Résumé Ce commentaire critique la reproduction de la croyance erronée selon laquelle l’économie mainstream est identique à l’économie néoclassique et celle-ci, à son tour, est identique à l’économie (néo)libérale. Le rejet de ces égalités complique les relations entre l’économie mainstream, orthodoxe et hétérodoxe. Le commentaire soutient également que le cas du Brésil diffère de celui des États-Unis, car plusieurs idées économiques marginalisées aux États-Unis jouissent de prestige et d’influence dans le milieu académique brésilien, ce qui rend le concept même d’économie mainstream plus ambigu. Tout cela implique plusieurs divergences par rapport à l’article récent de Francisco Marques (2024). D’autres différences sont soulignées en ce qui concerne l’utilisation des mathématiques, de la statistique et de l’économétrie, ainsi que l’interdisciplinarité. Le résultat est une vision plus complexe de l’académie économique aux États-Unis et surtout au Brésil. Le commentaire identifie également et corrige les principales distorsions dans la traduction que Marques fait d’un passage relativement long de Dequech (2018). léconomie l économie celleci, celleci celle ci, ci celle-ci tour néolibérale. néolibérale néo libérale. libérale (néo)libérale hétérodoxe ÉtatsUnis, ÉtatsUnis États Unis, Unis dinfluence d influence brésilien déconomie ambigu larticle article 2024. 2024 . (2024) Dautres D autres lutilisation utilisation mathématiques léconométrie, léconométrie économétrie, économétrie l’économétrie linterdisciplinarité. linterdisciplinarité interdisciplinarité. interdisciplinarité l’interdisciplinarité lacadémie académie dun un 2018. 2018 (2018) 202 (2024 201 (2018 20 (202 (201 2 (20 (2 (

Abstract This comment criticizes the reproduction of the mistaken belief that mainstream economics is equal to neoclassical economics and that the latter, in turn, is equal to (neo)liberal economics. The rejection of those equalities turns the relations among mainstream, orthodox and heterodox economics more difficult. The comment also claims that the Brazilian case is different from the American one, since several economic ideas marginalized in the United States have both prestige and influence in the Brazilian academy, which makes the concept of mainstream economics itself more ambiguous. All that implies many divergences regarding the recent article by Francisco Marques (2024). Other differences are pointed out regarding the use of math, statistics and econometry, as well as interdisciplinarity. The result is a more complex view of the economics academy in the United States and mainly in Brazil. The comment also identifies and corrects the main distortions in the translation that Marques made of a relatively long excerpt of Dequech (2018). latter turn neoliberal neo liberal difficult one ambiguous 2024. 2024 . (2024) math econometry interdisciplinarity Brazil 2018. 2018 (2018) 202 (2024 201 (2018 20 (202 (201 2 (20 (2 (

Resumen Este comentario critica la reproducción de la creencia errónea de que la economía mainstream es igual a la economía neoclásica y que la economía neoclásica es igual a la economía (neo)liberal. El rechazo de estas igualdades complica las relaciones entre la economía mainstream, ortodoxa y heterodoxa. El comentario también argumenta que el caso de Brasil es diferente al de EE.UU., ya que varias ideas económicas marginadas en EE.UU. tienen prestigio e influencia en el mundo académico brasileño, lo que hace que el propio concepto de economía mainstream sea más ambiguo. Todo ello implica varias divergencias con respecto al reciente artículo de Francisco Marques (2024). Otras diferencias son señaladas acerca del uso de las matemáticas, la estadística y la econometría, así como de la interdisciplinaridad. El resultado es una visión más compleja del mundo académico económico en Estados Unidos y, sobre todo, en Brasil. El comentario también identifica y corrige las principales distorsiones en la traducción de Marques de un extracto relativamente largo de Dequech (2018). neoliberal. neoliberal neo liberal. liberal (neo)liberal heterodoxa EEUU EE UU EE.UU brasileño ambiguo 2024. 2024 . (2024) matemáticas econometría interdisciplinaridad todo 2018. 2018 (2018) 202 (2024 201 (2018 20 (202 (201 2 (20 (2 (

