Abstract Introduction: Although drug trafficking has been a historical practice in the Paraguayan Chaco, social dynamics have changed in recent years, generating a hybrid social order in which drug traffickers have gained power, indigenous groups have been left unprotected and at the mercy of traffickers, and politics has disengaged from the community and freed up areas to facilitate and protect the illegal business. Objective: Against this backdrop, the article describes social perceptions of drug trafficking and politics in indigenous communities in the Department of Alto Paraguay. Methodology: The research is based on a qualitative multi-method approach that includes documentation, ethnography and key informant interviews. Conclusions: The paper demonstrates how the delegitimization of formal politics and legality create areas of risk not only for the expansion and social tolerance of criminality, but also for the legitimization of illegality as a means to achieve a (more) dignified life. In this sense, the article questions that the literature on criminal governance and narcopolitics has focused more on adjectives than on nouns. It is the previous inefficiency of governance and politics that creates the conditions for the emergence of unwanted adjectives (such as criminal or narco). The challenge is not so much to fight crime as to promote revalorized governance and policy.

Resumo Introdução: Embora o narcotráfico seja uma prática histórica no Chaco paraguaio, a dinâmica social mudou nos últimos anos, gerando uma ordem social híbrida na qual os narcotraficantes ganharam poder, os grupos indígenas ficaram desprotegidos e à mercê dos traficantes, e a política se desvinculou da comunidade e liberou áreas para facilitar e proteger o negócio ilegal. Objetivo: Diante desse cenário, o artigo descreve as percepções sociais da narcopolítica e da política em comunidades indígenas no Departamento de Alto Paraguai. Metodologia: a pesquisa se baseia em uma abordagem qualitativa multimétodos que envolve documentação, etnografia e entrevistas com informantes-chave. Conclusões: O artigo demonstra como a deslegitimação da política formal e da legalidade cria áreas de risco não apenas para a expansão e a tolerância social da criminalidade, mas também para a legitimação da ilegalidade como um meio de alcançar uma vida (mais) digna. Nesse sentido, o artigo questiona o fato de a literatura sobre governança criminal e narcopolítica ter se concentrado mais em adjetivos do que em substantivos. É a ineficiência anterior da governança e da política que cria as condições para o surgimento de adjetivos indesejados (como criminoso ou narcopolítico). O desafio não é tanto combater o crime, mas promover uma governança e uma política revalorizadas.

Resumen Introducción: aunque el narcotráfico ha sido una práctica histórica en el Chaco Paraguayo, las dinámicas sociales cambiaron en los últimos años, generando un orden social híbrido en el que los rectores del narco habrían ganado poder, los grupos indígenas habrían quedado desprotegidos y a merced de los traficantes, y la política se habría desentendido de la comunidad y liberaría zonas para facilitar y proteger el negocio ilegal. Objetivo: ante este contexto, el artículo describe las percepciones sociales sobre el narco y la política en comunidades indígenas del Departamento de Alto Paraguay. Metodología: la investigación se basa en un enfoque cualitativo multi-método que incluye documentación, etnografía y entrevistas a informantes clave. Conclusiones: el trabajo demuestra cómo la deslegitimación de la política formal y de la legalidad crean áreas de riesgo no sólo para la expansión y tolerancia social de la criminalidad, sino también para la legitimación de la ilegalidad como medio para conseguir una vida (más) digna. En este sentido, el artículo cuestiona que la literatura sobre gobernanza criminal y narcopolítica se ha centrado más en los adjetivos que en los sustantivos. La ineficiencia previa de la gobernanza y la política es la que crea las condiciones para la emergencia de los adjetivos indeseados (como criminal o narco). El desafío no es tanto combatir el crimen como promover una gobernanza y una política revalorizada.

Abstract This article analyzes abortion experiences with misoprostol during the first decade of the 21st century in Argentina, before the legalization of the practice and the publication of the World Health Organization manuals on medication dosage. Based on in-depth interviews with women who underwent medical abortions during those years, we inquire about the mechanisms of information circulation and clandestine purchase of the drug. In addition, the article delves into experiences on the use of medication, confidence in the procedure, and the pain felt by these women from the theoretical perspective of the sociology of emotions. Among the most relevant findings is that women build networks and links to overcome the problems surrounding the practice of abortion because of the difficulty of obtaining the medication in the context of legality and illegality and the lack of information about the procedure itself and to develop a reliable method based on their own experiences.

