Resumen Este ensayo examina la narrativa de una joven de ascendencia mexicana, nacida en Estados Unidos, sobre un interrogatorio al cual fue sometida al entrar a su país natal desde México, donde había crecido. Mediante su fijación en el intercambio de preguntas y respuestas, el interrogatorio divide y hasta desaparece a le sujete de la interrogación, transformando así un procedimiento burocrático en un lugar de manifestación de la soberanía estatal, clásicamente arbitraria y desmedida. A la vez, el relato del interrogatorio se anida dentro de una narrativa más amplia sobre un intento de secuestro que la narradora experimentó en México. Juntos, las interrupciones lingüísticas y los impases interactivos de las narrativas del interrogatorio y del casi-secuestro dibujan los contornos de un sistema de gobernanza transnacional, que no opera a partir de derechos diferenciados, sino de una vulnerabilidad diferencial a la violencia.

Abstract This essay examines the narrative of a young US citizen of Mexican descent about an interrogation she was subjected to upon entering her native country from Mexico, where she had grown up. Through its fixation on the exchange of questions and answers, the interrogation divides and, even, disappears the subject interrogated, thus transforming a bureaucratic procedure into a site of manifestation of state sovereignty, classically understood as arbitrary and unmeasured. At the same time, the narrative of the interrogation nests inside a larger narrative about an attempted kidnapping which the narrator underwent in Mexico. Together, the linguistic interruptions and the interactional impasses of both the narrative of the interrogation and of the kidnapping sketch the contours of a transnational system of governance that operates on the basis not of differential rights but of differential vulnerability to violence.

Abstract This article discusses issues related to various initiatives for the platformization of teaching work in the current context. The study consists of an empirical effort to locate and compare digital teaching platforms, and proposes a critical analysis supported by a relevant bibliographic and analytical body. The main objective is to show, through a systematized analysis, how the kidnapping and precarization of teaching work via digital teaching platforms can occur. These operations are concealed by a neoliberal semantics that seeks to confer soothed idiomatic meaning associations (autonomy, entrepreneurship etc.) on a process in which those who work for or under the control of digital platforms end up being harmed.

Resumo Este artigo discute questões relativas às diversas iniciativas de plataformização do trabalho docente no contexto atual. O trabalho consiste num esforço empírico de localização e cotejamento de plataformas digitais de ensino, propondo, também, uma análise crítica sustentada por corpo bibliográfico e analítico pertinente. O principal objetivo é indicar, por meio de uma análise sistematizada, como podem se operar, via plataformas digitais de ensino, o sequestro e a precarização do trabalho docente, dissimulado por uma semântica neoliberal que busca conferir edulcoradas associações de sentido idiomático (autonomia, empreendedorismo, etc.) a um processo em que aqueles que trabalham para ou sob o controle das plataformas digitais acabam sendo prejudicados.

There are continued quests to achieve and maintain peace and security in the world, with special reference to Nigeria. However, in her history, sustainable peace and security have not been wholesomely consolidated. Nigeria is one of the crises-ridden nations in the world as indicated by the intensifying issues of insecurity, corruption, religious intolerance, multi-faceted ethnic groups, poor economy, poverty, poor education, unemployment, kidnapping cases, leadership, and political interests. Although, the federal and state governments as well as other external and internal agencies and Nigerian citizens may or may not be making adequate efforts to ensure peace and security in Nigeria, the bordering question is whether Nigeria, as a country, ever can achieve sustainable peace and security. The study adopted the exegetical design. This design involves descriptive, analytical, and hermeneutical research exercises related to the exegesis of the studied text, as well as the application of the lessons drawn from the exegesis to the theological and social issues being studied. The study employed the social-scientific method of biblical criticism to study 1 Thessalonians 5:3 and applied its findings to the issue of the world with special focus on Nigeria seeking peace and security, though worldly. This study explored the Nigerian quests for εἰρήνη and ἀσφάλεια, and unveiled the sociological and the Pauline theological insights to the causes and the theological implications of 1 Thessalonians 5:3 to the crises of peace and security in Nigeria. This study found that, like the rest of the world, Nigeria is one of the nations that is in desperate need for peace and security and hence, although worldly, is engaged in the quest for peace and security. In fulfilment of the prophetic utterance of Paul, the world has kept on questing for peace and security; however, achieving and consolidating sustainable peace and security appear to be an illusion. Although worldly, Nigeria is one of the nations in the world that is questing for peace and security. However, the disciples of Jesus should understand that it is in Jesus that they could be bequeathed wholesome, sustainable, and transcending peace and security. CONTRIBUTION: This study unveiled that the 1st-century social-context and Paul's theology reveal the root causes of the crises of peace and security in the world, with particular reference to Nigeria. This study advances Paul's theology that, although the world will keep talking about peace and security, εἰρήνη and ἀσφάλεια are obtained through identification with God through Jesus.

