Abstract. This article relativizes the thesis that Benjamin Constant’s thought is a direct antecedent of Isaiah Berlin’s distinction between positive and negative freedom. According to that position, there would be a clear similarity between Berlin’s Two Concepts of Liberty and Constant’s The Liberty of Ancients Compared with that of Moderns. Firstly, I talk about the way in which Berlin refers to Constant in order to account for the latter’s distinction. I then examine a relevant difficulty for Berlin’s proposed affiliation: Constant’s republican tone. Thirdly, I discuss Constant’s thought to determine the role played by this republican tone, which is indispensable to measure his differences when compared with Berlin. Finally, I conclude with some reflections on the relationship between the two authors.

Resumen. Este artículo relativiza la tesis de que Benjamin Constant es un antecedente directo de la distinción entre libertad positiva y negativa de Isaiah Berlin. Según aquella postura, habría una línea clara entre Dos conceptos de libertad, de Berlin, y el Discurso de Constant. En un primer momento, refiero al modo en que Berlin remite a Constant para dar cuenta de su distinción. Después examino una dificultad relevante que enfrenta la filiación propuesta por Berlin, que remite al tono republicano de Constant. En la tercera parte, examino el pensamiento de Constant, para tratar de determinar el papel que juega ese tono republicano, lo que, a su vez, resulta indispensable para medir su distancia con Berlin. Concluyo con algunas reflexiones en torno a la relación entre ambos autores.

Resumen Los autores analizan los efectos de las recientes modificaciones al procedimiento de eliminación y prevención de barreras burocráticas sobre la regulación de la tercerización laboral y las relaciones colectivas, en las que se ha incorporado. En ese contexto, se evalúa si es posible denunciar los efectos indirectos producidos por la regulación laboral en la actividad empresarial. Finalmente, se exponen algunos aspectos y factores que se debe tener en cuenta para ello.

Abstract The authors analyze the effects of the recent modifications to the elimination and prevention of bureaucratic barriers procedure on the regulation of labor outsourcing and collective relations, in which it has been incorporated. In this context, it is evaluated whether it is possible to denounce the indirect effects produced by labor regulation on business activity. Finally, some aspects and factors to be considered for this purpose are presented.

This article will suggest that the sentiments underlying the infamous phrase 'not white enough then, not black enough now', are of the wounds of colonial racism, the persistence of coloured-identity as exclusive (not white and not black), and a response to the perception of black-African exclusion of coloured people from democratic liberties. Considering this, the article will suggest that in terms of Christian theology, black theology is (remains) a suitable candidate to unpack the issues of coloured marginality and systematic exclusion. This reflection is therefore underpinned by the opinion that the phrase 'not white enough then, not black enough now' can be read as a theo-political statement. Thus, tensions surrounding coloured identity in a post-1994 South Africa could be constructively addressed by means of harvesting positive theological resources for articulating 'colouredness' from the reflection of local black theologians. CONTRIBUTION: The underlying conviction is that black theology is a theology capable of encompassing the present-day experience of 'colouredness' in the South African context, in all its diversity and complexity.

Abstract: This work proposes to reclaim the concept of human duties in contemporary constitutional theory. To achieve this goal, it analyzes the technical concept of subjective duty, distinguishes duties from other legal categories related to it, and accounts for the excess of human rights and the corresponding absence of human duties. A proposal is also made to have a catalog of human duties that could be incorporated into the Mexican constitution. So, supported by the philosophy of law, it is asseverated that the defense and protection of freedoms requires both the participation of human rights and human duties.

Resumen: Esta obra propone recuperar en la teoría constitucional contemporánea el concepto de deberes humanos. Para lograr ese objetivo, analiza el concepto técnico de deber, distingue los deberes de otras categorías jurídicas que le están vinculadas y da cuenta del exceso de derechos humanos y la correspondiente ausencia de los deberes humanos. También se hace una propuesta para contar con un catálogo de deberes humanos que pudieran incorporarse a la Constitución mexicana. Con el apoyo de la filosofía del derecho, se afirma que la defensa y protección de las libertades requieren tanto del concurso de los derechos como de los deberes humanos.

