Abstract This article is based on a qualitative methodology sustained by in-depth interviews with 76 migrant women victims of sexual slavery in Mexico selected through chain sampling. The objective is to analyse the modus operandi used by criminal groups involved in the sexual enslavement of migrant women in Mexico. Six categories of perpetrators profit from sexual slavery in Mexico: drug cartels, prostitution networks, nightclub owners, pseudo-modeling agencies, freelance slavers and boyfriendpimps. Their modus operandi involves the recruitment of victims through internet advertisements, deception, infatuation, purchase or kidnapping, and the subjugation of slaves through imprisonment, domination by means of threats, extortion, rape or torture. These groups exercise the right of ownership over the victims in order to buy, sell, abuse or kill them. Some victims are released, but most do not escape. Those who try to flee or refuse to obey the perpetrators are severely disciplined.

Resumo Este artigo baseia-se em uma metodologia qualitativa baseada em entrevistas em profundidade com 76 mulheres migrantes vítimas de escravidão sexual no México, selecionadas por meio de amostragem em cadeia. O objetivo é analisar o modus operandi usado por grupos criminosos envolvidos na escravidão sexual de mulheres migrantes no México. Seis categorias de perpetradores lucram com a escravidão sexual no México: cartéis de drogas, redes de prostituição, donos de boates, pseudoagências de modelos, escravizadores freelancers e “namoradocafetão”. Seu modus operandi implica o recrutamento de vítimas por meio de anúncios na internet, engano, conquista, compra ou sequestro, e a subjugação das escravas por meio de prisão, da dominação por meio de ameaças, da extorsão, do estupro ou da tortura. Esses grupos exercem o direito de propriedade sobre as vítimas para comprá-las, vendê-las, abusá-las ou matá-las. Algumas vítimas são libertadas, mas a maioria não consegue escapar. Aquelas que tentam fugir ou se recusam a obedecer aos vitimários são severamente punidas.

Resumen Este artículo está basado en una metodología cualitativa sustentada en entrevistas (Anexo 1) en profundidad con 76 mujeres migrantes víctimas de esclavitud sexual en México seleccionadas por el procedimiento del muestreo en cadena. El objetivo es analizar los modus operandi utilizados por los grupos criminales involucrados en México en la esclavitud sexual de mujeres migrantes. Seis categorías de victimarios se lucran en México con la esclavitud sexual: los cárteles de las drogas, las redes de prostitución, los propietarios de locales nocturnos, las seudoagencias de modelos, los esclavistas freelancers y los novios-padrotes. Sus modus operandi implican la captación de las víctimas mediante anuncios en internet, el engaño, el enamoramiento, la compra o el secuestro, y el sometimiento de las esclavas haciendo uso de la reclusión, la dominación por medio de amenazas, la extorsión, la violación o la tortura. Estos grupos ejercen el derecho de propiedad sobre las víctimas para comprarlas, venderlas, maltratarlas o quitarles la vida. Algunas víctimas son liberadas; pero la mayor parte no logran escapar. Quienes tratan de huir o se niegan a obedecer a los victimarios son disciplinadas de modo severo.

Abstract This article discusses issues related to various initiatives for the platformization of teaching work in the current context. The study consists of an empirical effort to locate and compare digital teaching platforms, and proposes a critical analysis supported by a relevant bibliographic and analytical body. The main objective is to show, through a systematized analysis, how the kidnapping and precarization of teaching work via digital teaching platforms can occur. These operations are concealed by a neoliberal semantics that seeks to confer soothed idiomatic meaning associations (autonomy, entrepreneurship etc.) on a process in which those who work for or under the control of digital platforms end up being harmed. context body show occur autonomy, autonomy (autonomy etc. etc harmed

Resumo Este artigo discute questões relativas às diversas iniciativas de plataformização do trabalho docente no contexto atual. O trabalho consiste num esforço empírico de localização e cotejamento de plataformas digitais de ensino, propondo, também, uma análise crítica sustentada por corpo bibliográfico e analítico pertinente. O principal objetivo é indicar, por meio de uma análise sistematizada, como podem se operar, via plataformas digitais de ensino, o sequestro e a precarização do trabalho docente, dissimulado por uma semântica neoliberal que busca conferir edulcoradas associações de sentido idiomático (autonomia, empreendedorismo, etc.) a um processo em que aqueles que trabalham para ou sob o controle das plataformas digitais acabam sendo prejudicados. atual ensino propondo também pertinente indicar sistematizada operar autonomia, autonomia (autonomia empreendedorismo etc. etc prejudicados