Resumen En el presente artículo se analizan experiencias de aborto con misoprostol durante la primera década del siglo XXI en Argentina, antes de la legalización de la práctica y de la publicación de los manuales de la Organización Mundial de la Salud respecto a la posología de la medicación. A partir de entrevistas en profundidad a mujeres que se practicaron abortos medicamentosos en esos años, se indaga acerca de los mecanismos de circulación de información y de compra clandestina de la droga. Además, se ahonda en las experiencias sobre el uso de la medicación, la confianza en el procedimiento y el dolor sentido por estas mujeres desde la perspectiva teórica de la sociología de las emociones. Entre los hallazgos más relevantes se encuentra la constatación de que las mujeres construyeron sus redes y vínculos para sortear los problemas en torno a la práctica del aborto, tanto por la dificultad de conseguir la medicación en el marco de la legalidad e ilegalidad como por la falta de información sobre el procedimiento en sí mismo y la construcción de un método confiable a partir de sus propias experiencias.

RESUMEN La Sentencia 1364-17-EP/23 de la Corte Constitucional aparentemente cerró la discusión sobre el alcance del art. 233 de la CRE en lo que respecta al peculado. Se afirma serían autores tanto servidores públicos como sujetos que no ostenten esta condición, independientemente de sus conductas. La resolución es insatisfactoria. En la misma no se confrontó si el contenido del precepto constitucional era suficiente para cumplir con la determinación que requiere la tipificación de una conducta. El debate no puede cerrarse sin alcanzar estos niveles de análisis. El objetivo de este artículo es desafiar esta decisión, presentando argumentos que no fueron considerados, y a través de estos, cuestionar las conclusiones alcanzadas. Desde la explicación de lo que es un intraneus y un extraneus, se plantea otras formas de interpretar el art. 233. Entre las alternativas, se selecciona la que se cree que guarda armonía con todo el sistema de normas. El art. 233 fija la necesidad de que en el peculado se sancione como autores a no servidores públicos y a privados, pero no es suficiente para ser aplicado directamente. Es el principio de legalidad el que cumple con el mandato de determinación. Finalmente, se resalta que la norma penal sí contempla supuestos donde pueden intervenir como autores personas sin la calidad de servidores públicos, casos en los que existe certeza sobre la conducta prohibida.

ABSTRACT Sentence 1364-17-EP/23 of Constitutional Court and article 233 of the CRE regarding embezzlement seems to be closed. It is stated that both public servants and the ones who do not hold this condition can be authors regardless of their conduct. The resolution is not acceptable as it did not confront whether the content of the constitutional precept was sufficient to comply with the determination required to classify a conduct. The debate cannot be closed without reaching these levels of analysis. The aim of this article is to challenge this decision with arguments that were not considered and can be used to question the conclusions reached. From the explanation of what an intraneus and an extraneus are, other ways of interpreting article 233 are proposed. Among the alternatives, the selected is the one that is believed to be in harmony with the entire system of regulations. Article 233 establishes the need to sanction to non-public and private servants as perpetrators of embezzlement. However, it is not enough to be applied directly. It is the principle of legality that fulfills the mandate of determination. Finally, it is highlighted that the criminal law does contemplate cases where people without the status of public servants may intervene as perpetrators, cases in which there is certainty about the prohibited conduct.

On 15 May 2024, the National Health Insurance Act No. 20 of 2023 (the Act) was signed into law, and South Africa (SA) officially adopted a national health insurance (NHI) system as part of its efforts to achieve universal healthcare across the country. While NHI has been controversial and much talked about, plenty of how the scheme will operate remains an unknown, and has not been defined within the Act. However, it is evident that, with SA's limited healthcare budget, the NHI scheme is not going to cover everything for everyone. Some decisions will need to be made about what kinds of healthcare and other benefits South Africans can expect to have covered by the scheme - in other words, decisions about what will be included under NHI and what will be excluded. This paper does not aim to discuss the constitutionality or legality of the NHI Act, but focuses only on the issue of how government ought to consider making decisions about what services the NHI covers.