Resumen: Este artículo tiene el objetivo de dar cuenta cómo la obstrucción de la democracia en África postindependentista es resultado de una tensión entre poderes disímiles: el colonizador y el colonizado. En realidad, las dificultades de democratización en esta región se deben principalmente a que, la transición del Estado precolonial al Estado poscolonial, no fue acompañada por cambios estructurales e ideológicos capaces de establecer un orden sociopolítico y económico adecuado a las sociedades africanas; lo cual ha dinamitado los intentos de implementación de las libertades ciudadanas a través de la democracia. Con un método de análisis cualitativo, concluimos que la implementación y consolidación de la democracia en África exige una profunda re-ingeniería de las estructuras sociopolíticas y económicas, las constituciones, las instituciones, las leyes electorales, los partidos políticos, los parlamentos, los gobiernos y los sistemas jurisdiccionales.

Abstract: This article aims to show how the obstruction of democracy in post-independence Africa is the result of a clash between uneven powers: the colonizer and the colonized. The difficulties of democratization in this region are mainly due to the fact that the transition from the pre-colonial state to the post-colonial one was not accompanied by structural and ideological changes capable of establishing a socio-political and economic order appropriate for African societies, which has torn the attempts to implement citizen liberties through democracy. With a qualitative method of analysis, we conclude that the implementation and consolidation of democracy in Africa requires a profound reengineering of sociopolitical and economic structures, constitutions, institutions, electoral laws, political parties, parliaments, governments, and jurisdictional systems.

Abstract The fall of the Dutch colony in Brazil in 1654 sparked a period of upheaval and change for the colony’s Sephardic Jewish community. Brazil had been a place of unprecedented liberties for the Jewish community there, and over the coming quarter century, the former inhabitants of the colony would search for a “new Brazil” and opportunities to create spaces for organized Jewish life in Atlantic colonies. Brazil had also seen Jewish family migration, and included in the exodus from Brazil and the subsequent resettling were Jewish women. Though their role is difficult to grasp through the colonial records, metropolitan sources allow for a more detailed understanding of the role of Jewish women in the Dutch Republic in pursuit of compensation for possessions and real estate lost in Brazil.

Resumo A queda da colónia holandesa no Brasil, em 1654, desencadeou um período de agitação e mudança para a comunidade judaica sefardita da colónia. O Brasil tinha sido um lugar de liberdades sem precedentes para a comunidade judaica e, nos próximos 25 anos, os antigos habitantes da colónia procurariam um “novo Brasil” e oportunidades para criar espaços para uma vida judaica organizada nas colónias atlânticas. O Brasil também assistiu à migração de famílias judias e, no êxodo do Brasil e no subsequente reassentamento, estavam incluídas as mulheres judias. Embora o seu papel seja difícil de apreender através dos registos coloniais, as fontes holandesas permitem uma compreensão mais pormenorizada do papel das mulheres judias na República Holandesa em busca da indemnização pelos bens e propriedades perdidos no Brasil.

Resumen Este artículo analiza la Ley 13.979/2020 (Ley de la Cuarentena) bajo la mirada de los principios de la Declaración Universal sobre Bioética y Derechos Humanos . Su objetivo es identificar los principales puntos semejantes y diferentes entre estos dos marcos legales respecto a las determinaciones legales para enfrentar la COVID-19. Se utilizó la investigación bibliográfica y documental a partir de la legislación constitucional, de las normas del Ejecutivo y de la normativa internacional en materia de bioética. La comparación entre los dictámenes de la Ley 13.979/2020 y sus principios apunta que la ley contiene principios en consonancia con el campo de la bioética. El cumplimiento de las medidas sanitarias implica reconocer y valorar la dignidad humana y cuidar la vulnerabilidad de sí y de los demás. 139792020 13 979 2020 13.979/202 Cuarentena COVID19. COVID19 COVID 19. 19 COVID-19 constitucional bioética demás 13979202 1 97 202 13.979/20 COVID1 COVID-1 1397920 9 20 13.979/2 COVID- 139792 2 13.979/ 13979 13.979 1397 13.97 139 13.9 13.

