Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden and Macmillan played crucial roles in the Suez crisis, which had significant repercussions for the Middle East and the global balance of power. However, none of them entirely escaped the crisis unscathed. Eisenhower viewed containment of communism as his primary objective. He believed that it was untenable for the USA to identify with Britain's colonial past. Dulles rarely lost sight of the colonial dimension during the crisis. Ultimately, the crisis had a significant impact on Britain's international standing, confirming its status as a second-rate nation and revealing its waning status as a global power. As the international aspect of decolonisation was crucial for Macmillan to address, he pursued withdrawal from Africa as a vital objective to maintain and expand Britain's status as a powerful nation. He was unable to eradicate the stigma associated with the fact that Britain was a colonial power. His efforts to strengthen the status of Britain as a significant power through the Commonwealth were similarly ineffectual. The importance of British colonialism had attained its pinnacle. In some quarters, it was believed that Macmillan had always played a dubious role targeting Eden's removal as prime minister. Reasons for these apparent misrepresentations remain a matter of conjecture. The most favourable interpretation was that he attempted to use his association with Eisenhower from World War II to bolster Eden's domestic position against cabinet opponents. Alternately, he may have led Eden intentionally into a political catastrophe from which he expected to profit. He was the ultimate beneficiary of Suez. Macmillan was involved in all of the crucial decisions during the crisis and may have had greater intent than Eden to bring down Nasser. Added to the suspicions about Macmillan's behaviour was his reluctance, if not outright refusal, to formally evaluate Suez that prompted him to collaborate closely with the Cabinet Office in order to authorise ministerial memoirs and official publications that were required to be submitted to him prior to publication. As it involved extremely delicate concerns of foreign and domestic politics, he ruled that nothing could be published regarding Suez without his permission. In his ruthless and violent pursuit of vindication, it was common knowledge that Eden disregarded the norms of confidentiality. His conservative administration was fatally undermined by internal discord. Suez ruined him politically, materially and emotionally. Eden made the final decision to invade Egypt without extensive consultation with his cabinet, without playing open cards with the United States, and while keeping members of the Commonwealth in the dark. Suez remained a highly visible and fiercely contested issue in British academic, media and political circles, and a parliamentary campaign continued as new publications, radio and television programmes addressed new aspects of the issue. The crisis resulted in moral defeat and diplomatic catastrophe for the two former colonial powers. Their authority and prestige among Arab powers were irreparably harmed. They were now dependent on Israel, the youngest and most rapidly expanding military power in the Middle East. The crisis had an enduring effect on the international relations of France. Mollet, the French premier, disapproved of Nasser's support for Algerian insurgents who presented France with substantial challenges and even posed a threat to its political stability. Following the collapse of the Fourth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle was elected president of France. He held his own opinion about France's indispensable role in international affairs. Nasser was at ease within the Soviet sphere of influence due to hostility and vilification from the West. The Soviet Union and its allies took advantage of the concurrent Hungarian insurrection to condemn Western imperialism, thereby diverting global attention away from their own brutality in Hungary. Nasser emerged from the crisis with distinction owing to his Pan-Arab nationalism and neutrality. It allowed him to strengthen his position as an advocate for the Arab cause and decolonisation. The new realities, which the West encountered in the Middle East, turned out to be the decline of colonialism and the rise of nationalism.

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden en Macmillan was instrumenteel tydens die Suezkrisis wat beduidende implikasies vir die Midde-Ooste en die globale magsbalans meegebring het, maar nie een van hulle het heeltemal ongeskonde uit die krisis gekom nie. Eisenhower het die inperking van kommunisme as sy hoogste prioriteit geag en het Brittanje se koloniale erfenis as onhoudbaar beskou, en Dulles het die koloniale dimensie dikwels opgehaal. Brittanje se dalende status as 'n wêreldmoondheid is blootgelê en as 'n tweederangse moondheid bevestig. Die feit dat Brittanje 'n koloniale mag was, het 'n stigma gelaat waaraan Eden en Macmillan weinig kon doen. Dit was alombekend dat Eden die reëls van geheimhouding verontagsaam het in sy meedoënlose en bloedige strewe na regverdiging. Wat Eden se konserwatiewe regering noodlottig ondermyn het, was die onenigheid in sy eie geledere. Hyself was polities, fisies en emosioneel deur Suez verpletter. Macmillan het uit die wrak van Suez getree om 'n gedemoraliseerde Konserwatiewe Party te lei en 'n land wat nog in die dieptes van vertwyfeling verkeer het. Frankryk was diep gegrief oor Nasser se steun aan rebelle in Algerië. Die nagevolge van die krisis het die agteruitgang van Europese kolonialisme beklemtoon en 'n blywende impak op Frankryk se internasionale verhoudings gehad. Algerië het ontsaglike probleme vir Frankryk veroorsaak en selfs sy politieke stabiliteit bedreig.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.

