Abstract What and how did the writers of the first centuries of the Italian language read? Thanks to the influence of what readings did you compose your works? In the case of Boccaccio and Petrarch, the answer to this question was found in the books they owned and in which in many cases they made notes. Of Dante, on the other hand, we do not possess either the books or a single word written in his handwriting: we can only imagine the appearance of his handwriting thanks to the description that Leonardi Bruni left of it, probably based on a Dantesque autograph, now lost. Given this lack of data, Dante’s sole mention of his own training is of great importance, that is, the passage from the Convivio in which he narrates that he undertook philosophical studies immediately after the death of Beatrix, prompted by the reading of the Consolatio Philosophiae of Boethius to go for thirty months “to the schools of the religious and to the disputes of the philosophers” (Conv. II, XII, 1-7). The schools frequented by the Poet can be identified with the conventual Studia of Florence, that is, the Franciscan of Santa Croce, the Dominican of Santa Maria Novella and the Augustinian of Santo Spirito, unique places of conservation of books and education, in addition to the teaching by isolated private teachers like Brunetto Latini. Among these institutions, home to lively cultural activity, philosophical disputes and study, the historical data attributable to Dante favors Santa Croce, whose books (today preserved mainly in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenciana and in the National Central Library of Florence) document the physiognomy in which the texts he read were offered to his eyes and were models of his works. This contribution traces a journey through the precious bibliographic heritage of the Franciscan Studium, with the aim of reconstructing and documenting the circulation of Dante’s works in his homeland and the Florentine context in which the poet’s extraordinary cultural formation took place.

Resumen ¿Qué y cómo leían los escritores de los primeros siglos de la lengua italiana? ¿Bajo la influencia de qué lecturas compusieron sus obras? En el caso de Boccaccio y Petrarca, la respuesta a esta pregunta se encontró en los libros que poseían y en los que, en muchos casos, hicieron anotaciones. De Dante, en cambio, no poseemos ni los libros ni una sola palabra escrita de su puño y letra: sólo podemos imaginar el aspecto de su caligrafía gracias a la descripción que de ella dejó Leonardi Bruni, probablemente basada en un autógrafo dantesco, hoy perdido. Dada esta ausencia de datos, cobra gran importancia la única mención de Dante a su propia formación, es decir, el pasaje del Convivio en el que narra que emprendió estudios filosóficos inmediatamente después de la muerte de Beatriz, impulsado por la lectura de la Consolatio Philosophiae de Boecio para ir durante treinta meses “a las escuelas de los religiosos y a las disputas de los filósofos” (Conv. II, XII, 1-7). Las escuelas frecuentadas por el Poeta se pueden identificar con los Studia conventuales de Florencia, es decir, la franciscana de Santa Croce, la dominicana de Santa Maria Novella y la agustina de Santo Spirito, únicos lugares de conservación de libros y educación, además de la enseñanza privada de profesores aislados como Brunetto Latini. Entre estas instituciones, sedes de una animada actividad cultural, de disputas filosóficas y de estudio, los datos históricos atribuibles a Dante favorecen a Santa Croce, cuyos libros (hoy conservados principalmente en la Biblioteca Medicea Laurenciana y en la Biblioteca Nacional Central de Florencia) documentan los textos que leía y eran modelos de sus obras. Esta contribución traza un recorrido por el preciado patrimonio bibliográfico del Studium franciscano, con el objetivo de reconstruir y documentar la circulación de las obras de Dante en su patria y el contexto florentino en el que tuvo lugar la extraordinaria formación cultural del poeta.