Abstract This study analyzes Law 13,979/2020 (Quarantine Law), according to the principles established by the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights , to identify the main similarities and differences between both legal frameworks in terms of the determinations imposed by the former to combat COVID-19. A bibliographic and documental search was conducted on constitutional legislation, on the Executive’s norms, and on international regulations about bioethics. Comparison between the dictates of Law 13,979/2020 and the declaration’s principles shows that the law is in line with the field of bioethics. Compliance with health measures implies recognizing and valuing human dignity and caring for one’s own vulnerability and that of others. 139792020 13 979 2020 13,979/202 Quarantine Law, Law) COVID19. COVID19 COVID 19. 19 COVID-19 legislation Executives Executive s norms bioethics declarations declaration ones one others 13979202 1 97 202 13,979/20 COVID1 COVID-1 1397920 9 20 13,979/2 COVID- 139792 2 13,979/ 13979 13,979 1397 13,97 139 13,9 13,

Resumo Este artigo analisa a Lei 13.979/2020 (Lei da Quarentena), segundo os princípios da Declaração Universal sobre Bioética e Direitos Humanos . O estudo tem como objetivo identificar os principais pontos de contato e distanciamento entre esses dois marcos legais em relação às determinações impostas pelo primeiro para enfrentar a covid-19. Utilizou-se pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, com base na legislação constitucional, em normas do Executivo e no regulamento internacional sobre bioética. A comparação entre os ditames da Lei 13.979/2020 e os princípios da referida mostra que a lei exibe conteúdo de princípios consoantes ao campo da bioética. O cumprimento de medidas sanitárias implica reconhecer e valorizar a dignidade humana e cuidar da própria vulnerabilidade e da do outro. 139792020 13 979 2020 13.979/202 Quarentena, Quarentena , Quarentena) covid19. covid19 covid 19. 19 covid-19 Utilizouse Utilizou se documental constitucional bioética outro 13979202 1 97 202 13.979/20 covid1 covid-1 1397920 9 20 13.979/2 covid- 139792 2 13.979/ 13979 13.979 1397 13.97 139 13.9 13.

Resumen: Antecedentes: El impacto de la profilaxis pre-exposición (PrEP) sobre la salud mental, así como en la satisfacción sexual y con la vida son aún desconocidas. Método: Analizamos 114 participantes VIH negativos de España con rango de edad [19-58 años], donde el 60,5% eran usuarios de PrEP (n = 69) y el 39,5% no (n = 45). Completaron cinco tests sobre la satisfacción sexual y con la vida, la depresión y la ansiedad. Realizamos correlaciones y análisis de regresión múltiple. Resultados: El uso de PrEP correlacionó con un incremento de la satisfacción sexual y con la vida. Mostraron una correlación negativa en depresión y ansiedad que no se observó en los no consumidores de PrEP. Los usuarios de PrEP más jóvenes mostraban puntuaciones más altas en ansiedad y más bajas en depresión que los de mayor edad. Los análisis de regresión jerárquica mostraron que el número de parejas sexuales fue un predictor importante en el grupo de PrEP para la NSSS. Conclusión: La correlación indirecta entre la satisfacción sexual, la depresión y los síntomas de ansiedad en los usuarios de PrEP, podría ser la base de los beneficios que la PrEP puede ofrecer a la vida sexual de los pacientes.

Abstract: Background: Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) has been implemented as a prevention against HIV; however, its impact on mental health, sexual and life satisfaction has not been addressed. Method: We assessed 114 HIV-negative participants from Spain with ages ranging from 19 to 58 years; 60.5% were PrEP users (n = 69) and 39.5% were non-users (n = 45). They completed five questionnaires about life and sexual satisfaction, depression and anxiety. We performed correlations and multiple regression analyses. Results: The PrEP group showed a statistically significant relationship between better sexual satisfaction, and greater life satisfaction. The PrEP group also showed a statistically significant negative relationship with depression and anxiety which was not found in PrEP non-users. Moreover, we found that younger PrEP users had higher scores in anxiety and lower scores in depression than older users. The hierarchical regression analyses also showed that number of sexual partners was a major predictor in the PrEP group for NSSS. Conclusions: The indirect correlation between sexual satisfaction, depression, and anxiety in the PrEP group could underly the benefits of PrEP for patients' sex lives such as increased sexual liberties due to lower anxiety and mental comfort when experiencing chemsex.