Resumo Este comentário critica a reprodução da crença equivocada de que a economia mainstream é igual à economia neoclássica e de que esta, por sua vez, é igual à economia (neo)liberal. A rejeição dessas igualdades complica as relações entre economia mainstream, ortodoxa e heterodoxa. O comentário argumenta também que o caso do Brasil é diferente do americano, pois várias ideias econômicas que são marginalizadas nos Estados Unidos têm prestígio e influência na academia brasileira, o que torna o próprio conceito de economia mainstream mais ambíguo. Tudo isso implica várias divergências em relação ao artigo recente de Francisco Marques (2024). Outras diferenças são apontadas no que se refere ao uso de matemática, estatística e econometria e à interdisciplinaridade. O resultado é uma visão mais complexa da academia de economia nos Estados Unidos e sobretudo no Brasil. O comentário também identifica e corrige as principais distorções na tradução que Marques faz de um trecho relativamente longo de Dequech (2018). esta vez neoliberal. neoliberal neo liberal. liberal (neo)liberal heterodoxa americano brasileira ambíguo 2024. 2024 . (2024) matemática interdisciplinaridade 2018. 2018 (2018) 202 (2024 201 (2018 20 (202 (201 2 (20 (2 (

Abstract Introduction: This document offers an approach to the primary challenges and vulnerabilities of liberal globalization, stemming from the tensions generated by China's growing influence in strategic sectors and the relative decoupling process undertaken by Western powers. Objective: The objective is to understand how and why global supply chains, particularly those related to semiconductors, have emerged as the new geopolitical battleground between Western powers and China. Methodology: The analysis is based on a systematic review of various sources that address the current risks facing global supply chains for the development of key technologies in the competition between major powers. Conclusions: The article concludes that the geopolitics of global supply chains and the securitization of China reveal an exhausted economic globalization system undergoing transformation, which no longer appears to serve the interests of Western powers.

Resumo Introdução: O documento propõe uma abordagem aos principais desafios e vulnerabilidades da globalização liberal, em decorrência das tensões geradas pelo protagonismo chinês em setores estratégicos e o relativo processo de desacoplamento empreendido por potências ocidentais. Objetivo: O objetivo é entender como e por que as cadeias globais de suprimento, particularmente as de semicondutores, se tornaram o novo campo de batalha geopolítica entre potências ocidentais e a China. Metodologia:A análise é baseada em uma revisão sistemática de diversas fontes que abordam os riscos atuais das cadeias globais de suprimento para o desenvolvimento de tecnologias-chave na competição entre as grandes potências. Conclusões: O artigo conclui que a geopolítica das cadeias globais de suprimento e a securitização da China revelam um sistema de globalização econômica esgotado em processo de transformação, que parece não mais responder aos interesses das potências ocidentais.

Resumen Introducción: el documento plantea una aproximación a los principales desafíos y vulnerabilidades de la globalización liberal a raíz de las tensiones que ha generado el protagonismo chino en sectores estratégicos y el relativo proceso de desacoplamiento emprendido por potencias occidentales. Objetivo: el objetivo es entender cómo y por qué las cadenas globales de suministro, particularmente de los semiconductores, se han convertido en el nuevo campo de batalla geopolítica entre potencias occidentales y China. Metodología: el análisis se sustenta en una sistemática revisión documental de diversas fuentes que abordan los riesgos actuales de las cadenas de suministro globales para el desarrollo de tecnologías claves en la competencia entre las grandes potencias. Conclusiones: el artículo concluye que la geopolítica de las cadenas globales de suministro y la segurización de China evidencian un sistema de globalización económica agotado en proceso de trasformación que parece ya no responder a los intereses de las potencias occidentales.

Abstract The birth of the liberal system of education in the Roman Empire and its expansion, after the French revolution through pedagogical naturalism along the paths of Western education, its diversification through the new school movement means the installation from the conjunctural to the structural of a soft pedagogy that, with the emergence of emotional intelligences, infantilises education from the devaluation of discipline, effort and study as an arduous and slow process. To this, after the pandemic, online education intensifies and algorithms appear as agile solutions to accelerate and simplify the teaching-learning processes. The desire to make education profitable means the viralisation and hegemony of neoliberal budgets at all levels of education systems, progressively transforming higher education into theme parks at the service of transnationals where gamification replaces pedagogy and didactics replaces epistemologies, emptying universities of knowledge to turn them into higher institutions of entertainment. Re-reading memory not in order to commune with the past, but to analyse the intentions that founded universities as institutions that hosted slow pedagogies, based on study and discipline to dissolve the discourses ascribed to power and to be sources of contextualised and problematic truths, capable of disputing authoritarianisms' status quo through a dialogue of knowledge necessary for the construction of the imaginary of the community.

