive, unreflexive, conformist, and lacking theoretical, scholarly, and critical engagement. We use critical pedagogical praxis, particularly the constructs of critique, reflexivity, power, and self-reflection, to interrogate the continuous tension between AD intention and practice. Through (un)conference methodology, this auto-ethnographic account of individual and collective engagements, using the "holding the mirror up" metaphor, critically questioned the tension and misalignments between the AD mandate and practices. Although in a SA higher education context, this research could be beneficial to HE contexts globally, given the ubiquity of AD work.

Abstract This article analyzes the speeches of leading doctors in the creation of the specialty in childbirth care: gynecotology. Between 1920 and 1940, under the influence of eugenic and maternalist thinking, in a context of valuing the well-being of children, medicine built a new obstetric interventionism under the foundation of improving fetal viability. The supposed female “maternal instinct” was, thus, appealed to improve acceptance of the medical mandate. At the same time, doctors recognized their difficulties in providing adequate care. They did not wait long enough and tended to intervene in unnecessary physiological processes. care gynecotology 192 1940 thinking wellbeing well being children viability maternal instinct was thus mandate time processes 19 194 1

Resumen En este artículo se analizan discursos de médicos de referencia en la creación de la especialidad en la atención del parto: la ginecotocología. Entre 1920 y 1940, bajo la influencia del pensamiento eugenésico y maternalista, en un contexto de valorización del bienestar de la infancia, la medicina construyó un nuevo intervencionismo obstétrico bajo el fundamento de mejorar la viabilidad fetal. En ese marco se apeló al supuesto “instinto maternal” femenino para mejorar la aceptación del mandato médico. A la vez, los médicos reconocieron sus dificultades para asistir de forma adecuada. No esperaban el tiempo suficiente y tendían a intervenir más de lo necesario en procesos fisiológicos que no lo requerían. parto ginecotocología 192 1940 maternalista infancia fetal instinto maternal médico vez adecuada requerían 19 194 1

In the Namibian context, the Legal Practitioners' Fidelity Fund is created by statute, and is administered by a board of control known as the Legal Practitioners' Fidelity Fund Board of Control.¹ In terms of the law, the Board of Control (the Board) has the mandate to invest moneys of the fund from time to time if, in the opinion of the Board, such funds are not immediately required for other purposes.² Market failures are continuously experienced globally, and may lead to failed investments. This reality requires investors to take proper steps to ensure that their investments are sound. The soundness of an investment rests in the possibility of increasing investment returns and reducing possible risk of investment failure. The Legal Practitioners Act does not provide any steps to follow to guard against the failure of fidelity fund investments. The Act also fails to indicate the extent to which the Board or any other person may be held accountable for failed investments. The Rules of the Law Society of Namibia are equally silent on this matter. This article seeks to investigate the extent to which the Board may be held liable for any failed investments. The article also attempts to establish various steps that should be followed by the Board to prevent or avoid the failure of fidelity fund investments.

Resumen Este artículo trata de una apuesta por herramientas conceptuales que puedan romper con las grandes narrativas heroicas de orígenes y autores. Se trata de delinear otras prácticas psi y de investigación que propongan rupturas en las formas y actos establecidos por el mandato social imperante, que pide a los psicólogos hablar por los otros. La apuesta del artículo es afirmar gestos clínicos que rechacen modelos de pensamiento impuestos y propongan formas de investigar-trabajar como fabricantes-de-interiores-en-vuelta. Pretende rechazar prácticas basadas en una “matriz colonial de poder” que se expresa en la precariedad de las relaciones laborales y la explotación. Se pregunta: ¿cuál es la naturaleza de nuestro presente? ¿En qué nos estamos convirtiendo? ¿Qué hemos hecho frente a la matriz colonial de poder? Frente a los marcos y cruces coloniales, el artículo considera que las prácticas necropolíticas son intolerables y se basa en el principio ético-político y estético de los ataques a otras prácticas de investigación y pensamiento, que corroboran los cruces contracoloniales. autores imperante otros investigartrabajar investigar trabajar fabricantesdeinterioresenvuelta. fabricantesdeinterioresenvuelta fabricantes interiores vuelta. vuelta fabricantes-de-interiores-en-vuelta poder explotación pregunta cuál presente En convirtiendo Qué coloniales éticopolítico ético político contracoloniales

Resumo O presente artigo trata de uma aposta em ferramentas conceituais que possam romper com as grandes narrativas heróicas de origens e autores. Debruça-se em delinear outras práticas psi e de pesquisa que proponham rupturas nas formas e atos estabelecidos pelo mandato social reinante, que solicita que psicólogas falem pelos outros. A aposta do artigo é afirmar gestos clínicos que recusem modelos impostos de pensamento e propor modos de pesquisar-trabalhar como fabricantes-de-interiores-em-revolta. Ambiciona recusar práticas pautadas em uma “matriz colonial de poder” que se expressa nas relações de trabalho precárias e de exploração. Interroga-se: qual a natureza do nosso presente? O que estamos nos tornando? O que temos feito no enfrentamento da matriz colonial de poder? Contrário aos marcos e atravessamentos coloniais, o artigo considera intoleráveis as práticas necropolíticas e se situa a partir do princípio ético-político e estético de investidas por outras práticas de pesquisa e de pensamento, que corroborem travessias-navegantes contra-coloniais. autores Debruçase Debruça reinante outros pesquisartrabalhar pesquisar trabalhar fabricantesdeinterioresemrevolta. fabricantesdeinterioresemrevolta fabricantes interiores revolta. revolta fabricantes-de-interiores-em-revolta poder exploração Interrogase Interroga Interroga-se tornando coloniais éticopolítico ético político travessiasnavegantes travessias navegantes contracoloniais. contracoloniais contra coloniais. contra-coloniais

Abstract The present article is about a bet on conceptual tools that can break with the great heroic narratives of origins and authors. It is about delineating other psi and research practices that propose ruptures in the forms and acts established by the reigning social mandate, which asks psychologists to speak for others. The bet of the article is to affirm clinical gestures that refuse imposed models of thinking and to propose ways of research-working as makers-of-interiors-in-turn. It aims to refuse practices based on a “colonial matrix of power” that is expressed in precarious work relations and exploitation. It asks itself: what is the nature of our present? What are we becoming? What have we been doing in confronting the colonial matrix of power? Contrary to colonial frameworks and crossings, the article considers that necropolitical practices are intolerable, and it is based on the ethical-political and aesthetic principle of investing in other practices of research and thinking, which corroborate counter-colonial crossings. authors mandate others researchworking working makersofinteriorsinturn. makersofinteriorsinturn makers interiors turn. turn makers-of-interiors-in-turn power exploitation itself becoming crossings intolerable ethicalpolitical ethical political countercolonial counter

How do we repair and reconcile a society broken multiple times by years of political violence and cyclic mass atrocity events? Reconciliation processes in post-conflict societies tend to favour state-led peace processes to aid individuals and communities alike to heal, make sense of the past while also imagining and forging an interdependent future together. The Burundi Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), established in 2014, has the mandate to investigate past crimes and mass violence events dating from 1885 to the 4 December 2008 ceasefire with the aim of aiding truth-teUing, reconciliation and transitional justice. The article comments on how the TRC shapes ongoing healing, reconciliation and transitional justice efforts in post-conflict Burundi. This article uses desk-based research to draw insights from documented works and reports of the TRC between 2018 and 2022. The TRC's findings sparked multiple narratives and pubUc discourse in the Senate which further led to the reexamination of the 1972-1973 massacre, the legacy of colonisation and its impact in cementing ethnic divisions that led to cyclic mass violence in Burundi.