RESUMEN Es necesario profundizar en la investigación pedagógica en las ciencias médicas, a fin de que las publicaciones compilen evidencias científicas y experiencias derivadas del ejercicio docente para crear una didáctica particular que perfeccione el proceso enseñanza aprendizaje y siente las bases para el posterior desarrollo de los métodos de trabajo en las profesiones en salud. Es propósito de estos autores comunicar sobre la conformación de un manual de redacción, en cuyas páginas encontrarán los interesados en incursionar en el cambiante mundo de las publicaciones, una guía metodológica detallada que les permitirá mejorar su desempeño durante el proceso de construcción y envío de sus artículos a través de las plataformas de revistas en acceso abierto; además, alerta sobre la ética en la publicación científica y el riesgo de publicar en revistas depredadoras y secuestradoras.

ABSTRACT It is necessary to deepen pedagogical research in the medical sciences, so that publications compile scientific evidence and experiences derived from teaching to create a particular didactics that perfects the teaching-learning process and lays the foundations for the subsequent development of teaching methods. work in the health professions. It is the purpose of these authors to communicate about the creation of a writing manual, in whose pages those interested in entering the changing world of publications will find a detailed methodological guide that will allow them to improve their performance during the process of construction and submission of their articles through open access journal platforms; Furthermore, it warns about ethics in scientific publication and the risk of publishing in predatory and kidnapping journals.

There are continued quests to achieve and maintain peace and security in the world, with special reference to Nigeria. However, in her history, sustainable peace and security have not been wholesomely consolidated. Nigeria is one of the crises-ridden nations in the world as indicated by the intensifying issues of insecurity, corruption, religious intolerance, multi-faceted ethnic groups, poor economy, poverty, poor education, unemployment, kidnapping cases, leadership, and political interests. Although, the federal and state governments as well as other external and internal agencies and Nigerian citizens may or may not be making adequate efforts to ensure peace and security in Nigeria, the bordering question is whether Nigeria, as a country, ever can achieve sustainable peace and security. The study adopted the exegetical design. This design involves descriptive, analytical, and hermeneutical research exercises related to the exegesis of the studied text, as well as the application of the lessons drawn from the exegesis to the theological and social issues being studied. The study employed the social-scientific method of biblical criticism to study 1 Thessalonians 5:3 and applied its findings to the issue of the world with special focus on Nigeria seeking peace and security, though worldly. This study explored the Nigerian quests for εἰρήνη and ἀσφάλεια, and unveiled the sociological and the Pauline theological insights to the causes and the theological implications of 1 Thessalonians 5:3 to the crises of peace and security in Nigeria. This study found that, like the rest of the world, Nigeria is one of the nations that is in desperate need for peace and security and hence, although worldly, is engaged in the quest for peace and security. In fulfilment of the prophetic utterance of Paul, the world has kept on questing for peace and security; however, achieving and consolidating sustainable peace and security appear to be an illusion. Although worldly, Nigeria is one of the nations in the world that is questing for peace and security. However, the disciples of Jesus should understand that it is in Jesus that they could be bequeathed wholesome, sustainable, and transcending peace and security. CONTRIBUTION: This study unveiled that the 1st-century social-context and Paul's theology reveal the root causes of the crises of peace and security in the world, with particular reference to Nigeria. This study advances Paul's theology that, although the world will keep talking about peace and security, εἰρήνη and ἀσφάλεια are obtained through identification with God through Jesus.

Resumen Es preciso entender el carácter interconectado que existe entre las diferentes expresiones de violencia en México, como el secuestro o desaparición forzada y el desplazamiento forzado interno. Al analizar dichas interconexiones, se comprenderá el panorama complejo, en donde las violencias mueven los cuerpos y las subjetividades a través de un camino sinuoso de terror e impunidad. En el siguiente artículo, realizo una exploración de los conceptos de desaparición y desplazamiento forzado, rastreando sus genealogías, especialmente en América Latina. Indico que además de la desaparición forzada, tipificada por las Naciones Unidas y que señala la autoría del Estado, en México también hay desaparición de personas por parte del crimen organizado (en ocasiones en colusión con el Estado). Me aproximo al tema desde una visión etnográfica y con base en los testimonios o relatos de vida y lucha de dos mujeres -originarias de Guerrero y Veracruz respectivamente- y trazo el cúmulo de violencias que han padecido sus seres queridos y ellas mismas. Sitúo este análisis en el marco de un continuum de violencias (Scheper-Hughes y Bourgois 2004) o bien de entramados de violencia, mostrando así, la naturaleza interconectada de violencias que a menudo son analizadas por separado, pero vividas de manera simultánea y continua a lo largo del tiempo, como son la desaparición, el feminicidio, el asesinato, el secuestro y el desplazamiento forzado interno. Además, indago las luchas, las resistencias y la participación de estas dos mujeres en colectivos de familiares de desaparecidos y el impacto que ha tenido en ellas la experiencia organizativa y como buscadoras de sus seres amados.