Abstract This research seeks to make evident the intimate connection between sustainable development and democratic concretization, characterized here not only by the electoral process, but also by a permanent dialogical relation between the State and civil society. The emphasis of the reflection is set on the local aspect with the purpose of studying forms of effective democratization of the urban space, and the possible means of achieving it. The starting point for this work is the hypothesis that the city is a space and territory in dispute, which reflects in contrasting expressions such as being the place of violations and denial of a dignified life, and yet, an environment of expansion of dignities and liberties. Therefore, what will be analyzed are the possible strategies to be elaborated, considering democratic planning and transforming institutional proposals, in order to enable the creation of a formal channel which effectively instrumentalizes dialogue with city population, considering all participants of the scenario, from the individual to the private sector, up until, finally, the public power, which manages the public space. The following research is qualitative and deductive, adopting the procedures of bibliographic and documental research. concretization process society it dispute life yet liberties Therefore elaborated proposals population scenario sector until finally power deductive

Resumo Esta pesquisa procura tornar evidente a conexão íntima entre desenvolvimento sustentável e concretização democrática, caracterizada aqui não apenas pelo processo eleitoral, mas também por uma relação dialógica permanente entre o estado e a sociedade civil. A ênfase da reflexão é definida no aspecto local com o objetivo de estudar formas de democratização eficaz do espaço urbano e os possíveis meios de alcançá-lo. O ponto de partida para este trabalho é a hipótese de que a cidade é um espaço e território em disputa, que reflete em expressões contrastantes, como ser o lugar de violações e negação de uma vida digna e, no entanto, um ambiente de expansão de dignidades e liberdades. Portanto, o que será analisado são as estratégias possíveis a serem elaboradas, considerando o planejamento democrático e transformando propostas institucionais, a fim de permitir a criação de um canal formal que efetivamente instrumentaliza o diálogo com a população da cidade, considerando todos os participantes do cenário, do indivíduo, para o setor privado, até que, finalmente, o poder público, que gerencia o espaço público. A pesquisa a seguir é qualitativa e dedutiva, adotando os procedimentos de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. democrática eleitoral civil alcançálo. alcançálo alcançá lo. lo alcançá-lo disputa contrastantes entanto liberdades Portanto elaboradas institucionais cenário indivíduo privado finalmente público dedutiva documental

ABSTRACT This essay discusses participative governance mechanisms in the public sector grounded on theories of civil liberties, dialogical democracies, patterns of state bureaucracies, and public governance reforms. We aimed to analyze the effects of these issues on political agendas and public and participative governance alternatives in Brazil, emphasizing conflicts among rulers, politicians, civil servants, interest groups, and advocacy coalitions in dispute in decision-making processes. The article signals a hybrid nature of the Brazilian democracy in which Weberian universalism and rules of Welfare State institutions inscribed in the 1988 constitutional matrix operate through competition between two other logic streams – strata inheritance of state bureaucracy on the one hand and initiatives in favor of horizontal and participative governance on the other. The dynamic contradictions among these four issues will define the pattern of current competition for State apparatus. liberties democracies bureaucracies reforms Brazil rulers politicians servants groups decisionmaking decision making processes 198 apparatus 19 1

RESUMO Este ensaio discute os mecanismos de governança participativa no setor público a partir de teorias sobre liberdades civis, democracias dialógicas, formações burocráticas estatais e reformas de governança pública. O objetivo foi analisar a repercussão desses temas em agendas e alternativas de políticas de governança pública e participativa no Brasil com ênfase nos conflitos entre governantes, políticos, funcionários, grupos de interesses e coalizões civis em disputa nos processos decisórios. O artigo assinala o caráter híbrido da democracia brasileira, em que o universalismo weberiano e a orientação às instituições de Estado de Bem-Estar que foram entrelaçados na matriz constitucional de 1988 operam em competição com duas outras lógicas – por um lado, a herança estamental da burocracia pública e, por outro, as iniciativas de governanças horizontais e participativas. As contradições dinâmicas entre esses quatro eixos definirão a competição pelo aparelho de Estado no contexto atual. dialógicas governantes políticos funcionários decisórios brasileira BemEstar Bem Estar 198 lado outro participativas atual 19 1