Resumen El populismo ha sido identificado como un discurso influyente en la reconfiguración de la división élites vs. pueblo en América Latina. No obstante, el ascenso de expresiones populistas también ha significado la emulación de dichas prácticas en organizaciones narcotraficantes (narcopopulismo) que aprovechan su presencia en territorios mediados por violencia, inequidad y corrupción estatal. El objetivo del artículo es identificar los programas narrativos del narcopopulismo para afianzarse como un referente elitario para competir con populistas. El método de investigación se trabaja desde la semiótica del discurso político y la construcción de cuatro programas narrativos que se sustentan en un corpus de 116 discursos populistas y 113 narcopopulistas. Los resultados muestran que populistas y narcopopulistas disponen de repertorios discursivos para enfrentar escenarios de confrontación de sus objetivos, con inclinación hacia acuerdos implícitos y de cooperación en los que no se atacan intereses del contradictor, pues supone un gasto de recursos económicos, humanos y logísticos que ponen en riesgo la legitimidad de los programas narrativos en los sectores poblacionales donde tienen influencia. La discusión sugiere que populistas y narcopopulistas terminan convertidos en élites emergentes que luchan por representar la desconfianza social frente al sistema económico y político, y de ahí que se derive la necesidad de reformular categorías para el análisis de élites en América Latina.

Abstract Populism has been identified as an influential discourse in reshaping the division between the elites and the people in Latin America. However, the rise of populist expressions has also meant the emulation of these practices in drug trafficking organizations (narco-populism) that take advantage of their presence in territories mediated by violence, inequality, and state corruption. The article aims to identify the narrative programs of narco-populism to establish itself as an elitarian reference and compete with populists. The research method is built on the semiotics of political discourse and the construction of four narrative programs based on a corpus of 116 populist and 113 narco-populist speeches. The results show that populists and narco-populists have discursive repertoires to face scenarios of confrontation of their objectives but with an inclination for implicit cooperation agreements in which the interests of the contradictor are not attacked since it involves an expenditure of economic, human, and logistical resources that jeopardize the legitimacy of narrative programs in the population sectors where they have influence. The discussion suggests that populists and narco-populists become emerging elites that struggle to represent social distrust of the economic and political system, hence the need to reformulate categories for analyzing elites in Latin America.

Resumen La violencia doméstica es un problema relevante en relación con el género, como se pone de manifiesto, por ejemplo, en la creación desde hace décadas de institucionalidad jurídica internacional y nacional para el control de esta problemática. Con todo, dado el carácter estructural de esta violencia y su relación con esquemas patriarcales arraigados en lo social, resulta difícil que la mediación del derecho por sí misma redunde en un cumplimiento total de este compromiso. Este trabajo contribuye a una comprensión novedosa y situada de la intervención de la legalidad en la violencia de género del espacio doméstico. La novedad radica en lo que nos permite visualizar la noción de conciencia jurídica como marco analítico, esto es, el modo en que la legalidad sostiene su poder, a pesar de la constante incompletitud del cumplimiento de sus promesas. Para capturar esta cuestión se utilizó el método etnográfico aplicado a dos tribunales de familia de Chile. El trabajo de campo nos muestra que los tribunales de familia utilizan la noción de riesgo con miras a disponer de medidas cautelares, cuestión que permite una intervención en las experiencias de vida de las denunciantes. Es así como se transforma en acto la promesa de control de este tipo de violencia de género que se hace a través del derecho.

Abstract Domestic violence is a relevant problem about gender; this is manifested, for example, in the creation of long-standing international and national legal institutions to control this problem. However, given the structural nature of this violence and its relationship with patriarchal schemes rooted in society, it is difficult for the mediation of law by itself to result in the total fulfillment of this commitment. This work contributes to a novel and situated understanding of the intervention of legality in gender-based violence in the domestic sphere. The novelty lies in visualizing the notion of legal consciousness as an analytical framework, i.e., how legality sustains its power despite constant failure to fulfill its promises. The ethnographic method was applied to two family courts to discuss this issue. The fieldwork reveals that family courts use the notion of risk to provide preventive measures, which allows intervention in the life experiences of complainants. This is how the promise of control of this type of gender-based violence that is made through law is transformed into action.