Abstract It is essential to comprehend the interconnected nature of different forms of violence in Mexico, such as kidnapping or forced disappearance of persons and forced internal displacement. Mapping these connections enhances a more complex understanding, in which violence moves bodies and subjectivities along a sinuous road of terror and impunity. In the following article, I undertake an analysis of the concepts of (forced) disappearance and forced internal displacement, tracking their genealogies particularly in Latin America. I suggest that as well as forced disappearance -typified by the United Nations which includes the responsibility of the state- in Mexico disappearance is also practiced by organized crime (at times, in collusion with the State). I approach the issue from an ethnographical viewpoint, based on testimonies or stories of the lives and struggles of two women -from Guerrero and Veracruz respectively. I understand that these illustrate Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois’ notion of a continuum of violence (2004), or appear as webs of violence. Thus, I trace the continuum of violences they and their loved ones have encountered. In this way, I show the interconnected nature of violences which are often studied separately -though experienced simultaneously- such as disappearance, femicide, extrajudicial killing and forced internal displacement. I also trace the struggles, resistances and participation of the two women in collectives of relatives of the disappeared and the impacts these organizational experiences have had on them in the search for their missing kin.

Resumen El artículo aborda la denuncia que José Enrique Rodó presenta en su Ariel (1900) acerca de la “nordomanía” latinoamericana. Luego de especificar por qué Rodó veía en esta actitud un problema, se reconstruyen algunas de sus premisas ligadas a la atención, con el propósito de evaluar en qué sentido aquella denuncia puede aún significar algo importante para la crítica de nuestro tiempo. Mostrando, en primer lugar, que la “nordomanía” esconde en su interior un ideal ligado a la soberanía de la atención (tanto personal como colectiva), y en segundo lugar, que varias dinámicas económicas y políticas de nuestro tiempo giran en torno al secuestro de la atención, se concluye que aquella denuncia de Rodó cala hondo en nuestro siglo XXI al ayudarnos a iluminar las dificultades que persisten en la tarea de reorientar nuestra mirada hacia nosotros mismos y construir, desde allí, otras formas de soberanía (políticas, académicas y económicas).

Abstract The article addresses the denunciation that José Enrique Rodó presents in his Ariel (1900) about Latin American “northmania”. After specifying why Rodó saw in this attitude a problem, the article reconstructs some of its fundamental premises linked to attention, with the purpose of evaluating in what sense that denunciation can still mean something important for the criticism of our time. Showing, firstly, that Rodonian “northmania” seems to hide within it an ideal linked to the sovereignty of attention (both personal and collective), and secondly, that various economic and political dynamics of our time revolve around the kidnapping or abduction of attention. To concluded, in the end, that Rodóʼs denunciation continues to penetrate deep into our twenty-first century by helping us to illuminate the difficulties that persist in the task of reorient our gaze towards ourselves and build, from there, other forms of sovereignty (political, academic and economic).

Resumen: Esta investigación, sustentada en entrevistas cualitativas realizadas entre 2014 y 2022 con 36 mujeres migrantes centroamericanas capturadas por cárteles de la droga cuando transitaban por México, tiene como objetivo examinar los diferentes repertorios que utilizan estas organizaciones criminales para captar, explotar y someter a las víctimas a una situación de esclavitud sexual. Se concluye que estos grupos delictivos han desarrollado cuatro repertorios diferentes, que tienen como propósito domeñar el cuerpo y mente de las esclavas hasta lograr una total sumisión: el secuestro, el engaño, la captación en el país de origen y la extorsión. En estas organizaciones los roles de víctima y victimario son intercambiables, y las mujeres esclavizadas no son siempre víctimas pasivas, sino que algunas se rescatan a sí mismas utilizando tanto la astucia como la fuerza bruta.