Resumen El nacimiento del sistema liberal de enseñanza en el imperio romano y su expansión, tras la revolución francesa, a través del naturalismo pedagógico, por las sendas de la educación occidental, su diversificación mediante el movimiento de la escuela nueva, significa la instalación desde lo coyuntural a lo estructural de una pedagogía blanda que, con la emergencia de las inteligencias emocionales, infantiliza la educación desde la devaluación de la disciplina, el esfuerzo y el estudio como un proceso arduo y lento. A ello, tras la pandemia, se intensifica la educación online y aparecen los algoritmos como soluciones ágiles para acelerar y simplificar los procesos de enseñanza-aprendizaje (la educación se vuelve sólo aprendizaje). Los deseos de rentabilizar la educación significan la viralización y hegemonía de los presupuestos neoliberales en todos los niveles de los sistemas educativos, transformando las instituciones de educación superior, progresivamente, en parques temáticos al servicio de las transnacionales donde la gamificación sustituye a la pedagogía y las didácticas a las epistemologías, vaciando las universidades de saberes para convertirlas en instituciones de entretenimiento. Releer el pasado, no para comulgar con él, sino para recuperar las intenciones que fundaron las universidades como instituciones que hospedaron unas pedagogías lentas, basadas en el estudio y la disciplina, capaces de educar sujetos capaces de disolver los discursos adscritos al poder y, ser fuentes de verdades contextualizadas y problemáticas; capaces, en suma, de disputar a los autoritarismos su estatus quo mediante un diálogo de saberes necesario para la construcción del imaginario de lo comunitario.

Resumen: Este trabajo se basa en el supuesto de que, si bien las propuestas de políticas institucionales para combatir la violencia contra las mujeres han avanzado en Brasil, principalmente debido a las acciones y reflexiones del activismo feminista producidas en el campo de los estudios feministas, existe una brecha en términos de propuestas de políticas efectivamente elaboradas. y los debates producidos por los feminismos negros sobre raza y clase. En ese sentido, a partir del análisis de 36 proyectos de ley de la Cámara de Diputados que se presentaron entre 2011 y 2022 y se convirtieron en normas jurídicas, observaremos los avances y limitaciones desde la perspectiva de los feminismos negros. Los resultados muestran que, a pesar del impacto inequívoco de las agendas feministas en el Poder Legislativo, el conjunto de leyes recientemente redactadas refleja las demandas del feminismo liberal y hegemónico, que tienden a producir una lectura unidimensional de las mujeres, desconsiderando los efectos de las inseparables vínculo entre género, raza y clase. Resumen Brasil elaboradas clase sentido 3 201 202 jurídicas Legislativo hegemónico género 20 2

Resumo: Este trabalho parte do pressuposto de que, embora as propostas políticas institucionais de combate à violência contra mulheres tenham avançado no Brasil, sobretudo devido às ações do ativismo e das reflexões produzidas no campo de estudos feministas, há uma lacuna no que se refere às proposições políticas efetivamente elaboradas e os debates produzidos pelos feminismos negros. Neste sentido, a partir da análise de 36 proposições legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados, que foram apresentadas entre 2011 e 2022 e viraram normas jurídicas, observaremos os avanços e as limitações a partir da perspectiva dos feminismos negros. Os resultados evidenciam que, apesar do inequívoco impacto das pautas feministas no Poder Legislativo, o conjunto de leis recentemente elaboradas reflete as demandas dos feminismos liberal e hegemônico, os quais tendem a produzir uma leitura unidimensional das mulheres, desconsiderando os efeitos da indissociável vinculação entre gênero, raça e classe. Resumo Brasil negros sentido 3 Deputados 201 202 jurídicas Legislativo hegemônico gênero classe 20 2

Abstract: This work is based on the assumption that, although institutional policy proposals to combat violence against women have advanced in Brazil, mainly due to activism actions and reflections produced in the field of feminist studies, there is a gap in terms of propositions effectively crafted policies and the debates produced by black feminisms. In this sense, based on the analysis of 36 proposals of the Chamber of Deputies that were presented between 2011 and 2022 and became legal norms, we will observe the advances and limitations from the perspective of black feminisms. The results show that, despite the unequivocal impact of feminist agendas in the Legislative Branch, the set of recently drafted laws reflects the demands of liberal and hegemonic feminism, which tend to produce a one-dimensional reading of women, disregarding the effects of the inseparable link between gender, race and class. Abstract Brazil studies feminisms sense 3 201 202 norms Branch feminism onedimensional one dimensional gender class 20 2