Resumo Este estudo utiliza a teoria da Essex School of Ideology and Discourse Analysis (IDA) e investiga discursos e declarações feitos por altos funcionários da Comissão Europeia, bem como documentos orientadores. A investigação revela que foi usada linguagem antagónica para justificar o rastreio e o acompanhamento de civis através da articulação de um significante vazio de “rastrear e acompanhar” e a articulação de novas identidades baseadas nos vacinados e não vacinados. Os decisores políticos articularam novas ideias à volta de um regime da verdade e de um “povo” comum enquanto negavam simultaneamente os oponentes às políticas pandémicas ao articular significantes flutuantes, incluindo xenofobia, desinformação e populismo. O exercício de poder nas políticas de saúde durante a pandemia funcionou de acordo com lógicas semelhantes às empregadas nos domínios políticos tradicionais.

Résumé Cette étude utilise la théorie de l’Essex School of Ideology and Discourse Analysis (IDA) et examine les discours et les déclarations de hauts fonctionnaires de la Commission européenne ainsi que des documents d’orientation. L’enquête révèle qu’un langage antagoniste a été utilisé pour justifier le suivi et le traçage des civils par l’articulation d’un signifiant vide « suivi et traçage » et l’articulation de nouvelles identités ayant pour base les vaccinés et les non vaccinés. Les décideurs politiques ont articulé de nouvelles idées autour d’un régime de vérité et d’un « peuple » commun tout en niant simultanément les opposants aux politiques pandémiques en articulant des signifiants flottants, notamment la xénophobie, la désinformation et le populisme. L’exercice du pouvoir dans les politiques de santé pendant la pandémie a fonctionné selon des logiques similaires à celles employées dans les domaines politiques traditionnels.

Abstract This study utilizes theory from the Essex School of Ideology and Discourse Analysis (IDA) and investigates speeches and statements made by high-ranking European Union officials from the European Commission as well as policy documents. The inquiry reveals that antagonistic language was used to justify the tracking and tracing of civilians through the articulation of an empty “track and trace” signifier and the articulation of new identities premised on the vaccinated and non-vaccinated. Policy makers articulated new ideas surrounding a regime of truth and a common “people” while simultaneously negating opponents to pandemic policies by articulating floating signifiers, including xenophobia, disinformation, and populism. The exercise of power in health policies during the pandemic functioned according to logics similar to those employed in traditional political domains.

RESUMO Desenho/metodologia/abordagem: Esta pesquisa analisa a divulgação de carbono de 1328 empresas sediadas em 19 países. O nível de democracia, corrupção e liberdades civis nos países foi medido usando variáveis do banco de dados Varieties of Democracy. Os dados foram analisados por meio de três modelos econométricos. Objetivo: Este trabalho de pesquisa responde à seguinte pergunta: Como o nível de democracia, corrupção e liberdades civis do país afeta a divulgação de carbono? Resultados: Os resultados mostram que a divulgação de carbono das empresas é afetada pelo contexto institucional do país onde a empresa atua. Portanto, em países onde o nível de democracia e controle da corrupção é maior, as empresas estão mais envolvidas na divulgação de carbono. Limitações/implicações da pesquisa: Os achados confirmam a Teoria Institucional, ao reforçar que não apenas o contexto organizacional, mas também o contexto social do país é relevante para a divulgação do carbono. Implicações práticas: Gestores de empresas sediadas em países com maior voz dos cidadãos e menor nível de corrupção devem investir mais recursos para a disseminação do carbono. Nesses países, as empresas estão sob maior pressão dos stakeholders por informações sobre as emissões de carbono. Implicações sociais: Os resultados mostram que os formuladores de políticas podem incorporar mecanismos de proteção para as partes interessadas e não apenas para os acionistas. Os legisladores podem propor penalidades aumentadas e criminalizar práticas corruptas e enriquecimento ilícito de funcionários públicos. Menos poder de voz para os cidadãos e um nível mais alto de corrupção podem reduzir a eficácia das políticas nacionais para o desenvolvimento sustentável. Originalidade/valor: Esta pesquisa, além de avançar os estudos sobre divulgação de carbono em diferentes contextos nacionais, utilizou pela primeira vez a variável de controle de classificação de crédito.