Abstract: This paper, based on qualitative interviews realized between 2014 and 2022 with 36 Central American migrant women captured by drug cartels when they transited through Mexico, aims to examine the different repertories used by criminal organizations to capture, exploit, and subject the victims to a condition of sexual slavery. It is concluded that criminal groups have developed four different repertories, which aim to tame the body and mind of the slaves to achieve total submission: kidnapping, deception, recruitment in the country of origin and extortion. Inside these organizations the roles of victim and perpetrator are interchangeable, and enslaved women are not always passive victims, but some rescue themselves using both astuteness and brute force.

This article investigates the challenges of the application of international law in a domestic setting as depicted in the ongoing trial of Thomas Kwoyelo. Kwoyelo, a former child soldier and commander in the Lord's Resistance Army, is being prosecuted for the commission inter alia of murder, kidnapping with intent to murder, and pillaging, all as war crimes and crimes against humanity under International Humanitarian Law, Customary International Law and the Penal Code Act of Uganda. He is currently standing trial at the International Crimes Division of the High Court of Uganda. This trial is a unique test for the Ugandan judiciary, as it is faced with its first prosecution of an individual charged with crimes under international law. In a bid to apply international law domestically the Court has faced several challenges which have disabled the progress of the trial on many levels, arguably at the expense of the accused and the victims at large. The article primarily seeks to analyse the capability of the court to prosecute Kwoyelo for the commission of international crimes as well as to examine the challenges faced by the Court. The history of the conflict will be examined. This will be followed by an overview of the judicial hurdles faced by the Ugandan State in eventually charging Kwoyelo. The article will then analyse the present challenges faced by the Court. Finally, several recommendations are offered.

Abstract This article analyzes and reflects on the meaning of the General Law to Prevent and Punish Kidnapping Crimes in Mexico. The objective is to analyze the possibility of measuring the progress and steps taken in the incorporation of fundamental rights, in the construction of the country's democracy, in the design of the criminal policy of kidnapping and the extension of constitutional guarantees to all people, including those who have violated the law. From the methodological perspective, this research is composed of a theoretical-reflective element that, for its development, took into consideration the classical theories of contractualism on the State, the neo-constitutionalist perspective, the exercise of guarantees and fundamental rights of citizenship, as well as the existence of security, since it does not necessarily mean the validity of the rule of law. In addition, a critical analysis of the law that was implemented from 2010 to mitigate the crime of kidnapping is carried out. It is concluded that the penalties imposed for kidnapping affect the rights of the accused persons, which is obvious with the tightening of the penal system.

Resumen En este artículo se realiza un análisis y reflexión que pretende esclarecer el sentido de la Ley General para Prevenir y Sancionar los Delitos en Materia de Secuestro en México. El objetivo es analizar si es posible medir los avances y los pasos dados en la construcción de la democracia del país en la incorporación de los derechos fundamentales en el diseño de la política criminal del secuestro y la extensión de las garantías constitucionales a todas las personas, incluidas quienes han violado la ley. Desde la perspectiva metodológica, la presente investigación está compuesta por un elemento de orden teórico-reflexivo que, para su desarrollo, se tomó en consideración las teorías clásicas del contractualismo sobre el Estado, la perspectiva neo-constitucionalista, el ejercicio de las garantías y los derechos fundamentales de la ciudadanía, la existencia de seguridad dado que no significa necesariamente la vigencia del Estado de derecho. Además, se realiza un análisis crítico de la ley que se implementó a partir del 2010 para mitigar el delito de secuestro. Se concluye que las penas impuestas al secuestro afectan los derechos de las personas inculpadas, lo que es obvio con el endurecimiento del sistema penal.

Résumé Cet article vise à élucider le sens de la Loi Générale pour Prévenir et Sanctionner les délits d’enlèvement et de séquestration au Mexique à travers d’une analyse et une réflexion. L’objectif est d’analyser la possibilité de mesurer les progrès et les avancées avec l’incorporation des droits fondamentaux dans la construction de la démocratie du pays, dans la conception d’une politique criminelle sur la séquestration, et dans l’extension des garanties constitutionnelles à toutes les personnes, y compris celles qui ont violé la loi. Du point de vue méthodologique, cette recherche est composée par un élément d’ordre théorique-réfléchi qui a pris en considération les théories classiques du contractualisme de l’État, du néoconstitutionnalisme, de l’exercice des garanties et des droits fondamentaux de la citoyenneté, ainsi que de l’existence de la sécurité, en considérant que leur existence ne signifie pas forcément que l’État de droit est en vigueur. En outre, on a fait une analyse critique de la loi qui a été mis en œuvre à partir du 2010 pour lutter contre le délit d’enlèvement. On a conclu que les peines imposées à l’enlèvement affectent les droits des personnes accusées, ce qui est la conséquence du durcissement de la législation pénale.