Terrorism and banditry are two closely related crimes that involve the engagement of arms in violent attacks calculated to threaten, kill, destroy and annihilate a part or unit of a population with the intent to create a general atmosphere of fear and insecurity. There could be intimidation to achieve economic, religious and or political objectives. These violent crimes have resulted in the death of millions across the globe and caused untold hardship and instability in affected countries especially in Africa. The number of refugees arising from terrorism and banditry in Africa is taking astronomical dimensions even as governments are increasingly helpless. It would appear that the more commonly discussed victims of terrorism and banditry have been the girls and women considered the most and disproportionately vulnerable. Utilising the doctrinal research methodology, this article examines how these violent crimes affect boys and men in Africa by way of physical harms, psychological trauma and other life disruptions. It investigates the adequacy or otherwise of the legal protection in the hope of suggesting sustainable and inclusive legal framework that factors the peculiarity of vulnerabilities of boys and men, especially in conflict-prone parts of Africa and ensuring their access to justice, rehabilitation and empowerment.

Le terrorisme et le banditisme, deux formes de criminalité intrinsèquement liées, se caractérisent par l'usage d'armes et d'actes de violence systématiques visant à intimider, tuer, détruire ou anéantir des segments de population. Ces crimes, souvent motivés par des objectifs économiques, religieux ou politiques, génèrent une atmosphère de peur et d'insécurité généralisée. En Afrique, leur impact est particulièrement dévastateur, ayant entraîné des millions de décès, d'importants déplacements de populations, et une instabilité socio-économique accrue. Alors que les filles et les femmes sont fréquemment identifiées comme les principales victimes en raison de leur vulnérabilité perçue, les garçons et les hommes, souvent négligés dans les discours sur les conséquences de ces crimes, subissent également des psychologiques, la conscription forcée, et des perturbations de leur rôle familial et social. En adoptant une méthodologie fondée sur le positivisme juridique, cet article examine l'impact spécifique du terrorisme et du banditisme sur les garçons et les hommes en Afrique. Il évalue l'efficacité des dispositifs juridiques actuels pour répondre à leurs besoins particuliers et explore les insuffisances d'un cadre de protection trop souvent focalisé sur d'autres catégories de victimes. L'étude propose des recommandations en vue d'un cadre juridique inclusif et durable, prenant en compte les vulnérabilités propres aux garçons et aux hommes, notamment dans les zones de conflit. Elle plaide pour des mesures qui garantissent leur accès à la justice, leur réhabilitation, et leur autonomisation, tout en renforçant les obligations des États africains à travers des réformes législatives, des mécanismes de protection spécifiques, et une meilleure prise en charge psychosociale des victimes masculines de ces crimes.