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the fictionalized appearance of the male and female employee in social novels from the 1930s and 1940s in Colombia, particularly analyzing a subject reproduced as precarious, in a tragic environment and, in some cases, even considered to be in a "false" social class. First, literary works that dialogue with the social novel are analyzed, highlighting the void filled by Osorio Lizarazo and Morales Pino in terms of the incorporation of the middle-class subject in this literary stream. Then, the revelations presented by the analyzed works are explored, exposing a precarious middle-class subject, experiencing a paradoxical life or one contrary to the modernizing winds that the ruling liberal political project preached. Thus, in addition to testifying about the unjust social place given to this class, these literary works ended up -roughly- sowing more doubts than certainties about the existence or authenticity of this social class. For these purposes, along with the investigation of some works of literature on the subject, reports, newspaper articles and other statements from middle-class groups of the time will be present, which allow to support certain features and experiences of the fictional subject in question.

RESUMEN En este escrito se aborda la irrupción Accionada del empleado y empleada en novelas sociales de los años treinta y cuarenta del siglo XX en Colombia, particularmente analizando a un sujeto reproducido como precarizado, en un ambiente trágico y en algunos casos, hasta considerado en una clase social "falseada". En primer lugar se analizan obras literarias que dialogan con la novela social, resaltando el vacío llenado por Osorio Lizarazo y Morales Pino en tanto la incorporación del sujeto clase media en esta vertiente literaria. Luego, se profundiza en las revelaciones que presentan las obras analizadas, exponiendo a un sujeto de clase media precarizado, experimentando una vida paradójica o contraria a los vientos modernizantes que el gobernante proyecto político liberal pregonaba. Así, además de la testificación sobre el injusto lugar social que se le daba a esta clase, estas obras literarias terminaron -grosso modo- sembrando más dudas que certezas sobre la existencia o autenticidad de esta clase social. Para estos objetivos, junto a la indagación de algunas obras de literatura al respecto estarán presentes informes, notas periodísticas y otras declaraciones de gremios de clase media de la época, los cuales permiten sustentar ciertos rasgos y vivencias del sujeto ficcionado en cuestión.

RESUMO Este artigo aborda a emergência ficcional do empregado nos romances sociais das décadas de 1930 e 1940 na Colômbia, analisando particularmente um sujeito reproduzido como precário, em um ambiente trágico e, em alguns casos, até considerado em uma classe social "falsificada". Primeiramente são analisadas obras literárias que dialogam com o romance social, destacando o vazio preenchido por Osorio Lizarazo e Morales Pino no que diz respeito à incorporação do sujeito da classe média nesta vertente literária. Em seguida, aprofundam-se as revelações apresentadas pelas obras analisadas, expondo um sujeito precário de classe média, vivenciando uma vida paradoxal ou contrária aos ventos modernizadores que o projeto político liberal dominante proclamava. Assim, além de testemunharem sobre o lugar social injusto atribuído a esta classe, estas obras literárias acabaram - grosso modo - semeando mais dúvidas do que certezas sobre a existência ou autenticidade desta classe social. Para estes objetivos, a par da investigação de algumas obras da literatura a este respeito, serão apresentadas reportagens, notas jornalísticas e outros depoimentos de corporações de classe média da época, que nos permitem sustentar determinados traços e experiências do sujeito ficcional em pergunta.

Abstract This paper aims to describe multiculturalism and its scope in some Latin American constitutions. We conducted a literature review using a qualitative descriptive research methodology to achieve this. On this basis, it was possible to determine that multiculturalism is both reinterpreted and adapted to the diverse regional realities and is incorporated into the constitutions either directly or through reforms. Despite the criticisms addressed mainly at the liberal foundation of this approach, it remains a valid epistemology to support the interpretation and application of the principle of ethnic and cultural diversity. basis reforms approach diversity