Resumen: La figura del desaparecido como símbolo del terrorismo de Estado en Argentina ha sido profusamente abordada desde el retorno de la democracia a la actualidad. No obstante, aún existen problemas que requieren ser profundizados, tales como las actitudes sociales y la relación con el silencio en tramas locales. A partir del caso de Julio Schwartz, secuestrado en 1978 en la localidad patagónica cordillerana de El Bolsón, y valiéndome de fuentes orales y documentales diversas, este artículo expone el entramado en el que la desaparición tuvo lugar, demostrando los alcances de la dinámica represiva nacional, aun en esos rincones pretendidamente aislados.

Abstract: The figure of the disappeared as a symbol of state terrorism in Argentina has been profusely addressed since the return of democracy to the present day. However, there are still problems that have to be deepened, such as social attitudes and the relationship with silence in local plots. Based on the case of Julio Schwartz, kidnapped in 1978 in the Patagonian town of El Bolsón, and using various oral and documentary sources, this article exposes the framework in which the disappearance took place, demonstrating the scope of the national repressive dynamics, even in those supposedly isolated corners.

Resumen. Objetivo/contexto: La violencia sexual en América Latina es un tema que las historiografías nacionales han abordado con mayor intensidad desde finales del siglo xx. El presente artículo se centra en el estudio de los delitos sexuales (estupro, rapto, violación, entre otros) realizado a partir de las demandas presentadas en Yucatán por las víctimas o sus familiares, en el periodo posindependiente, entre 1830 y 1875. La documentación permite comprobar que la violencia sexual tuvo una alta incidencia en la población rural y que afectó, en mayor medida, a las niñas y mujeres mayas; asimismo, que los procedimientos penales dictaron sentencias tanto absolutorias como condenatorias. Metodología: En el artículo se revisan la bibliografía general sobre el tema y que ha modulado este enfoque, la legislación sobre delitos sexuales que estaba en vigor y se analizan fuentes primarias, especialmente expedientes judiciales depositados en el Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán. Originalidad: El artículo es un aporte necesario para dilucidar una problemática esencial que no ha sido estudiada suficientemente por la historiografía. La perspectiva de género guio este texto para desentrañar las características de estas agresiones sexuales y examinar cómo se desarrollan los procesos penales y el alcance de las sentencias competentes. Conclusiones: Por medio de la documentación examinada, es posible trazar un panorama ajustado del comportamiento de estos delitos en Yucatán después de la independencia, tener pistas de sus características, fundamentalmente para violación y estupro, y la dificultad de discernirlos. En este contexto, se pone en evidencia la labor de las matronas en los procesos judiciales como forenses de los daños físicos infligidos a las víctimas; asimismo, se observan las consecuencias familiares derivadas de estos actos y el comportamiento de las autoridades y los jueces a la hora de atender y juzgar este tipo de crímenes.

Abstract. Objective/Context: Sexual violence in Latin America is a topic that national historiographies have addressed with increased intensity since the late twentieth century. This article focuses on the study of sexual crimes (statutory rape, kidnapping, rape, among others) based on the lawsuits filed in Yucatan by the victims or their families in the post-independence period, between 1830 and 1875. The documentation shows that sexual violence had a high incidence in the rural population and affected Mayan girls and women to a greater extent. It also shows that the criminal proceedings resulted in absolution and conviction sentences. Methodology: The article reviews the general bibliography on the subject that has modulated this approach, the legislation on sexual crimes that was in force, and analyzes primary sources, especially judicial records held in the General Archive of the State of Yucatan. Originality: The article is a necessary contribution to elucidate a fundamental problem that has not been sufficiently studied by historiography. The gender perspective guided this text to unravel the characteristics of these sexual assaults and to examine how the criminal processes and the scope of the competent sentences were developed. Conclusions: Through the reviewed documentation, it is possible to draw a tight picture of the behavior of these crimes in Yucatan after independence, to have clues of their characteristics, fundamentally for rape and statutory rape, and the difficulty of discerning them. In this context, midwives’ work in the judicial processes as forensic experts on the physical damages inflicted on the victims is evidenced; likewise, the family consequences derived from these acts and the behavior of the authorities and judges when attending to and judging these crimes are observed.