RESUMEN Es necesario profundizar en la investigación pedagógica en las ciencias médicas, a fin de que las publicaciones compilen evidencias científicas y experiencias derivadas del ejercicio docente para crear una didáctica particular que perfeccione el proceso enseñanza aprendizaje y siente las bases para el posterior desarrollo de los métodos de trabajo en las profesiones en salud. Es propósito de estos autores comunicar sobre la conformación de un manual de redacción, en cuyas páginas encontrarán los interesados en incursionar en el cambiante mundo de las publicaciones, una guía metodológica detallada que les permitirá mejorar su desempeño durante el proceso de construcción y envío de sus artículos a través de las plataformas de revistas en acceso abierto; además, alerta sobre la ética en la publicación científica y el riesgo de publicar en revistas depredadoras y secuestradoras.

ABSTRACT It is necessary to deepen pedagogical research in the medical sciences, so that publications compile scientific evidence and experiences derived from teaching to create a particular didactics that perfects the teaching-learning process and lays the foundations for the subsequent development of teaching methods. work in the health professions. It is the purpose of these authors to communicate about the creation of a writing manual, in whose pages those interested in entering the changing world of publications will find a detailed methodological guide that will allow them to improve their performance during the process of construction and submission of their articles through open access journal platforms; Furthermore, it warns about ethics in scientific publication and the risk of publishing in predatory and kidnapping journals.

RESUMEN Este artículo rastrea el significado y las dificultades propias de asumir responsabilidades judiciales por hechos atroces en escenarios de justicia transicional/restaurativa. Se analiza de manera particular la audiencia de reconocimiento sobre secuestro en la cual comparecieron siete miembros del último Secretariado de las extintas Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) (junio 2022). Adicionalmente, se presenta una mirada comparada entre esta audiencia que se adelantó en Bogotá y la audiencia previa con exmiembros del Ejército Nacional sobre homicidios extrajudiciales, “falsos positivos”, que se realizó en Ocaña (Norte de Santander, abril 2022). Se trata de dos macroprocesos que orientados por una misma racionalidad transicional y restaurativa han contado con un formato que se despliega a través de los mismos rituales procesales.

ABSTRACT This article traces the meaning and difficulties of assuming judicial responsibility for atrocities in transitional/restorative justice scenarios. In particular, it analyzes the acknowledgment hearing on kidnapping in which seven members of the last Secretariat of the extinct Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) appeared (June 2022). In addition, a comparative look is presented between this hearing that took place in Bogotá and the previous hearing with former members of the National Army on extrajudicial killings, “false positives,” which occurred in Ocaña (Norte de Santander, April 2022). These two macro-processes, guided by the same transitional and restorative rationale, have had a format that has unfolded through the same procedural rituals.

This article investigates the challenges of the application of international law in a domestic setting as depicted in the ongoing trial of Thomas Kwoyelo. Kwoyelo, a former child soldier and commander in the Lord's Resistance Army, is being prosecuted for the commission inter alia of murder, kidnapping with intent to murder, and pillaging, all as war crimes and crimes against humanity under International Humanitarian Law, Customary International Law and the Penal Code Act of Uganda. He is currently standing trial at the International Crimes Division of the High Court of Uganda. This trial is a unique test for the Ugandan judiciary, as it is faced with its first prosecution of an individual charged with crimes under international law. In a bid to apply international law domestically the Court has faced several challenges which have disabled the progress of the trial on many levels, arguably at the expense of the accused and the victims at large. The article primarily seeks to analyse the capability of the court to prosecute Kwoyelo for the commission of international crimes as well as to examine the challenges faced by the Court. The history of the conflict will be examined. This will be followed by an overview of the judicial hurdles faced by the Ugandan State in eventually charging Kwoyelo. The article will then analyse the present challenges faced by the Court. Finally, several recommendations are offered.