Abstract: This article analyzes the discussions in the Preliminary Councils of the XXVII Legislature regarding the legitimacy of popular representatives, a discussion in which two political blocks confronted each other: that of the presumed deputies close to President Venustiano Carranza, known as the renovators, and the opposition block, known as the radicals, some of whom were close to Álvaro Obregón or Pablo González, two of the most important Constitutionalist leaders. This discussion reveals the emergent fractures in the triumphant current of the Mexican Revolution, which could first be seen in the Constitutional Congress of 1916-1917, a divide that would hold over into the XXVII Legislature and the one that followed. This division provoked fierce political struggles between congress and the Carranza administration and reduced the latter’s efficacy, as several of its most important initiatives, such as the law on the suspension of guarantees to combat the rebellions against his government, were blocked by the opposition, as they constituted the majority legislative block.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza la discusión en las Juntas Preliminares de la XXVII Legislatura acerca de la legitimidad de los representantes populares, discusión en la cual se enfrentan dos bloques, el de los presuntos diputados más cercanos al presidente Venustiano Carranza, conocidos como renovadores, y el de un bloque opositor, conocido como radical, algunos de cuyos miembros eran cercanos a Álvaro Obregón o a Pablo González, dos de los más importantes líderes del constitucionalismo. Esa discusión muestra la fractura que se estaba produciendo en la corrien te triunfadora de la Revolución, cuyos primeros signos se habían mostrado en el Congreso Constituyente de 1916-1917, división que continuó en la XXVII Legislatura y que se prolongaría también en la siguiente. Esa escisión provocó fuertes disputas políticas del Congreso con el gobierno de Venustiano Carranza y le restó eficacia a éste, pues varias de sus iniciativas más importantes, como la Ley de Suspensión de Garantías para poder combatir las rebeliones que estallaron en su gobierno, se vieron obstaculizadas por la oposición de un sector mayoritario de legisladores.

Abstract: Since 2011, the Precarious Settlements Program has intervened in 142 informal settlements in the Metropolitan Region, emerging as a key intervention mechanism in housing policies amidst the current housing crisis affecting the country. Drawing on ethnographic information collected during fieldwork conducted between January and March of 2023, this article explores the discreet practices deployed during the program’s implementation, analyzing the relationship between formality/legality, represented by the state, and informality/illegality, represented by the settlement dichotomies that are strained through the actions of street-level bureaucrats. The article argues that, in this interstice, the state paradoxically positions itself as both a guarantor and regulator of calculated informality. Additionally, the article suggests that the ethnographic approach and its flexibility are crucial in addressing the dynamic margins, boundaries, and practices of the state.

Resumen: Desde el año 2011, el Programa de Asentamientos Precarios ha actuado en 142 asentamientos informales en la Región Metropolitana, lo que lo sitúa como uno de los principales mecanismos de intervención de las políticas de vivienda ante la crisis habitacional que actualmente afecta al país. A partir de la recopilación de información etnográfica durante el trabajo de campo realizado entre enero y marzo de 2023, el presente artículo aborda las prácticas de discreción desplegadas durante la ejecución del programa de intervención analizando la relación entre la formalidad/legalidad, representada por el estado, y la informalidad/ ilegalidad, representada por el campamento, dicotomías que se tensionan en el quehacer en terreno de los burócratas nivel calle. El artículo argumenta que, en aquel intersticio, el estado se posiciona paradojalmente como garante y regulador de una informalidad calculada. Asimismo, plantea que la aproximación etnográfica y su flexibilidad son clave en el abordaje de los dinámicos márgenes, límites y prácticas del estado.

Resumen Los linchamientos implican una relación problemática con el derecho, con puntos de encuentro y desencuentro. Por otra parte, este tipo de acciones no constituyen hechos aislados en Chile, de ahí la pertinencia de reflexionar sobre la representación social de estas acciones. Para ello utilizamos como marco analítico los conceptos de conciencia jurídica y alienación legal y revisamos prensa escrita relativa a este tipo de acciones La literatura relativa a la conciencia jurídica postula que nuestra vida cotidiana está en gran medida articulada por las percepciones que tenemos de lo que es o no legal. Desafiando esta literatura, la noción de alienación legal describe la experiencia cotidiana con el derecho como una relación de extrañeza. El análisis de prensa es relevante si consideramos que estos discursos contribuyen a dar forma a los contenidos del pensamiento cotidiano. Los resultados nos muestran que los relatos periodísticos sobre los linchamientos hacen referencia a las categorías propias del derecho, sin embargo, la conciencia jurídica que se expresa en ellos está atravesada por la alienación legal. Lo jurídico aparece, pero emerge con un carácter más bien nominal en el discurso.