Resumen En el presente artículo se indaga sobre la relación entre la migración y la política en Estados Unidos durante el período de 2000-2020. En específico, se examina el volumen de detenciones en función del partido gobernante a nivel estatal, a la vista de distintos eventos coyunturales y procesos socioeconómicos, con los datos del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional de Estados Unidos, por agencia participante. En cada apartado, distintas interrogantes guían la investigación: en primer lugar, ¿quiénes arrestan a inmigrantes en Estados Unidos?; en segundo, ¿qué agencia realiza más arrestos de indocumentados? y ¿dónde ocurren más arrestos, en la frontera o en el interior?; en tercer lugar, ¿qué papel juegan los gobiernos estatales según su afiliación política demócrata o republicana? Las tendencias principales y las diferencias se presentan en las conclusiones.

Abstract This article investigates the relationship between migration and politics in the United States during the period 2000-2020. Specifically, detention figures are examined in relation to the ruling party at the state level, in the context of different conjunctural events and socioeconomic processes, using data from the United States Department of Homeland Security, by participating agency. Different questions guide the investigation in each section: first, who apprehends immigrants in the United States?; Second, which agency makes the most apprehensions of undocumented immigrants?, and where do the largest number of apprehensions take place, at the border or inside the country?; Third, what role do state governments play depending on their political affiliation, Democrat or Republican? Main trends and differences are presented in the conclusions.

Tolstoy'sfiction is part of the cultural background of the South African intelligentsia. Moreover, generations of South Africans have been introduced to Tolstoy through screen adaptations of hisfiction, including Hollywood blockbusters and acclaimed TV series such as Anna Karenina (1935, 1948 and 2012) and War and Peace (1956 and 2016). Such exposure may well be the reason why, in the late 1990s, a survey among South African students of their perceptions of Russia showed that Tolstoy was the best-known Russian writer. During his lifetime, Tolstoy's work and personality were discussed extensively in Russia and abroad, including South Africa. He was one of the most influential and authoritative writers in the world and remained the best-known Russian author in South Africa. Tolstoy was the only writer of Imperial Russia who, for decades, received letters and guests from South Africa. His statements on the Anglo-Boer War of1899-1902 (also known as the South African War) attracted international attention which none of his Russian colleagues could match. Tolstoy wrote on South Africa, and his work was widely read there. Thanks to his erudition, ability to discern global trends, and interest in world culture and philosophy, Tolstoy had a profound understanding of political events in countries that he never visited and inspired leaders of liberation movements that he never met. His influence on South African realist literature can be traced throughout the twentieth century. This study of Tolstoy's and South Africans' views of each other focuses on Afrikaners, because in the last ten years of his life the Russian author often wrote and spoke about them, as is evident from his published works, correspondence and the archival material in the Tolstoy museums in Moscow and Yasnaya Polyana in Russia that were used for this paper. Furthermore, Afrikaner authors seem to have referred to Tolstoy's work remarkably often. By exploring these references, one can ascertain why Tolstoy's writing remained relevant to Afrikaners and other South Africans for more than a century. In the 1890s and 1900s, Tolstoy continued to develop his doctrine of not resisting evil with violence. He used information on the Anglo-Boer War to test his radical pacifist ideas. His protest against British imperialism in Africa echoed that of other world-famous humanist writers, such as Bjornstjerne Bjornson, Theodore Dreiser, Anatole France, Romain Rolland, Bernard Shaw, Bertha von Suttner and Mark Twain. But, unlike most of them, Tolstoy refused to support the Boers unconditionally. He sympathised with the defenders of the Boer republics, but as a principled opponent ofviolence he condemned those Christian people for engaging in armed struggle and killing, which he regarded as a mortal sin. During the transitional and guerrilla phases of the war, Tolstoy came to regard the continued Boer resistance to British invasion as a triumph of moral strength over immorality. He viewed the South African military conflict in a global context, as a typical war of a new era. Reflecting on the news from South Africa, he concluded that such wars were characterised by immoral goals and methods of warfare, and by non-participation in hostilities by those who directly benefitted from the hostilities (big entrepreneurs manipulating the government). Tolstoy argued that European governments were not interested in eradicating militarism, but nonviolent protest by ordinary people could well put an end to war. However, Tolstoy believed Russians, unlike participants in mass pro-Boer campaigns, were not to concern themselves with such protest because instead their main tasks were moral self-improvement and tackling injustice in their homeland. His concern with affairs in South Africa was limited to the Anglo-Boer War and the Indian civil rights campaign of the 1900s led by Gandhi, whose doctrine of satyagraha was partly based on Tolstoy's ethical teachings. Still, Tolstoy's influence on Afrikaner culture has been evident for over a century. Apartfrom direct contact, such as visits and letters to the Russian writer, Afrikaner cultural figures promoted his work, translated his fiction into Afrikaans and published their translations in almost every decade up to the 1990s. Along with other distinguished novelists of the late Imperial Russia, Tolstoy was viewed by Afrikaans authors as an exemplary realist writer who set standards that they aspired to but often regarded as unattainable. It only applied to his fiction, because Tolstoy's confessional writings and philosophical treatises did not seem to be recognised by Afrikaans authors, especially not after the Second World War. For these authors, Tolstoy was primarily a fiction writer. Tolstoy's work featured in South African literary debates with regard to resistance to abusive state authority and grappled with censorship. His fiction reminded South Africans of the humanist ideals that were meant to guide those who wanted to bring about positive change in an unjust, deeply divided society. Tolstoy's work stimulated introspection and reflection on literary mastery, the ethical standards of a writer and one's purpose in life.