Resumen Es preciso entender el carácter interconectado que existe entre las diferentes expresiones de violencia en México, como el secuestro o desaparición forzada y el desplazamiento forzado interno. Al analizar dichas interconexiones, se comprenderá el panorama complejo, en donde las violencias mueven los cuerpos y las subjetividades a través de un camino sinuoso de terror e impunidad. En el siguiente artículo, realizo una exploración de los conceptos de desaparición y desplazamiento forzado, rastreando sus genealogías, especialmente en América Latina. Indico que además de la desaparición forzada, tipificada por las Naciones Unidas y que señala la autoría del Estado, en México también hay desaparición de personas por parte del crimen organizado (en ocasiones en colusión con el Estado). Me aproximo al tema desde una visión etnográfica y con base en los testimonios o relatos de vida y lucha de dos mujeres -originarias de Guerrero y Veracruz respectivamente- y trazo el cúmulo de violencias que han padecido sus seres queridos y ellas mismas. Sitúo este análisis en el marco de un continuum de violencias (Scheper-Hughes y Bourgois 2004) o bien de entramados de violencia, mostrando así, la naturaleza interconectada de violencias que a menudo son analizadas por separado, pero vividas de manera simultánea y continua a lo largo del tiempo, como son la desaparición, el feminicidio, el asesinato, el secuestro y el desplazamiento forzado interno. Además, indago las luchas, las resistencias y la participación de estas dos mujeres en colectivos de familiares de desaparecidos y el impacto que ha tenido en ellas la experiencia organizativa y como buscadoras de sus seres amados.

Abstract It is essential to comprehend the interconnected nature of different forms of violence in Mexico, such as kidnapping or forced disappearance of persons and forced internal displacement. Mapping these connections enhances a more complex understanding, in which violence moves bodies and subjectivities along a sinuous road of terror and impunity. In the following article, I undertake an analysis of the concepts of (forced) disappearance and forced internal displacement, tracking their genealogies particularly in Latin America. I suggest that as well as forced disappearance -typified by the United Nations which includes the responsibility of the state- in Mexico disappearance is also practiced by organized crime (at times, in collusion with the State). I approach the issue from an ethnographical viewpoint, based on testimonies or stories of the lives and struggles of two women -from Guerrero and Veracruz respectively. I understand that these illustrate Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois’ notion of a continuum of violence (2004), or appear as webs of violence. Thus, I trace the continuum of violences they and their loved ones have encountered. In this way, I show the interconnected nature of violences which are often studied separately -though experienced simultaneously- such as disappearance, femicide, extrajudicial killing and forced internal displacement. I also trace the struggles, resistances and participation of the two women in collectives of relatives of the disappeared and the impacts these organizational experiences have had on them in the search for their missing kin.

Resumen El artículo aborda la denuncia que José Enrique Rodó presenta en su Ariel (1900) acerca de la “nordomanía” latinoamericana. Luego de especificar por qué Rodó veía en esta actitud un problema, se reconstruyen algunas de sus premisas ligadas a la atención, con el propósito de evaluar en qué sentido aquella denuncia puede aún significar algo importante para la crítica de nuestro tiempo. Mostrando, en primer lugar, que la “nordomanía” esconde en su interior un ideal ligado a la soberanía de la atención (tanto personal como colectiva), y en segundo lugar, que varias dinámicas económicas y políticas de nuestro tiempo giran en torno al secuestro de la atención, se concluye que aquella denuncia de Rodó cala hondo en nuestro siglo XXI al ayudarnos a iluminar las dificultades que persisten en la tarea de reorientar nuestra mirada hacia nosotros mismos y construir, desde allí, otras formas de soberanía (políticas, académicas y económicas).

Abstract The article addresses the denunciation that José Enrique Rodó presents in his Ariel (1900) about Latin American “northmania”. After specifying why Rodó saw in this attitude a problem, the article reconstructs some of its fundamental premises linked to attention, with the purpose of evaluating in what sense that denunciation can still mean something important for the criticism of our time. Showing, firstly, that Rodonian “northmania” seems to hide within it an ideal linked to the sovereignty of attention (both personal and collective), and secondly, that various economic and political dynamics of our time revolve around the kidnapping or abduction of attention. To concluded, in the end, that Rodóʼs denunciation continues to penetrate deep into our twenty-first century by helping us to illuminate the difficulties that persist in the task of reorient our gaze towards ourselves and build, from there, other forms of sovereignty (political, academic and economic).