ABSTRACT Design/methodology/approach: This research analyzes the carbon disclosure of 1328 companies based in 19 countries. The level of democracy, corruption and civil liberties in the countries was measured using variables from the Varieties of Democracy database. The data were analyzed using three econometric models. Purpose: This research paper answers the following question: How does the country level of democracy, corruption and civil liberties affect carbon disclosure? Findings: The results show that the carbon disclosure of companies is affected by the institutional context of the country where the company operates. Therefore, in countries where the level of democracy and control of corruption is higher, companies are more involved in carbon disclosure. Research limitations/implications: The findings confirm the Institutional Theory, by reinforcing that not only the organizational context, but also the social and political context of the country are relevant for the dissemination of carbon. Practical implications: Managers of companies based in countries with a greater voice for citizens and a lower level of corruption should invest more resources for the dissemination of carbon. In these countries, companies are under greater pressure from stakeholders for information on carbon emissions. Social implications: The findings show that policy makers can incorporate protection mechanisms for stakeholders and not just shareholders. Lawmakers can propose increased penalties and criminalized corrupt practices and illicit enrichment of public officials. Less power of voice for citizens and a higher level of corruption can reduce the effectiveness of national policies for sustainable development. Originality/value: This research, in addition to advancing the studies on carbon disclosure in different national contexts, has for the first time used the credit rating control variable.

RESUMEN Se argumentará que, para expandir las capacidades de todos, hay que promover que los indivíduos, partiendo de su reconocimiento mutuo, auto contraigan sus elecciones para acomodarse y promover las libertades de otros y así lograr sus propios objetivos. Esta auto contracción no restringe la libertad, sino que la posibilita. Se partirá del diálogo entre las distintas concepciones de Libertad del Enfoque de Capacidades y Libertad Social, de Honneth. Se planteará que la Libertad consistirá en poder moverse entre sus distintas concepciones, respondiendo a las distintas prácticas sociales de reconocimiento en las que se desarrolla.

ABSTRACT I will argue that, to expand the capabilitites of everybody, we must promote that the individuals, starting from their mutual recognition, self-contract their elections to accommodate and promote the liberties of others and achieving their own objectives by these means. This self-contraction is not a freedom restriction, but it makes possible. I will start from the dialog between the different Honneth's conceptions of the Freedom from the Capability Approach and the Social Freedom. I will propose that the Freedom consists in the flow between their different conceptions, responding to the different social practices of recognition in which they develop.

ABSTRACT The problem develops within the contemporary capitalism, with its history and social structures, with regards to the pandemic spread of COVID-19. Wanting to avoid the mirror of taking for granted what it is to be discussed, instead of channeling our professional behavior in the pandemic monologue, the objective of how bio politics takes advantage of this event using medical knowledge-power is proposed, to expand and deepen its effects of government as conduct of behavior, beyond its limits of what is strictly sanitary. Combining the display of strategies and devices from the bio and political anatomy, installing them under the skin and generating subjection and subjectivity through the psycho power of the subject, now subject to himself. Entering in the issue of the defense and guarantees of liberties in plural, linking the concepts with the exercise of citizenship (restricted / broad) and the socio-civic empowerment, the access to education and culture, in the midst of an avalanche of restrictive policies that invade, infiltrate and corner fundamental rights, protection and social guarantees. These, as an expression of the freedoms achieved through historical conquests. Themain findingsare that: according to the data and evolution of the pandemic, the restrictive policies are out of proportion, existing other types of strategies that are equally based on medical knowledge, but reputable and with a comprehensive approach; that the policies are asymmetrical regarding to their impact and effects according to the living conditions of the population under consideration; that it is not possible to develop a citizenship in its broad sense with the current indicators of civic participation and access to cultural capital; and, finally, that the hegemony of medical knowledge is not given as truth, but that the government uses it to give legitimacy to the application of various devices to develop the efficiency and effectiveness of bio politics. Thus, for Zizek (2020), the pandemic constitutes an opportunity. On the one hand, by revealing the structural weaknesses and problems that the virus of capitalism implies without escape. Which, in the context of a health crisis, as an event, perhaps spreads another more beneficial virus, that of thinking of an alternative society, the construction of a global and cooperative society. This is a Kill Bill-style death-blow to the heart. Meanwhile, for Han (2020), with a systemic view, with concepts such as the fatigue and performance society shows that, far from collapsing the capitalism due to COVID-19, the bio power becomes more efficient and more effective with the development of psycho power Based on late modernity today in the incessant flow of data, of Big data as a foresight-shaping of behaviors that, as a mutation, overcomes and reinforces the strategies and devices of bio politics and political anatomy of the beginnings of modernity. Going from the surveillance and panoptic control over docile and useful bodies, to digital panoptism, where there is no other alternative but to cut off. In a perspective that I associate with the vision that the Korean sociologist Bong Joon-Ho has regarding to the contemporary society in its Parasite.