Resumo Em 1603, após uma batalha naval no estreito de Malaca, a carraca portuguesa Santa Catarina foi capturada por navios da Companhia Unida das Índias Orientais e levada para as Províncias Unidas, onde todo o seu rico espólio foi vendido em hasta pública. O episódio despoletou uma tese escrita pelo jurista holandês Hugo Grotius, justificando a justeza do apresamento, numa construção que refutava as pretensões portuguesas que consideravam o mar como domínio próprio. O texto de Grotius foi celebrado como esteio do Direito Marítimo Internacional, fundado no princípio da liberdade dos mares. Contudo, a argumentação de Grotius e as reações que suscitou devem ser enquadradas como expressão da geopolítica europeia no século XVII. Propõe-se neste artigo olhar para esta guerra de livros como um prolongamento da comunicação política no seio da respublica christiana, na disputa de supremacias para assegurar interesses comerciais a nível regional e global.

Abstract In 1603, after a naval battle in the Strait of Malacca, the Portuguese caravel Santa Catarina was captured by ships of the United East India Company and taken to the United Provinces, where all the rich booty was sold at public auction. The episode triggered a thesis written by Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius, justifying the justness of the seizure, in a construction that refuted the Portuguese claims that considered the sea as their own domain. Grotius’ text was celebrated as the mainstay of International Maritime Law, based on the principle of freedom of the seas. However, Grotius’ arguments and the reactions it provoked should be framed as an expression of European geopolitics in the 17th century. This article proposes a look at this battle of books as an extension of the political communication that took place within the respublica christiana, in the struggle for supremacies to secure regional and global trade interests.

Resumen El siguiente artículo propone analizar en tres secciones la forma en que la masonería logró abrirse paso en el Dar al-islam como parte de la expansión imperialista europea, la cual tuvo sus primeras expresiones en el siglo XVIII y se logró asentar en el siglo XIX. La primera sección tiene como objetivo establecer el vínculo entre masonería e imperialismo, la segunda se aboca a profundizar sobre las transformaciones estructurales internas que sufre el Dar al-islam ante el desafío imperialista europeo, y finalmente en la tercera sección se analiza la manera en que la masonería buscó establecerse en el mundo islámico generando toda una reflexión sobre sus orígenes místicos y asociativos frente a los universos culturales islámicos que se consideraron similares a los de la masonería.

Abstract The following article analyzes in three sections the way in which freemasonry managed to break through in Dar al-islam as part of the European imperialist expansion, which had its first expressions in the 18th century and reached its apogee in the 19th century. The first section aims to establish the link between freemasonry and imperialism, the second focuses on the internal structural transformations suffered by Dar al-islam facing the European imperialist challenge, and finally, the third section analyzes how freemasonry sought to establish itself in the Islamic world, reflecting on its mystical and associative origins based on the references to Islamic cultural practices that were regarded as similar to those of freemasonry.