Abstract Lynching poses a complex relationship with the law, featuring both points of convergence and divergence. Furthermore, these occurrences are not isolated incidents within Chile, underscoring the importance of contemplating the societal perception of such actions. To delve into this, we employ the analytical framework of legal consciousness and legal alienation, examining printed media narratives related to these occurrences. Existing literature on legal consciousness suggests that our everyday life is significantly influenced by our perceptions of legality. However, challenging this perspective, the concept of legal alienation characterizes the everyday interaction with the law as somewhat estranged. Analyzing press coverage is essential as these narratives actively shape the prevailing mindset. Our findings illustrate that journalistic portrayals of lynchings reference legal constructs. Nevertheless, the legal consciousness expressed within these narratives is heavily influenced by a sense of legal alienation. While legal aspects are present, they often retain a nominal status in the discourse.

Abstract Contemporary criminal law questions the possibility of carrying out acts of commission through the so-called omissive action, or in other words, the commission by omission of the harmful result. The authors who accept it, however, insist on the need to incorporate an equivalence clause that allows converting the alleged active criminal types of the special section of the criminal law into omissive types, since without it, the principle of legality would be violated. In the following pages we will try to refute this position, starting from the fact that the supporters of this position conceive only one causality: the mechanical or mechanistic one, and this prevents them from conceiving the possibility of omission as a mere accident of the substantially unique voluntary human act, which includes both the action or positive act, and the omission or negative act.

Resumen El derecho penal contemporáneo cuestiona la posibilidad de la realización de actos comisivos a través de la llamada acción omisiva, o, en otros términos, la comisión por omisión del resultado lesivo. Los autores que la aceptan, de todas formas, insisten en la necesidad de incorporar una cláusula de equivalencia que permita convertir los presuntos tipos penales activos de la parte especial de la ley penal, en tipos omisivos, pues sin ella, se violaría el principio de legalidad. En las páginas que siguen se intenta refutar esa posición, partiendo de que los sostenedores de esa postura conciben una única causalidad: la mecánica o mecanicista, y esto les impide concebir la posibilidad de la omisión como mero accidente del acto humano voluntario, sustancialmente único, que comprende tanto a la acción o acto positivo, como a la omisión o acto negativo.

Abstract Criminal execution is a state activity based on the principles of certain, strict and exhaustive legality and jurisdictionality, which is why the rights and duties of prisoners must always comply with legal provisions. Despite this, the Brazilian Regional Federal Court of the 4th Region (TRF-4) has been imposed on the monitored person the burden of bearing the expenses arising from electronic monitoring, a burden that is not supported by Brazilian legislation that deals with the subject. For this reason, it is necessary to question, as a research problem: are these TRF-4 decisions legally correct? In view of this, this article aims to critically analyze the decisions of the TRF-4 in this sense and the main arguments used, in order to verify whether they are legally correct or mistaken, due to the lack of a explicit legal provision in this regard, which, in fact, came to be recognized on several occasions by the Brazilian Superior Tribunal of Justice (STJ). The choice of TRF-4 is justified by the significant number of Court decisions in this regard, as well as by the fact that the other Federal Regional Courts do not have sentences with this content and intention. The theoretical framework uses productions related to criminal execution and its principles of legality and jurisdiction. The research concludes that the aforementioned decisional action of the TRF-4 is out of step with the principles of legality and jurisdictionality in criminal execution. certain provisions th TRF4 TRF 4 (TRF-4 monitoring subject reason question problem TRF- used mistaken regard STJ. STJ . (STJ) intention jurisdiction (TRF- (STJ (TRF

Resumo A execução penal é atividade estatal pautada nos princípios da legalidade certa, estrita e taxativa e da jurisdicionalidade, razão pela qual os direitos e deveres dos presos devem sempre observar as determinações legais. Apesar disso, o Tribunal Regional Federal da 4ª Região (TRF-4) vem impondo à pessoa monitorada o ônus de arcar com as despesas decorrentes da monitoração eletrônica, encargo que não encontra amparo na legislação brasileira que trata do assunto. Por essa razão, impõe-se questionar, a título de problema de pesquisa: estas decisões do TRF-4 estão juridicamente corretas? Diante disso, este artigo objetiva analisar criticamente as decisões do TRF-4 nesse sentido e os principais argumentos utilizados, a fim de verificar se estão juridicamente corretas ou equivocadas, em virtude da inexistência de disposição legal taxativa nesse intuito, o que, inclusive, veio a ser reconhecido em diversas oportunidades pelo Superior Tribunal de Justiça (STJ). A escolha pelo TRF-4 é justificada pelo número significativo de decisões da Corte nesse sentido, bem como pelo fato de os demais Tribunais Regionais Federais não possuírem sentenças com esse teor e intuito. O referencial teórico recorre a produções relativas à execução penal e seus princípios da legalidade e jurisdicionalidade. A pesquisa conclui que a referida atuação decisional do TRF-4 está em descompasso com os princípios da legalidade e da jurisdicionalidade na execução penal. certa legais disso ª TRF4 TRF 4 (TRF-4 eletrônica assunto impõese impõe questionar TRF- utilizados equivocadas intuito inclusive STJ. STJ . (STJ) (TRF- (STJ (TRF