RESUMEN El problema se desarrolla dentro del capitalismo contemporáneo, con su historia y estructuras sociales, frente a la diseminación pandémica del COVID-19. Queriendo evadir el espejo de dar por hecho lo que hay que discutir, en lugar de encauzar nuestra conducta profesional en el monólogo pandémico, se plantea el objetivo de cómo la biopolítica aprovecha este acontecimiento utilizando el saber-poder médico, para expandir y profundizar sus efectos de gobierno como conducción de conductas, más allá de sus límites de lo estrictamente sanitario. Combinando el despliegue de estrategias y dispositivos desde la bio y anátomo política, instalándolas bajo la piel y generando la sujección y subjetivación a través del psicopoder del sujeto, ahora sujetado a sí mismo. Entrando en el tema de la defensa y garantías de las libertades en plural, vinculando los conceptos con el ejercicio de la ciudadanía (restringida/amplia) y el empoderamiento socio-cívico, el acceso a la educación y la cultura, en medio de una avalancha de medidas restrictivas que invaden, se infiltran y arrinconan derechos fundamentales, la protección y garantías sociales. Estos, como expresión de las libertades alcanzadas a través de conquistas históricas. Los principales hallazgos son que: según los datos y evolución de la pandemia las medidas restrictivas son desproporcionales, habiendo otro tipo de estrategias igualmente basadas en el saber médico, pero garantistas, y con un enfoque integral; que las medidas son asimétricas respecto a su impacto y efectos según las condiciones de vida de la población que se considere; que no es posible desarrollar una ciudadanía en su sentido amplio con los actuales indicadores de participación cívica y acceso a capital cultural; y, por último, que no se da la hegemonía del saber médico como verdad, sino que el gobierno lo utiliza como legitimación en la aplicación de diversos dispositivos para desarrollar la eficiencia y eficacia de la biopolítica. Así, para Zizek (2020) la pandemia se constituye en una oportunidad. Por un lado, al desnudar las debilidades estructurales y problemas a los que conlleva sin escapatoria el virus del capitalismo. La cual, en el contexto de una crisis sanitaria, como acontecimiento, tal vez esparza otro virus más beneficioso, el de pensar en una sociedad alternativa, construyendo una sociedad global y cooperativa. Esto, a modo del golpe mortal al corazón al estilo de Kill Bill. Mientras, para Han (2020), con una mirada sistémica, con conceptos tales como sociedad del cansancio y del rendimiento, muestra que, lejos de colapsar el capitalismo a causa del COVID-19, el biopoder se hace más eficiente y más eficaz con el desarrollo del psicopoder. Basado en la actualidad de la modernidad tardía en el flujo incesante de datos, del Big data como previsión-conformación de conductas que, como mutación, supera y refuerza las estrategias y dispositivos de la biopolítica y anátomo política de los inicios de la modernidad. Pasando de la vigilancia y control panóptica encima de los cuerpos dóciles y útiles, alpanoptismo digital, donde no hay más alternativa, que desconectarse. En una perspectiva que asocio a la visión que tiene el sociólogo también coreano BongJoon-Horespecto a la sociedad contemporánea en su Parasite.