RESUMO O presente artigo estabelece um diálogo entre os processos de avaliação externa de larga escala e de avaliação institucional participativa, a partir da análise de quatro modelos de avaliação à luz de categorias consideradas importantes dentro da lógica emancipatória vista como contraposta à lógica mercadológica. Com isso, propõe-se uma forma de análise dos modelos avaliativos que, longe de ser norteada pelas díades quantitativo/qualitativo, externo/interno, filie-se à lógica emancipatória. Por fim, discute-se a importância de eleger indicadores de qualidade coerentes à epistemologia decolonial, construindo rotas de fuga a uma leitura de qualidade educacional ainda marcada pelo imperialismo cultural e econômico. Trata-se, pois, de um trabalho contra regulatório que subsidiará a reflexão e ação dos profissionais da educação, devidamente articuladas com as forças vivas da escola e expressas num pacto de qualidade negociado, responsavelmente administrado em nome de um futuro comprometido com a justiça social. participativa mercadológica isso propõese propõe se quantitativoqualitativo quantitativo qualitativo quantitativo/qualitativo externointerno externo interno externo/interno filiese filie fim discutese discute decolonial econômico Tratase, Tratase Trata se, Trata-se pois educação negociado social

ABSTRACT This article establishes a dialogue between the processes of large-scale evaluation and participatory institutional evaluation, based on the analysis of four evaluation models in the light of categories considered important within the emancipatory logic, seen as opposed to the managerial logic. We propose a form of analysis of evaluation models that, far from being guided by the quantitative/qualitative, external/internal dichotomies, pays particular attention to the logic behind them. Finally, we discuss the importance of choosing quality indicators aligned to decolonial epistemology that go in the opposite direction of some educational quality frameworks still marked by cultural and economic imperialism. Therefore, this is a counter-regulatory work that supports the reflection and action of education professionals, leaned on the living forces of the school, expressed by a negotiated quality pact and committed to achieving a socially just society. largescale large scale quantitativequalitative quantitative qualitative quantitative/qualitative externalinternal external internal dichotomies them Finally imperialism Therefore counterregulatory counter regulatory professionals school society

Abstract: Gilberto Freyre was one of the sociologists who tended to understand Brazil in its social, cultural and political formation through customs, practices and identities, based on everyday relationships, during the 1930s. There was an emphasis on what he called Lusotropicalism, with the aim of taking his analyzes to a level of analysis on a global scale of the way Portuguese positions itself in the world and its consequences in terms of social and cultural formation. In order to understand the intellectual bases sought by Freyre, the article examines its confluences with the theories of Angel Ganivet and António Sardinha as instruments to enable the Hispanic tradition as an alternative to the hegemonic modernity project of which Anglo-Saxon imperialism was representative.

Resumo: Gilberto Freyre foi um dos sociólogos que se inclinou à compreensão do Brasil em sua formação social, cultural e política através de costumes, práticas e identidades, a partir das relações cotidianas, durante os anos 1930. Na década seguinte, processou-se uma ênfase àquilo que chamou de luso-tropicalismo, com o intuito de levar suas análises para um patamar de exames em escala global da maneira de o português se posicionar no mundo e as consequências disso em termos de formação social e cultural. Com o intuito de compreender as bases intelectuais buscadas por Freyre, o artigo examina as confluências deste com as teorias de Angel Ganivet e António Sardinha como instrumentos para habilitar a tradição hispânica como alternativa ao projeto de modernidade hegemônico do qual o imperialismo anglo-saxão era representante.

Abstract In his preparatory studies for writing the book Imperialism, Lenin sums up, at the end of Notebook ‘beta’, a plan to the book, which contains a logical organization of its arguments very similar to its final structure. There he points out to the export of capital as the ‘chief-thing’. However, the absence of explanations, and the difference in relation to the actual final form of the book, turns difficult to know the exact reason that led him to treat export of capital that way. In this article, we propose that considering the export of capital the chief-thing is compatible with Lenin’s final description of imperialism because it connects the problems raised by imperialism and the necessity of world revolution. To support this hypothesis, we bring back Lukács’ 1924 argument of the unity of Lenin’s thought, and analyse both theoretical and political positions of Lenin.

Resumo No rascunho de O imperialismo, Lênin sistematiza a estrutura que o livro deveria ter, monta uma organização lógica dos argumentos que, afinal, é muito similar à estrutura publicada do livro. Nessa sistematização, ele indica a exportação de capital “como a questão principal”. No entanto, a ausência de texto explicativo nos rascunhos e a diferença com relação ao que apareceria na redação final dificulta sabermos a razão exata por que ele atribuiu ali às exportações de capital esse protagonismo. Neste artigo, iremos desenrolar a hipótese de que a designação das exportações de capital como a questão principal nos rascunhos é plenamente compatível com sua caracterização do imperialismo na versão impressa do livro, na medida em que conecta capitalismo, luta de classes e revolução mundial. Para demonstrar a plausibilidade dessa hipótese, recorremos à tese da unidade do pensamento de Lênin e analisamos suas intervenções teóricas e políticas entre 1898 e 1923.