Resumo. Objetivo/contexto: A violência sexual na América Latina é um tema que as historiografias nacionais têm abordado com maior intensidade desde o final do século xx. Neste artigo, centraliza-se no estudo dos delitos sexuais (estupro, sequestro, violação sexual, entre outros) realizado a partir dos processos apresentados em Yucatán, México, pelas vítimas ou seus familiares, no período pós-independente, entre 1830 e 1875. A documentação permite comprovar que a violência sexual teve alta incidência na população rural e afetou, em grande parte, meninas e mulheres maias; além disso, os procedimentos penais efetuaram decisões tanto absolutórias quanto condenatórias. Metodologia: Neste artigo, são revisadas a bibliografia geral sobre o tema, a qual deu forma a esta abordagem, e a legislação sobre crimes sexuais que estava vigente, e são analisadas fontes primárias, especialmente processos judiciais depositados no Arquivo Geral do Estado de Yucatán. Originalidade: Este artigo é uma contribuição necessária para dilucidar uma problemática essencial que não foi ainda suficientemente estudada pela historiografia. A perspectiva de gênero guiou este texto para analisar as características dessas agressões sexuais e como os processos penais e o alcance das sentenças competentes se desenvolveram. Conclusões: Por meio da documentação examinada, é possível estabelecer um panorama ajustado do comportamento desses delitos em Yucatán depois da independência, ter indícios de suas características, fundamentalmente para violação sexual e estupro, e a dificuldade de diferenciá-los. Nesse contexto, evidencia-se o trabalho das parteiras nos processos judiciais como forenses dos danos físicos transgredidos às vítimas; além disso, são observadas as consequências familiares derivadas desses atos e o comportamento das autoridades e dos juízes no momento de atender e julgar esses crimes.

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o sequestro do embaixador norte-americano no Brasil, Charles Burke Elbrick, em 1969, por integrantes da Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) e do Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro (MR-8). Ao mesmo tempo que essa ação é “reverenciada” e trazida à tona por sua ousadia e ineditismo, há certo silenciamento do que de fato o sequestro representou, não apenas no âmbito interno, mas, sobretudo, para as relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos e para a compreensão da figura de Elbrick naquele momento. A partir da análise das fontes produzidas em ambos os países, foi possível mapear os sujeitos envolvidos nas negociações, as tensões e conflitos apresentados, além da identificação de duas temporalidades distintas: os debates que aconteceram nos dias que duraram o sequestro e as discussões posteriores até o momento que o embaixador é afastado do cargo, em 1970.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the kidnapping of the US Ambassador to Brazil, Charles Burke Elbrick, in 1969, by ALN and MR-8. At the same time that this action is “revered” and brought to light by its boldness and originality, there is a certain silencing of what in fact the kidnapping represented not only internally, but, above all, for the relations between Brazil and the United States and for the understanding of the figure of Elbrick at that moment. From the analysis of the sources produced, in both countries, it was possible to map the subjects involved in the negotiations, the tensions and conflicts presented, in addition to the identification of two distinct temporalities: the debates that took place in the days that the abduction took place and the subsequent discussions until the time the Ambassador was removed from office in 1970.

Resumo: Neste ensaio filosófico, discute-se o uso superficial que tem sido feito pela academia, de um modo geral, do conceito de necropolítica do filósofo camaronês Achille Mbembe, bem como da apropriação desse conceito nas redes sociais. Expõem-se as origens filosóficas do conceito e a tradição em que ele está inserido, com indicação de fontes fundamentais para sua construção. Com isso, procura-se expor, mesmo que sumariamente, uma definição da necropolítica, ao mesmo tempo que se convoca o leitor ao estudo dos textos necessários para sua compreensão. Buscou-se problematizar, como pano de fundo, uma série de questões que atravessam hoje a academia, quando adota o pensamento decolonial e as tarefas que se encontram pela frente.