Abstract The research aimed to identify the behavior of organizations promoting vaccine rejection through Facebook in the context of the Covid-19 vaccination campaign. To achieve the study’s purpose, the posts with the highest number of reactions on Facebook were observed and analyzed, as well as the content of these posts and the ways in which anti-vaccine organizations presented their messages on their fan pages. A digital social listening tool was used to analyze the data, providing information on the ranking of published messages, interactions reached, and sentiment assessments. The research found that anti-vaccine organizations used Facebook as one of the communication channels to disseminate messages that contradicted health measures, questioned the legality of vaccination, and opposed the use of masks. In other words, this social network served as a platform to spread messages that distorted the truth of the facts and encouraged various actions against vaccination campaigns. Therefore, during the Covid-19 pandemic, this social network became a crucial information medium for the population, but it was also the most used medium by anti-vaccine organizations to spread misinformation and generate negative emotions among users, ultimately eroding their trust.

Resumen La investigación ha tenido como objetivo identificar el comportamiento de las organizaciones que promueven el rechazo a la vacuna a través de Facebook, en el contexto de la campaña de vacunación contra la Covid-19, para cumplir con el propósito del estudio se observó y analizó las publicaciones con mayor número de reacciones en Facebook, así como el contenido de sus publicaciones y las formas de plantear el mensaje de las organizaciones antivacunas en su fanpage. Para el análisis de los datos se empleó una herramienta digital de escucha social que permitió obtener información sobre el ranking de los mensajes publicados, interacciones alcanzadas y valoraciones de los sentimientos. La investigación dio como resultado que las organizaciones antivacunas emplearon Facebook como uno de los canales de comunicación con la población para difundir mensajes que contradecían las medidas sanitarias, cuestionamientos respecto a la legalidad de la vacunación y mensajes contra el uso de las mascarillas; es decir, esta red social sirvió como plataforma para difundir mensajes que distorsionan la verdad de los hechos; asimismo, fomentaban realizar diversos tipos de acciones en contra de las campañas de vacunación. En tal sentido, esta red social durante la pandemia de la Covid-19 se convirtió en un medio de información crucial para la población; pero, también fue el medio más usado por las organizaciones antivacunas para desinformar y generar emociones negativas en los usuarios, logrando erosionar su confianza.

Abstract At the intersection between telematic secrecy and criminal and administrative procedural law, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court built a prevailing argument to rule out questions of legality of certain evidence or means of obtaining evidence: the Federal Constitution protects “communications of data and not data itself “ - to mean that it only protects communications in flow, not stored (static) and, today also, that it only protects communications content and not other records and data. Through a review of literature and case law, this article aims to demonstrate how this argument emerged, how it is applied inconsistently and how it overrides relevant questions about privacy in the digital age. It maintains that the STF needs to rescue a substantive thesis on privacy and reaffirm the State’s burden to justify the use of force and that judges should look at the context and our social practices when deliberating on such issues. law flow static (static also emerged age States State s issues

Resumo Na intersecção entre sigilo telemático e direito processual penal e administrativo, o Supremo Tribunal Federal construiu um argumento prevalente para afastar questões de licitude de certa prova ou meio de obtenção de prova: a Constituição Federal protege “comunicações de dados e não dados em si” - para significar que só protege comunicações em fluxo, e não armazenadas (estáticas) e, hoje também, que só protege conteúdo de comunicações e não outros registros e dados. Por meio de revisão de literatura e de jurisprudência, esse artigo pretende demonstrar como esse argumento surgiu, como é aplicado de forma inconsistente e como anula questões relevantes sobre privacidade na era digital. Sustenta que o STF precisa resgatar uma tese substantiva sobre privacidade e o ônus de fundamentação do Estado no uso da força e que juízes devem olhar para o contexto e nossas práticas sociais ao deliberar sobre tais questões. administrativo si fluxo estáticas (estáticas também jurisprudência surgiu digital