Resumen El propósito de este trabajo es describir la multiculturalidad y su alcance en el constitucionalismo latinoamericano. Para lograr este objetivo fue necesario acoger una metodología cualitativa de revisión bibliográfica, adherida a un tipo de investigación descriptiva. A partir de allí se pudo constatar que el contenido de la multiculturalidad fue reinterpretado y adaptado a las realidades diversas regionales y consagrado en las constituciones directamente o a través de reformas. A pesar de las críticas dirigidas sobre todo al fundamento liberal del enfoque, sigue siendo una epistemología válida para sustentar la interpretación y aplicación del principio de diversidad étnica y cultural. latinoamericano bibliográfica descriptiva reformas enfoque cultural

Resumo O artigo é uma crítica sobre o quê pensamos sobre a luta por direitos, dirigindo-me, sobretudo, a nós, “críticos do Direito”, partindo de diferentes formas de organização política do campo popular brasileiro e de uma releitura da nossa tradição teórica. Adotamos a hipótese de que as maneiras de conceber a política de emancipação social está atrelada a como diagnosticamos e interpretamos o papel atribuído às lutas por direitos. Nossa contribuição a esse debate dialoga com recentes movimentos, coalizões e plataformas de luta, surgidas no país pós 2013, e que carregam em seus nomes, estratégias de ação e formas de organização política a centralidade da gramática dos direitos. Ilustraremos como essas experiências recentes, organizadas em coalizões e plataformas de sujeitos e de práticas, tramam, concreta e conceitualmente, uma ecologia organizativa de luta social que questiona nossos repertórios tradicionais de análise crítica, trazendo novos problemas sobre o que está em jogo quando abordamos as múltiplas crises da democracia liberal e os papéis da linguagem dos direitos para a transformação social. Em seguida, iremos resgatar, como vislumbre, parte da tradição da crítica dos direitos usualmente trabalhada no país, que tem servido de anteparo teórico para contestar as potencialidades das lutas sociais expressas em gramáticas jurídicas, para coteja-la frente aos caminhos abertos pelas experiências narradas. Propondo acrescentar às tradicionais agendas outra matriz reflexiva para a crítica dos direitos no Brasil, iremos explorar um caminho teórico aberto por nossas agendas de pesquisa recentes, que testa a rentabilidade da crítica dos direitos pensando-a por meio da teoria da organização política, como uma ecologia da práxis, e alguns de seus desdobramentos analíticos. O objetivo é ilustrar a rentabilidade de uma crítica mais política do que prescritiva sobre essas experiências, buscando regenerar nossos repertórios materialistas de análise, em termos “ecológicos”, reconhecendo como a pluralidade criativa de sujeitos e de práticas pode ser transformada em força e não em fraqueza das formas de luta social. dirigindome, dirigindome dirigindo me, me dirigindo-me sobretudo nós críticos Direito, Direito , Direito” teórica movimentos 2013 nomes tramam conceitualmente seguida resgatar vislumbre jurídicas cotejala coteja la narradas Brasil pensandoa pensando práxis analíticos ecológicos, ecológicos “ecológicos” 201 “ecológicos 20 2

Abstract The article critiques our understanding of the struggle for rights, particularly addressing us, "legal critics." It draws on various forms of political organization within Brazil's popular movements and a reinterpretation of our theoretical tradition. We adopt the hypothesis that the ways we conceive the politics of social emancipation are tied to how we diagnose and interpret the role of rights struggles. Our contribution to this debate engages with recent movements, coalitions, and rights advocacy platforms that have emerged in the country post-2013, which emphasize the centrality of rights-based discourse in their names, action strategies, and political organization forms. We will illustrate how these recent experiences, organized in coalitions and platforms of subjects and practices, concretely and conceptually weave an organizational ecology of social struggle that challenges our traditional repertoires of critical analysis, raising new issues concerning the stakes involved when addressing the multiple crises of liberal democracy and the roles of rights language in social transformation. Subsequently, we will revisit, as a glimpse, part of the traditional critique of rights typically developed in the country, which has served as a theoretical bulwark to contest the potentialities of social struggles expressed in legal grammars, comparing it to the paths opened by the narrated experiences. Proposing to add another reflective matrix to the traditional agendas for the critique of rights in Brazil, we will explore a theoretical path opened by our recent research agendas, which tests the profitability of rights critique by considering it through political organization theory, as an ecology of praxis, and some of its analytical developments. The aim is to illustrate the profitability of a critique that is more political than prescriptive regarding these experiences, seeking to regenerate our materialist analysis repertoires in "ecological" terms, recognizing how the creative plurality of subjects and practices can be transformed into a strength rather than a weakness of social struggle forms. us critics. critics Brazils Brazil s tradition post2013, post2013 post 2013, 2013 post-2013 rightsbased based names strategies experiences transformation Subsequently revisit glimpse grammars theory praxis developments ecological "ecological terms post201 201 post-201 post20 20 post-20 post2 2 post-2 post-

Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

Abstract The study exposes the strategies and tactics of radical Islamism in Europe and Spain, to attract and radicalize young Muslims with a religious, media and propagandistic content; from Al Qaeda, Daesh or other related organizations that share the culture of jihad; chain of subjects, actions, messages and propaganda to participate in a process of ideologization, to make use of violence in the jihad against the West, way of life, social and political; and interfere in the democratic, liberal and legal process in Europe. This qualitative research, achieves approximations of individual characteristics and family, social, familiar and economic conditioning factors of the vulnerable groups to the jihadist message; highlighting ignorance or dissolution of their cultural, religious and ritual traditions; absence or weak individual, family or community identity, experience of social, educational, labor or political discrimination and economic inequality; facilitating the process of radicalization until their participation in acts of indiscriminate violence. This research was carried out in the city councils of Fuenlabrada and Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid and Reus and L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Province of Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, Spain; through specialized bibliography, interviews to academic, police and intelligence experts, public attention and social services workers, the contribution of Muslim community representatives; who make emerge these elements and the need to improve strategies and preventive actions in Europe, reducing its impact on the vulnerable population.

Resumen El estudio expone las estrategias y tácticas del islamismo radical en Europa y España, para captar y radicalizar a jóvenes musulmanes de un contenido religioso, mediático, propagandístico; desde Al Qaeda, Daesh u otras organizaciones afines que comparten la cultura de la yihad; cadena de sujetos, actuaciones, mensajes y propaganda para participar en un proceso de ideologización, para hacer uso de la violencia en la yihad contra Occidente, forma de vida, social y política; e interferir en el proceso democrático, liberal y de derecho en Europa. Esta investigación cualitativa logra aproximaciones de características individuales y condicionantes familiares, sociales, familiares y económicas de los grupos vulnerables al mensaje yihadista; destacándose ignorancia o disolución de sus tradiciones culturales, religiosas y ritualidad; ausencia o débil identidad individual, familiar o comunitario, experiencia de discriminación social, educativa, laboral o política e inequidad económica; facilitando el proceso de radicalización hasta su participación en actos de violencia indiscriminada. Esta investigación se realizó en los ayuntamientos de Fuenlabrada y Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid y Reus y L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Provincia de Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, España; a través de bibliografía especializada, entrevistas a expertos académicos, policiales e inteligencia, trabajadores en atención pública y servicios sociales, el aporte de representantes comunitarios musulmanes; quienes hacen emerger estos elementos y necesidad de mejorar estrategias y actuaciones preventivas en Europa, reduciendo su impacto en la población vulnerable.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the criticisms leveled by El Defensor de la Religión (a newspaper published in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico) against certain actors from 1827 to 1833. It accused them of being “enemies of God,” since they questioned the ecclesiastical discipline of the time, which, within the framework of a confessional state, was regarded as beyond question by the priesthood. It also explains why the Guadalajara diocesan clergy used the press to refute their enemies rather than the system of religious censorship in force from 1821 to 1855. Through an examination of El Defensor de la Religión, the author shows that the Guadalajara clergy were reluctant to join a liberal political system with regalian pretensions, with deep roots in Bourbon Spain, even though this system guaranteed the Church a central role as the spiritual guide of Mexican society. Ecclesiastical autonomy from civil power was central to the Catholic republic project defended by the Guadalajara clerics. This study is relevant because it argues that, despite the abolition of the Inquisition in 1820, ecclesiastical censorship continued to function in independent life. In addition, it underwent substantial changes about the colonial period, such as using the press as a complement to the differentiated system for freedom of the press.