Abstract This theoretical essay aims to discuss the use of state violence in dependent capitalism. It discusses how violence is necessary for the self-reproduction of capital and for maintaining the capital-labor contradiction. This need arises as a result of the structural weaknesses imposed by the relationship between imperialism and dependence, such as the transfer of value, the overexploitation of the workforce, the worsening expressions of the “social question”, racism and subsovereignty. To this end, the article has two central points: the relationship between imperialism and dependence and the amalgamation between dependent state and violence. With the discussion, it is apprehended that the maintenance of the dependent State makes use of violence for: a) overexploitation of the workforce; b) carry out and/or support expropriations; c) guarantee the political conditions for the reproduction of capital; d) control the possibilities of revolt and revolution, mediating the class struggle through violence.

Resumo Este ensaio teórico tem como objetivo discutir o recurso à violência estatal no capitalismo dependente. Discute-se como a violência é necessária para a autorreprodução do capital e para a manutenção da contradição capital-trabalho. Tal necessidade se coloca em decorrência das debilidades estruturais impostas pela relação imperialismo e dependência, como a transferência de valor, a superexploração da força de trabalho, o agravamento das expressões da “questão social”, o racismo e a subsoberania. Para tanto, o artigo tem dois pontos centrais: a relação imperialismo e dependência e a amálgama entre Estado dependente e violência. Com a discussão, apreende-se que a manutenção do Estado dependente faz uso da violência para: a) superexploração da força de trabalho; b) realizar e/ou apoiar as expropriações; c) garantir as condições políticas de reprodução do capital; d) controlar as possibilidades de revolta e revolução, realizando a mediação da luta de classes através da violência.

Abstract Hundreds of years of a troubled history turned Ukraine into a deeply divided country. Like al- most all other Slavic nations, Ukraine has been adjusting and pushing towards more stable and reliable political and economic system after the collapse of the USSR. However, doing so trig- gered a revisit to the old bipolar system that many thought had been buried with the end of the Cold War. To which extent is it actually “old”? The ‘battle’ between East and West, the logic of a bipolar system has come to light. Ukraine is seen as one of the last strongholds of the Russian Federation to contain the advances of the West over the East. Russia has been exuding hints of a revived imperialism and a deep antagonism towards the western ‘incursion’ at their ex-socialist republics. Ukraine has been walking on a thin line, balancing their wishes with their neighbour’s ones. It stands for the yellow and blue of their flag, at least for now, or for how long they´ll be able to.

Resumo Centenas de anos de uma história conturbada transformaram a Ucrânia num país profunda- mente dividido. Juntamente com quase todas as nações eslavas, a Ucrânia tem tentado ajustar-se e aproximar-se de um sistema político-económico mais estável e seguro após a dissolução da URSS. Contudo, ao fazê-lo, despertou uma revisitação ao antigo sistema bipolar que muitos jul- gavam moribundo após o fim da Guerra Fria. Mas até que medida ele é antigo? A batalha entre o Ocidente e o Leste voltou a ver a luz. A Ucrânia é vista pela Federação Russa como um dos úl- timos bastiões para travar o avanço do Ocidente. A Rússia tem vindo a demonstrar sinais de um imperialismo revivalista e um antagonismo profundo com relação às incursões ocidentais nas suas antigas repúblicas socialistas soviéticas. A Ucrânia encontra-se no limbo, balanceando os seus desejos com os do seu vizinho. Afirma-se pelo azul e amarelo da sua bandeira, pelo menos para já ou até quando conseguir.

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the understudied early liberation movement in Goa, under the leadership of Tristão de Bragança Cunha (Chandor, 1891-Bombay, 1958), evidencing its building in the intersection of local, national, and international histories, since Cunha achieved the recognition of the Goa Committee in the Indian National Congress. The ideas and views elaborated by Cunha in those years set the core ideas and political basis of the influential wing led by him in Goan nationalism. The study is substantially based on a set of documents, unapproached before, accessed in 2018 at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Archive (New Delhi).