RESUMEN En este trabajo se exploran algunos de los cambios que produjo la aparición de la COVID-19 hacia el interior de la justicia penal en Argentina, más en concreto, en su fuero federal, que fue el encargado de la persecución de las infracciones a las restricciones que se tomaron para evitar la propagación de la pandemia. Escogimos un enfoque metodológico cualitativo, específicamente entrevistas semiestructuradas a quienes ostentan los cargos más decisivos como titulares de juzgados y las respectivas secretarías, analizando sus percepciones en torno al fenómeno planteado. A partir de esto, exploramos cuáles han sido las reconfiguraciones más relevantes para las y los actores judiciales en su funcionamiento cotidiano. En este sentido, los resultados a los que arribamos tienen que ver con el trabajo remoto y sus derivaciones respecto a los plazos de tramitación más breves, el incremento significativo de causas vinculadas al incumplimiento de las restricciones tomadas por el poder ejecutivo con el objetivo de evitar la propagación de la COVID-19, el paso de una gestión individual a otra colectiva de dichas causas que permitió aminorar el impacto del mayor caudal de procesos abiertos, el lugar que ocupó el secuestro de vehículos junto a la reacción de quienes padecían esos secuestros y la respuesta de la justicia propensa a considerar -especialmente las motos- como herramientas de trabajo de las personas. Como conclusión general de esta investigación, podemos señalar la importancia del trabajo en común por parte de los integrantes de la justicia penal y la búsqueda de acciones coordinadas con base a una pluralidad de compromisos en un contexto inédito como el de la pandemia.

ABSTRACT This work explores some of the changes produced within the criminal justice system as a result of the emergence of COVID-19 in Argentina, particularly in the federal courts, which were in charge of the prosecution of breaches of coronavirus-related measures taken to prevent the spread of the pandemic. A qualitative methodological approach has been adopted, based specifically on semi-structured interviews of individuals in key positions, such as heads of courts and their respective secretaries, analyzing their insights about this phenomenon. In this sense, the results we arrived at are related to remote work and its derivations regarding the shorter processing times, the significant increase in causes linked to non-compliance with the restrictions taken by the Executive Power with the aim of avoiding the spread of COVID-19, the shift from individual management to collective management of these causes, which made it possible to lessen the impact of the greater flow of open processes, the place occupied by the kidnapping of vehicles together with the reaction of those who suffered from these kidnappings, and the response of the Justice prone to consider -especially motorcycles- as people's work tools. As a general conclusion of this research, we can point out the importance of joint work by the members of criminal justice and the search for coordinated actions based on a plurality of commitments in an unprecedented context such as that of the pandemic.

RESUMO Nesse trabalho explora-se algumas das mudanças que produziu o aparecimento da COVID-19 no interior da justiça penal na Argentina, mais concretamente no seu foro federal, que foi o responsável de realizar acompanhamento das infrações as restrições que foram tomadas para evitar a propagação da pandemia. Escolhemos uma abordagem metodológica qualitativa, especificamente como entrevistas semiestruturadas aqueles que detêm cargos mais decisivos como são os titulares dos tribunais e as suas secretarias, analisando suas percepções em torno al fenômeno colocado. A partir disso, exploramos quais têm sido as reconfigurações mais importantes para os (as) autores (as) judiciais no funcionamento quotidiano. Nesse sentido, os resultado aos quais chegamos têm haver com o trabalho remoto e suas derivações respeito aos tempos de tramites mais curto, o aumento significativo das causas vinculadas ao incumprimento das restrições tomadas pelo poder executivo com o objetivo de evitar a propagação da COVID-19, o passo de uma gestão individual a uma mais coletiva dessas causas que permitiu diminuir o impacto da grande quantidade de processos abertos, o lugar que ocupou o sequestro de veículos junto a reação de quem padeciam esses sequestros e a resposta da Justiça propensa a considerar - especialmente as motos - como meio de trabalho das pessoas. Como conclusão geral dessa pesquisa podemos destacar a importância do trabalho comum de parte dos integrantes da justiça penal e a busca de ações coordenadas em base a uma pluralidade de compromissos dentro de um contexto inédito como a pandemia.