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las impugnaciones que, entre 1827 y 1833, realizó El Defensor de la Religión (periódico de Guadalajara, Jalisco, México) contra ciertos actores a los que acusó de “enemigos de Dios”, toda vez que cuestionaron la disciplina eclesiástica de la época, la cual, en el marco de un Estado confesional, fue considerada como incuestionable por el sacerdocio. Asimismo, se esclarece por qué el clero diocesano tapatío utilizó la prensa para rebatir a sus enemigos, en lugar de valerse del régimen de censura religiosa vigente entre 1821 y 1855. A través del examen de El Defensor de la Religión se demuestra que el clero de Guadalajara fue reacio a incorporarse a un sistema político liberal con pretensiones regalistas, con profundas raíces en la España borbónica, aunque dicho sistema garantizara a la Iglesia un lugar central como guía espiritual de la sociedad mexicana. La autonomía eclesiástica frente al poder civil resultó central en el proyecto de república católica defendido por los clérigos tapatíos. Este estudio resulta relevante porque logra argumentar que, a pesar de la desaparición de la Inquisición en 1820, la censura eclesiástica continuó funcionando en la vida independiente, además de que experimentó cambios sustanciales en relación con el periodo colonial, entre ellos, el uso de la prensa como complemento del sistema diferenciado en materia de libertad de imprenta.

Resumen Este artículo entrecruza las problemáticas del habitar y el derecho a la vivienda con la de la construcción de ciudadanía, a las que explora desde una perspectiva antropológica. Retoma el trabajo etnográfico desarrollado entre 2015 y 2020 con los pobladores de un edificio recuperado de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, quienes enfrentan un juicio de desalojo. Se vale del concepto de habitar de Giglia (2012) y aportes de Holston (2008) y Wanderley (2009), que examinan la cuestión del acceso a derechos identificando los lenguajes y las modalidades de acción a los que apelan los sujetos para materializarlos. Se expresa aquí que si durante el período inicial predominó la “lógica de la necesidad” y un accionar orientado a tornar habitable un inmueble abandonado, posteriormente emergió entre los pobladores el “lenguaje de los derechos”. Contra lo que sugiere la concepción de ciudadanía liberal, concluye que la auto-percepción de sí mismos como “sujetos de derecho” no es algo dado sino un proceso que se construye a partir de los vínculos horizontales que los sujetos establecen entre sí y con organizaciones sociales, y las relaciones verticales y conflictivas entabladas con el Estado en forma mayormente colectiva.

Abstract This article links the issues of the inhabit and housing rights with that of the making of citizenship, which are explored from an anthropological perspective. It is based on the ethographic work developed between 2015-2020 with the inhabitants of a squattered building from the City of Buenos Aires, who face an eviction judgment. It takes up the concept of inhabit introduced by Giglia (2012) and contributions of Holston (2008) and Wanderley (2009) that explore the issue of the access to rights identifying the different languages and modalities of action deployed by the subjects in order to get them. It is argued here that if it prevailed initially the “logic of the necessity” and an action aimed to rend habitable an abandoned property, the “language of rights” emerge later among the inhabitants. In contrast to what the liberal conception suggests, it is concluded that the self-perception of themselves as “subjects of rights” is not something given but a process that is built from the “logic of necessity”, the horizontal links that the subjects establish among themselves and with social organizations, and the vertical relationships established with the State in a mostly collective way.

Abstract A discipline’s value depends on the institutional position of its valuers. In U.S. liberal arts undergraduate education, trustees, marketers, and parents routinely link disciplinary value to “return on investment”. This market logic is evident in rhetoric equating a discipline’s worth with the cost of department maintenance and the lucrativeness of careers pursued by majors. Yet students are also expected to buy the liberal arts experience as a whole package, a logic that makes all majors interchangeable. These contradictory dynamics provide undergraduate anthropology students with a profoundly teachable illustration of U.S. neoliberalism.

Abstract Brazil and Italy, Jair Bolsonaro and Matteo Salvini, two populist leaders who, in Latin America and Europe, and alongside Donald Trump in the US, experienced a strong affirmation in 2018 - Italy and Brazil - and 2016 US, respectively. This paper aims to analyse whether and to what extent Bolsonaro and Salvini have effectively created the People through the equivalential chain. That is, according to Laclau, the specificity of populism lies in the ability of a leader to transform a shapeless social group into a unique People. The leader’s speech establishes the borders, and it is through identification with the leader’s speech that the People’s collective identity is formed. Using three dimensions - the leader, the ideology and the audience - we analyse the similarities and differences between the two experiences. The results show how the populist reason of the Brazilian and Italian leaders was highly functional in creating a broad consensus but also how precarious and fragile this consensus was.