Resumen La nueva enfermedad del coronavirus de 2019 (Covid-19), producida por el coronavirus del Síndrome Respiratorio Agudo Severo 2 (SARS-CoV-2), es una pandemia que está creando una creciente crisis sanitaria mundial, dada su novedad, su alcance y sus inicialmente limitadas opciones de tratamiento eficaz. En efecto, se sabe poco acerca de las intervenciones no farmacéuticas óptimas para evitar la morbilidad y mortalidad causadas por él, y también se conoce poco sobre la rentabilidad y aspectos éticos de dichas intervenciones. Por lo tanto, éste es el primer análisis ético y de rentabilidad de las medidas de contención del Covid-19 que se conoce (así como de las medidas de cuarentena de la población para cualquier pandemia en particular), con el fin de ayudar a los sistemas de salud y a los gobiernos a garantizar la atención clínica más rentable que pueda proporcionarse equitativamente al mayor número posible de pacientes, durante esta pandemia y en las futuras crisis mundiales que sean similares. Este análisis utilizó la metodología adoptada por los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC), cifras comúnmente aceptadas como entradas, y los supuestos mínimos tanto extremos como del mundo real para proporcionar los resultados más sólidos y confiables posibles. El análisis de costos indicó que en los escenarios extremos, o en el mejor de los casos para las medidas de contención del Covid-19 durante la cuarentena de la población, hay una relación de costo-efectividad de $154.86 millones de dólares gastados por cada muerte evitada, y un costo neto de $1.92 billones a nivel mundial. En el mundo real, esta intervención tiene una proporción de 2,520 millones de dólares gastados por cada muerte evitada y un costo neto de 1,99 billones de dólares. La ética del contrato social personalista, tal y como se articula en el popular sistema ético de derechos y deberes de las Naciones Unidas, pone de manifiesto la especial preocupación por el hecho de que estos confinamientos pueden derivar en injusticias poco éticas perpetuadas por los Estados, de manera que socavan las vidas y las libertades individuales, al tiempo que afectan de manera desproporcionada a las comunidades de menores ingresos, especialmente a las minorías raciales. Este estudio sugiere, por tanto, que la práctica prevalente de la cuarentena entre la población, en comparación con las precauciones de tipo estándar y las intervenciones más específicas, puede proporcionar un beneficio neto inadecuado por su costo financiero y ético. En un momento de escasez mundial, que pone a prueba la capacidad de los sistemas sanitarios para detectar y atender adecuadamente a los pacientes con Covid-19, especialmente en los países en desarrollo y en las comunidades desatendidas, este estudio respalda que se dediquen menos recursos a intervenciones con una relación costobeneficio poco clara, y más recursos a intervenciones más asequibles, éticas y equitativas, con mayores pruebas de sus beneficios netos para salvar vidas.

Abstract The novel coronavirus disease of 2019 (Covid-19) produced by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) is a pandemic creating a growing global health crisis given its novelty, scope, and initially limited efficacious treatment options. Yet little is known about optimal non-pharmaceutical interventions to improve its morbidity and mortality, particularly their cost effectiveness and ethical aspects. This is thus the first known machine learning-augmented cost effectiveness and ethical analysis of Covid-19 containment measures (and of population quarantine measures in particular for any pandemic) to assist health systems and governments in ensuring the most clinically and cost-effective care that can be equitably provided to as many patients as possible during this pandemic and future similar global crises. This analysis utilized the methodology adopted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), commonly accepted figures as inputs, and both extreme and real-world minimal assumptions to provide the most robust and reliable results possible. Cost analysis indicated that in the extreme or best-case scenarios for the Covid-19 containment measure of population quarantine, there is a cost-effectiveness ratio of $154.86 million spent per averted death and a net cost of $1.92 trillion globally. In real-world scenarios, this intervention has a ratio of $2.52 billion spent per averted death for a net cost of $1.99 trillion. Personalist social contract ethics as articulated by the United Nations’ popular ethical system of rights and duties highlights the particular concerns that such lockdowns may be unethical injustices perpetuated by states in a manner that undermine individual lives and liberties while disproportionately negatively impacting lower income communities particularly racial minorities. This study thus suggests that the prevalent practice of population quarantine compared to standard precautions and more targeted interventions may provide inadequate net benefit for its financial and ethical cost. At a time of global shortages straining health system capacities to adequately detect and care for Covid-19 patients particularly in developing nations and underserved communities, this study supports focusing resources less on interventions with unclear benefit-cost trade-off and more on better affordable, ethical, and equitable interventions with greater evidence for their life-saving net benefits.