Resumen En este artículo se realiza un análisis y reflexión que pretende esclarecer el sentido de la Ley General para Prevenir y Sancionar los Delitos en Materia de Secuestro en México. El objetivo es analizar si es posible medir los avances y los pasos dados en la construcción de la democracia del país en la incorporación de los derechos fundamentales en el diseño de la política criminal del secuestro y la extensión de las garantías constitucionales a todas las personas, incluidas quienes han violado la ley. Desde la perspectiva metodológica, la presente investigación está compuesta por un elemento de orden teórico-reflexivo que, para su desarrollo, se tomó en consideración las teorías clásicas del contractualismo sobre el Estado, la perspectiva neo-constitucionalista, el ejercicio de las garantías y los derechos fundamentales de la ciudadanía, la existencia de seguridad dado que no significa necesariamente la vigencia del Estado de derecho. Además, se realiza un análisis crítico de la ley que se implementó a partir del 2010 para mitigar el delito de secuestro. Se concluye que las penas impuestas al secuestro afectan los derechos de las personas inculpadas, lo que es obvio con el endurecimiento del sistema penal.

Résumé Cet article vise à élucider le sens de la Loi Générale pour Prévenir et Sanctionner les délits d’enlèvement et de séquestration au Mexique à travers d’une analyse et une réflexion. L’objectif est d’analyser la possibilité de mesurer les progrès et les avancées avec l’incorporation des droits fondamentaux dans la construction de la démocratie du pays, dans la conception d’une politique criminelle sur la séquestration, et dans l’extension des garanties constitutionnelles à toutes les personnes, y compris celles qui ont violé la loi. Du point de vue méthodologique, cette recherche est composée par un élément d’ordre théorique-réfléchi qui a pris en considération les théories classiques du contractualisme de l’État, du néoconstitutionnalisme, de l’exercice des garanties et des droits fondamentaux de la citoyenneté, ainsi que de l’existence de la sécurité, en considérant que leur existence ne signifie pas forcément que l’État de droit est en vigueur. En outre, on a fait une analyse critique de la loi qui a été mis en œuvre à partir du 2010 pour lutter contre le délit d’enlèvement. On a conclu que les peines imposées à l’enlèvement affectent les droits des personnes accusées, ce qui est la conséquence du durcissement de la législation pénale.

Abstract This article analyzes and reflects on the meaning of the General Law to Prevent and Punish Kidnapping Crimes in Mexico. The objective is to analyze the possibility of measuring the progress and steps taken in the incorporation of fundamental rights, in the construction of the country's democracy, in the design of the criminal policy of kidnapping and the extension of constitutional guarantees to all people, including those who have violated the law. From the methodological perspective, this research is composed of a theoretical-reflective element that, for its development, took into consideration the classical theories of contractualism on the State, the neo-constitutionalist perspective, the exercise of guarantees and fundamental rights of citizenship, as well as the existence of security, since it does not necessarily mean the validity of the rule of law. In addition, a critical analysis of the law that was implemented from 2010 to mitigate the crime of kidnapping is carried out. It is concluded that the penalties imposed for kidnapping affect the rights of the accused persons, which is obvious with the tightening of the penal system.

Resumen: La figura del desaparecido como símbolo del terrorismo de Estado en Argentina ha sido profusamente abordada desde el retorno de la democracia a la actualidad. No obstante, aún existen problemas que requieren ser profundizados, tales como las actitudes sociales y la relación con el silencio en tramas locales. A partir del caso de Julio Schwartz, secuestrado en 1978 en la localidad patagónica cordillerana de El Bolsón, y valiéndome de fuentes orales y documentales diversas, este artículo expone el entramado en el que la desaparición tuvo lugar, demostrando los alcances de la dinámica represiva nacional, aun en esos rincones pretendidamente aislados.