Abstract: This essay is about discussing the superficial use that the academy has made, in general, of the concept of necropolitics, from cameroonian philosopher Achile Mbembe and its use in social media. The philosophical origins of this concept are exposed along with the tradition in which it is inserted and the the bibliographic sources necessary for its construction. It seeks to expose, even briefly, a more precise definition of necropolitics, at the same time that I invite the reader to study the texts necessary for its understanding. We try to problematize, as a background, a series of issues that cross the academy today when it adopts decolonial thinking and the tasks that lie ahead.

Resumen Es innegable que el crimen en México aumenta y sin duda alguna, para frenarlo son necesarias políticas públicas empíricamente argumentadas. La investigación busca dar respuesta a tres interrogantes fundamentales sobre el crimen en el estado de Tabasco: ¿Existen patrones en la conducta delictiva? ¿Cuál es su tendencia? ¿Cómo caracterizarla durante las últimas décadas? Para responderlos se recurre a la estadística descriptiva, la georreferenciación y al análisis de series de tiempo (1997-2018) para identificar los patrones subyacentes. Villahermosa o El Centro, la ciudad capital del estado, ha sido, es y seguirá siendo una de las ciudades más inseguras del país, de no tomarse decisiones radicales para inhibir las tasas delictivas. En la actualidad, el secuestro y el abigeato son las modalidades delincuenciales que afectan, de gran modo, las actividades económicas de la región e inhiben emprendimientos de desarrollo de parte de cualquier actor económico.

Abstract Crime is raising in Mexico and for stopping it, public policies empirically supported are demanded. This research answered three main questions about the crime in the state of Tabasco: Is there any pattern in criminal behavior? How is its tendency? And, can we characterize it along the last decades? In order to answer them, descriptive statistics, georeferencing and time series analysis (1997-2018) were used to identify underlying patterns. Villahermosa or El Centro (the state capital city) has been, it is, and it would be one of the most insecure cities in Mexico unless authorities make radical decisions to inhibit crime rates. Nowadays, kidnapping and rustler are the criminal modalities that greatly alter the main economic activities of the region and inhibit any economic actor’s entrepreneurships.

Resumo A criminalidade no México está aumentando, sem dúvida, políticas públicas empiricamente discutidas são necessárias para coibir esta situação. A pesquisa busca responder a três questões essenciais sobre o crime no estado de Tabasco: ¿Há esquemas na conduta delitiva? ¿Qual é a sua tendência? ¿Como caracterizá-la nas últimas décadas? Para respondê-las foram utilizadas a estadística descritiva, a georreferenciamento e a análise de séries temporais (1997-2018) para identificar patrões subjacentes. Villahermosa ou El Centro, a cidade capital do estado, tem sido, é e continuará sendo uma das cidades, mais inseguras do país, se não forem tomadas decisões radicais para inibir os níveis criminais. Hoje, o sequestro y o abigeato são as modalidades criminosas que, estão a afetar as atividades económicas da região, além de inibir o empreendedorismo do qualquer ator económico.

Abstract: While migration has been occurring since ancient times, the involvement of organized crime in intercepting and obstructing this movement of people has become a much more pronounced phenomenon in recent years. The present article specifically focuses on Central American migration in transit through Mexico to explain that “the war on drugs” was a key factor in the increased violence and crime perpetuated against migrants. Under this premise, the article explains that the intensification of the battle against drug traf-ficking groups generated an unprecedented level of generalized violence. The second section uses documentary analysis to discuss the impact of the war on drugs on the human rights of migrants. Qualitative comparative analysis (qca) is used in the third section to determine the variables present in the criminality manifested against this population and identify its causes. The present paper concludes that undocumented migrants in transit through Mexico are collateral victims of the fight against organized crime.

Resumen: La migración se ha suscitado desde la antigüedad, sin embargo, que la delincuencia organizada intercepte y obstruya este tránsito resulta un fenómeno de mayor contundencia en la actualidad. Este artículo estudia específicamente la migración centroamericana en tránsito por México, para explicar que “la guerra contra las drogas” fue un factor preponderante en el aumento de la violencia y las transgresiones contra estos migrantes. Bajo esta premisa, el artículo explica que la intensificación del combate contra grupos narcotraficantes generó una violencia generalizada, sin precedentes. A través del análisis documental, en su segunda parte, discute los impactos de la narco-guerra en los derechos humanos de los migrantes. La tercera parte emplea el análisis comparativo cualitativo (qca) para determinar las variables presentes en la criminalidad contra esta población y comprobar las causales de este fenómeno. Se concluye que los migrantes indocumentados en tránsito por México son víctimas colaterales de una lucha contra la delincuencia organizada.