Abstract: The general objective of the article is to reflect on the processes of extraordinary regularization of foreigners in Chile, for which it is necessary to describe the Chilean migratory regularization processes carried out between the years 1998 and 2007, to analyze the migratory regularization process of 2018, and to explain the extraordinary regularization of the year 2021. The research is carried out with a qualitative methodology, from a critical and analytical, hermeneutic approach, relying mainly on secondary sources. However, the results showed that regularizations in Chile have been exceptional procedures for the management of migratory flows and that they have been carried out before or simultaneously with a major reform of the legislation on foreigners. Notwithstanding the effort required for a regularization process, it has not been possible to accurately estimate the size or number of the irregular population. Each requirement of the processes was adapted to the migratory contingency of the moment (in the last process, people who entered through unauthorized passages were not included), in addition to the fact that it creates an important call effect of irregular foreigners. Therefore, no collateral effect of the extraordinary regularizations is positive, except for the legality of the benefited foreigners.

Resumen: El objetivo general del artículo es reflexionar sobre los procesos de regularización extraordinaria de extranjeros en Chile, para lo cual es menester describir los Procesos de Regularización Migratoria chilena llevados a cabo entre los años 1998 y 2007, analizar el proceso de regularización migratoria del año 2018 y explicar la regularización extraordinaria del año 2021. La investigación se conduce bajo una metodología cualitativa desde un enfoque crítico y analítico, hermenéutico recurriendo primordialmente a fuentes secundarias. Ahora bien, los resultados arrojaron que las regularizaciones en Chile, han sido procedimientos excepcionales para la gestión de los flujos migratorios y que se han establecido previa o simultáneamente a una gran reforma de legislación sobre extranjeros, no obstante al esfuerzo que amerita un proceso de regularización, no ha sido posible estimar con precisión el tamaño o número de la población irregular. Cada requisito de los procesos ha sido ajustado a la contingencia migratoria del momento (en el último proceso no se incluyeron las personas que entraron por pasos no habilitados), sumado a que crea un efecto llamada importante de forasteros irregulares, por lo que ningún efecto colateral de las regularizaciones extraordinarias es positivo, salvo la legalidad de los extranjeros beneficiados.

ABSTRACT In this interview, we delve into the reflections of Luciano Floridi, a prominent figure in contemporary philosophy and a pioneer in the philosophy of information. Recognized globally, Floridi plays a crucial role in addressing the ethical implications of digital technologies. The dialog covers crucial themes in artificial intelligence, exploring “Singularitarianism” and questioning whether perspectives have evolved with the rise of generative AI. The discussion extends to large language models, highlighting the lack of real reasoning and the disconnect between agency and intelligence. The interview highlights the importance of developing intelligence and critical thinking in the face of the challenges presented by ChatGPT, addressing concerns about possible cognitive decline. As for the future of artificial intelligence, Floridi outlines key issues in GELSI, mapping implications for governance, ethics, legality and society. information globally technologies Singularitarianism “Singularitarianism AI models ChatGPT decline GELSI governance ethics society

RESUMO Nesta entrevista, mergulhamos nas reflexões de Luciano Floridi, uma figura proeminente na filosofia contemporânea e pioneiro na filosofia da informação. Reconhecido globalmente, Floridi desempenha um papel crucial na abordagem das implicações éticas das tecnologias digitais. O diálogo abrange temas cruciais da inteligência artificial, explorando o “Singularitarismo” e questionando se as perspectivas evoluíram com a ascensão da IA generativa. A discussão se estende aos modelos de linguagem de grande porte, destacando a falta de raciocínio real e a desconexão entre agência e inteligência. A entrevista destaca a importância do desenvolvimento da inteligência e do pensamento crítico diante dos desafios apresentados pelo ChatGPT, abordando preocupações sobre possíveis declínios cognitivos. Quanto ao futuro da inteligência artificial, Floridi delineia questões fundamentais no GELSI, mapeando implicações para governança, ética, legalidade e sociedade. informação globalmente digitais artificial Singularitarismo “Singularitarismo generativa porte ChatGPT cognitivos GELSI governança ética sociedade