Resumen Brasil e Italia, Jair Bolsonaro y Matteo Salvini, dos líderes populistas que, en América Latina, en Europa, y junto con Donald Trump en los EUA, conocieron una fuerte afirmación en 2018 y 2016, respectivamente. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar si y en qué medida Bolsonaro y Salvini crearon eficazmente el Pueblo, a través de equivalential chain. Es decir, según Laclau, la especificidad del populismo reside en la capacidad de un líder de transformar a un grupo social deforme en un “Pueblo” único. El discurso del líder establece las fronteras, y es a través de la identificación con el discurso del líder que se forma la identidad colectiva del Pueblo. A través de tres dimensiones - el líder, la ideología y la audiencia - analizamos las semejanzas y las diferencias entre las dos experiencias. Los resultados muestran como la lógica populista de los líderes brasileño e italiano fue altamente funcional en la creación de un consenso alargado, pero también como ese consenso fue precario y frágil.

Resumo Brasil e Itália, Jair Bolsonaro e Matteo Salvini, dois líderes populistas que, na América Latina e na Europa, e junto com Donald Trump nos EUA, conheceram uma forte afirmação em 2018 e 2016, respetivamente. Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar se e em que medida Bolsonaro e Salvini criaram eficazmente através da equivalential chain o Povo. Isto é, de acordo com Laclau, a especificidade do populismo reside na capacidade de um líder transformar um grupo social disforme num Povo único. O discurso do líder estabelece as fronteiras, e é através da identificação com o discurso do líder que se forma a identidade coletiva do Povo. Através três dimensões - o líder, a ideologia e a audience - analisamos as semelhanças e as diferenças entre as duas experiências. Os resultados mostram como a lógica populista dos líderes brasileiro e italiano foi altamente funcional na criação de um consenso alargado, mas também como esse consenso foi precário e frágil.

Résumé Brésil et Italie, Jair Bolsonaro et Matteo Salvini, deux leaders populistes qui, en Amérique latine et en Europe, tout comme Donald Trump aux EUA, se sont fortement affirmés en 2018 et 2016, respectivement. Cet article a pour but d’analyser si et dans quelle mesure Bolsonaro et Salvini ont efficacement créé le peuple au travers de la chaîne d’équivalence. Autrement dit, d’après Laclau, la spécificité du populisme réside dans la capacité d’un leader à transformer un groupe social difforme en un peuple unique. Le discours du leader pose les frontières, et c’est au travers de l’identification avec le discours du leader que se forme l’identité collective du peuple. Selon trois dimensions - le leader, l’idéologie et le public - nous analysons les similitudes et les différences entre les deux expériences. Les résultats montrent comment la logique populiste des leaders brésilien et italien a été hautement fonctionnel, combien comment elle contribué à l’émergence d’un large consensus, mais aussi comment ce consensus était précaire et fragile.

Resumo Através de uma metodologia qualitativa focada em entrevistas semiestruturadas, este ensaio tem como objetivo analisar os conflitos cotidianos entre velhos e novos líderes em um espaço de redesenho urbano. A tese está empenhada em observar seus conflitos como formas estressantes de construção da cidadania. As práticas cidadãs são vistas sob o prisma da resistência aos ataques da cidade neoliberal, ampliando o portfólio de direitos formais e convidando a uma reflexão sob a participaçao cívica.

Resumen A través de una metodología cualitativa centrada en entrevistas semiestructuradas. este ensayo tiene la finalidad de analizar los conflictos cotidianos entre antiguos y nuevos líderes vecinales en un espacio de transformación urbana, la Zona de Las Granadas, Alcaldía Miguel Hidalgo en Ciudad de México. La apuesta es observar tales conflictos como modos tensionantes de construcción de ciudadanía alrededor de vínculos con el espacio público. Prácticas de resistencia frente a los embates de la ciudad neoliberal disputan el sentido de derechos que en el día a día cuestionan la frontera entre legalidad e ilegalidad e invitan, de acuerdo con nuestra propuesta, a pensar la participación ciudadana más allá del horizonte democrático liberal.

Abstract Through a qualitative methodology focused on semistructured interviews, this essay aims to analyze the daily conflicts between old and new leaders in an urban redesigned space. The thesis is committed to observing their conflicts as stressful ways of building citizenship. Resistance practices against the attacks of the neoliberal city, expand the portfolio of formal rights, and contest the meaning of civic participation.