RESUMO O presente estudo aborda o pouco estudado início do movimento de libertação em Goa, sob a liderança de Tristão de Bragança Cunha (Chandor, 1891-Bombay, 1958), evidenciando a sua construção na intersecção de histórias locais, nacionais e internacionais, desde o momento em que conseguiu o reconhecimento do Comité de Goa do Congresso Nacional Indiano. As ideias e perspectivas elaboradas por Cunha nesses anos estabeleceram as ideias centrais e a base política da influente ala do nacionalismo goês que liderou. O estudo é substancialmente assente num conjunto de documentos, não abordado até agora, acedidos em 2018 no Nehru Memorial Museum and Archive (Nova Deli).

Resumen El periodo 1969-1973, en lo que refiere a la campaña electoral que llevó a Salvador Allende a convertirse en presidente de Chile (1970) y al gobierno de la Unidad Popular, son observados como objeto de interés y reflexión para un instrumento revolucionario: la revista Punto Final. Esto, toda vez que en sus páginas es posible observar algunas coordenadas teóricas en torno a cómo se configura un fenómeno revolucionario, específicamente cuando se lo entiende como conectado y entrelazado a otros procesos reivindicatorios en Latinoamérica o porque se recurre de manera diversa a incorporar a una serie de agentes en la narrativa revolucionaria que se construye primero en oposición a la vía pacífica y al apoyo al imperialismo con que se signa el periodo de Eduardo Frei Montalva (19641970), y luego porque se construye como un camino hacia el socialismo que se basa en la construcción de alianzas.

Abstract The period 1969-1973,in what refers to the electoral campaign that led SalvadorAllende to become Chilean president (1970) and his “Popular Unity” government, are observed as an object of interest and reflection for a revolutionary instrument: the Magazine Punto Final. This, since in its pages it is possible to observe some theoretical coordinates around how a revolutionary phenomenon is configured,specifically when it is understood as connected and intertwined with other processes of vindication in Latin America or because it is used in a different way to incorporate a series of agents in the revolutionary narrative that is first constructed in opposition to the peaceful path and support for imperialism with which the period of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964-1970) is signed,and then because it is constructed as a path towards socialism that it is based on the construction of alliances.

Resumen El artículo plantea que hay una nueva forma de imperialismo en el siglo XXI, gracias al cambio climático, sus causas antropogénicas -en particular, originadas por la explotación desmedida de parte de los países desarrollados- y los impactos que está teniendo, especialmente en países en desarrollo. Hace una crítica a las acciones insuficientes que han tomado los países ricos para combatirlo sin realmente responsabilizarse por sus efectos, en contraste con el gran financiamiento y las políticas con los que estos mismos países fomentan la explotación de recursos naturales, y con ello el deterioro ambiental y la desigualdad social y económica.

Abstract The article argues that there is a new form of imperialism in the 21st century, thanks to climate change, its anthropogenic causes -particularly caused by excessive exploitation by developed countries- and the impacts it is having, especially in developing countries. It criticizes the insufficient actions that rich countries have taken to combat it without really taking responsibility for its effects, in contrast to the great financing and policies with which these same countries promote the exploitation of natural resources, and with it the environmental deterioration and social and economic inequality.

Resumo Este estudo buscou realizar uma reconstrução histórica da deserção de atletas cubanos durante a Guerra Fria. A partir da consulta e da análise dos documentos secretos dos serviços de inteligência do governo dos Estados Unidos, recentemente colocados à disposição nos acervos digitais da CIA e dos National Archives, concluímos que esse fenômeno foi induzido de forma sistemática, planejada e intencional por agentes da CIA e grupos cubano-americanos sediados nos Estados Unidos. Fria Unidos Archives sistemática cubanoamericanos cubano americanos

Abstract This study proposes a historical reconstruction of the defection of Cuban athletes during the Cold War. By consulting and analyzing secret documents produced by the US intelligence services, recently made available in digital collections of CIA and the National Archives, we conclude that this phenomenon was systematically and intentionally driven by CIA agents and Cuban-american groups living in the United States. War services Archives Cubanamerican american States