Abstract: The figure of the disappeared as a symbol of state terrorism in Argentina has been profusely addressed since the return of democracy to the present day. However, there are still problems that have to be deepened, such as social attitudes and the relationship with silence in local plots. Based on the case of Julio Schwartz, kidnapped in 1978 in the Patagonian town of El Bolsón, and using various oral and documentary sources, this article exposes the framework in which the disappearance took place, demonstrating the scope of the national repressive dynamics, even in those supposedly isolated corners.

Resumen. Objetivo/contexto: La violencia sexual en América Latina es un tema que las historiografías nacionales han abordado con mayor intensidad desde finales del siglo xx. El presente artículo se centra en el estudio de los delitos sexuales (estupro, rapto, violación, entre otros) realizado a partir de las demandas presentadas en Yucatán por las víctimas o sus familiares, en el periodo posindependiente, entre 1830 y 1875. La documentación permite comprobar que la violencia sexual tuvo una alta incidencia en la población rural y que afectó, en mayor medida, a las niñas y mujeres mayas; asimismo, que los procedimientos penales dictaron sentencias tanto absolutorias como condenatorias. Metodología: En el artículo se revisan la bibliografía general sobre el tema y que ha modulado este enfoque, la legislación sobre delitos sexuales que estaba en vigor y se analizan fuentes primarias, especialmente expedientes judiciales depositados en el Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán. Originalidad: El artículo es un aporte necesario para dilucidar una problemática esencial que no ha sido estudiada suficientemente por la historiografía. La perspectiva de género guio este texto para desentrañar las características de estas agresiones sexuales y examinar cómo se desarrollan los procesos penales y el alcance de las sentencias competentes. Conclusiones: Por medio de la documentación examinada, es posible trazar un panorama ajustado del comportamiento de estos delitos en Yucatán después de la independencia, tener pistas de sus características, fundamentalmente para violación y estupro, y la dificultad de discernirlos. En este contexto, se pone en evidencia la labor de las matronas en los procesos judiciales como forenses de los daños físicos infligidos a las víctimas; asimismo, se observan las consecuencias familiares derivadas de estos actos y el comportamiento de las autoridades y los jueces a la hora de atender y juzgar este tipo de crímenes.

Abstract. Objective/Context: Sexual violence in Latin America is a topic that national historiographies have addressed with increased intensity since the late twentieth century. This article focuses on the study of sexual crimes (statutory rape, kidnapping, rape, among others) based on the lawsuits filed in Yucatan by the victims or their families in the post-independence period, between 1830 and 1875. The documentation shows that sexual violence had a high incidence in the rural population and affected Mayan girls and women to a greater extent. It also shows that the criminal proceedings resulted in absolution and conviction sentences. Methodology: The article reviews the general bibliography on the subject that has modulated this approach, the legislation on sexual crimes that was in force, and analyzes primary sources, especially judicial records held in the General Archive of the State of Yucatan. Originality: The article is a necessary contribution to elucidate a fundamental problem that has not been sufficiently studied by historiography. The gender perspective guided this text to unravel the characteristics of these sexual assaults and to examine how the criminal processes and the scope of the competent sentences were developed. Conclusions: Through the reviewed documentation, it is possible to draw a tight picture of the behavior of these crimes in Yucatan after independence, to have clues of their characteristics, fundamentally for rape and statutory rape, and the difficulty of discerning them. In this context, midwives’ work in the judicial processes as forensic experts on the physical damages inflicted on the victims is evidenced; likewise, the family consequences derived from these acts and the behavior of the authorities and judges when attending to and judging these crimes are observed.

Resumo. Objetivo/contexto: A violência sexual na América Latina é um tema que as historiografias nacionais têm abordado com maior intensidade desde o final do século xx. Neste artigo, centraliza-se no estudo dos delitos sexuais (estupro, sequestro, violação sexual, entre outros) realizado a partir dos processos apresentados em Yucatán, México, pelas vítimas ou seus familiares, no período pós-independente, entre 1830 e 1875. A documentação permite comprovar que a violência sexual teve alta incidência na população rural e afetou, em grande parte, meninas e mulheres maias; além disso, os procedimentos penais efetuaram decisões tanto absolutórias quanto condenatórias. Metodologia: Neste artigo, são revisadas a bibliografia geral sobre o tema, a qual deu forma a esta abordagem, e a legislação sobre crimes sexuais que estava vigente, e são analisadas fontes primárias, especialmente processos judiciais depositados no Arquivo Geral do Estado de Yucatán. Originalidade: Este artigo é uma contribuição necessária para dilucidar uma problemática essencial que não foi ainda suficientemente estudada pela historiografia. A perspectiva de gênero guiou este texto para analisar as características dessas agressões sexuais e como os processos penais e o alcance das sentenças competentes se desenvolveram. Conclusões: Por meio da documentação examinada, é possível estabelecer um panorama ajustado do comportamento desses delitos em Yucatán depois da independência, ter indícios de suas características, fundamentalmente para violação sexual e estupro, e a dificuldade de diferenciá-los. Nesse contexto, evidencia-se o trabalho das parteiras nos processos judiciais como forenses dos danos físicos transgredidos às vítimas; além disso, são observadas as consequências familiares derivadas desses atos e o comportamento das autoridades e dos juízes no momento de atender e julgar esses crimes.

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o sequestro do embaixador norte-americano no Brasil, Charles Burke Elbrick, em 1969, por integrantes da Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) e do Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro (MR-8). Ao mesmo tempo que essa ação é “reverenciada” e trazida à tona por sua ousadia e ineditismo, há certo silenciamento do que de fato o sequestro representou, não apenas no âmbito interno, mas, sobretudo, para as relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos e para a compreensão da figura de Elbrick naquele momento. A partir da análise das fontes produzidas em ambos os países, foi possível mapear os sujeitos envolvidos nas negociações, as tensões e conflitos apresentados, além da identificação de duas temporalidades distintas: os debates que aconteceram nos dias que duraram o sequestro e as discussões posteriores até o momento que o embaixador é afastado do cargo, em 1970.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the kidnapping of the US Ambassador to Brazil, Charles Burke Elbrick, in 1969, by ALN and MR-8. At the same time that this action is “revered” and brought to light by its boldness and originality, there is a certain silencing of what in fact the kidnapping represented not only internally, but, above all, for the relations between Brazil and the United States and for the understanding of the figure of Elbrick at that moment. From the analysis of the sources produced, in both countries, it was possible to map the subjects involved in the negotiations, the tensions and conflicts presented, in addition to the identification of two distinct temporalities: the debates that took place in the days that the abduction took place and the subsequent discussions until the time the Ambassador was removed from office in 1970.

Resumo: Neste ensaio filosófico, discute-se o uso superficial que tem sido feito pela academia, de um modo geral, do conceito de necropolítica do filósofo camaronês Achille Mbembe, bem como da apropriação desse conceito nas redes sociais. Expõem-se as origens filosóficas do conceito e a tradição em que ele está inserido, com indicação de fontes fundamentais para sua construção. Com isso, procura-se expor, mesmo que sumariamente, uma definição da necropolítica, ao mesmo tempo que se convoca o leitor ao estudo dos textos necessários para sua compreensão. Buscou-se problematizar, como pano de fundo, uma série de questões que atravessam hoje a academia, quando adota o pensamento decolonial e as tarefas que se encontram pela frente.

Abstract: This essay is about discussing the superficial use that the academy has made, in general, of the concept of necropolitics, from cameroonian philosopher Achile Mbembe and its use in social media. The philosophical origins of this concept are exposed along with the tradition in which it is inserted and the the bibliographic sources necessary for its construction. It seeks to expose, even briefly, a more precise definition of necropolitics, at the same time that I invite the reader to study the texts necessary for its understanding. We try to problematize, as a background, a series of issues that cross the academy today when it adopts decolonial thinking and the tasks that lie ahead.