Tolstoi was die enigste skrywer in Imperiale Rusland wat oor dekades briewe en gaste uit Suid-Afrika ontvang het. Sy stellings oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899-1902 het internasionaal aandag getrek op 'n wyse wat geeneen van sy Russiese kollegas kon ewenaar nie. Tolstoi het oor Suid-Afrika geskryf, waar sy werk wyd gelees is. Tolstoi se invloed op Suid-Afrikaanse realistiese¹ letterkunde is deur die hele twintigste eeu merkbaar. Hierdie studie van Tolstoi en Suid-Afrikaanse skrywers se sieninge van mekaar fokus op Afrikaners, want Tolstoi het in die laaste tien jaar van sy lewe dikwels oor hulle geskryf en gepraat. Afgesien van regstreekse kontak, soos besoeke en briewe aan die Russiese skrywer, het Afrikaner-kultuurfigure sy werk bevorder, sy fiksie in Afrikaans vertaal en hul vertalings in feitlik elke dekade tot die 1990's gepubliseer. Tolstoi, soos ook ander vooraanstaande romansiers in laat Imperiale Rusland, is deur Afrikaanse skrywers beskou as 'n toonbeeld van 'n realistiese skrywer wat standaarde gestel het waarna hulle gestreef het maar wat hulle dikwels ook as onhaalbaar beskou het. Tolstoi se werk het in Suid-Afrikaanse literêre debatte oor weerstand teen onregmatige staatsgesag en sensuur gefigureer. Sy fiksie het Suid-Afrikaners herinner aan die humanistiese ideale wat as rigsnoere moes dien vir diegene wat positiewe verandering in 'n onregverdige en diep verdeelde samelewing teweeg wou bring. Tolstoi se werk het introspeksie en nadenke oor literêre uitnemendheid, die etiese standaarde van 'n skrywer en 'n mens se lewensdoel gestimuleer.

Abstract: Pedro Henríquez Ureña thinks of the great American homeland as a utopia of language. And for this he turns to his Greek, Latin, British classics, epistemological references for the construction of a specific cultural field from the perspective of education: “give the alphabet to all men”. This concern was already latent in Observaciones sobre el español en América (1921) and his works on dialectology, published in the Biblioteca de Dialectología Hispanoamericana at the time of Amado Alonso as director of the Instituto de Filología of the Facultad de Filosofía y Letras of the Universidad de Buenos Aires. These pioneering works were undoubtedly born from an interest in defining, through the linguistic and cultural code transplanted to the realities of America and through its contact with indigenous languages, the coordinates of a new original linguistic code in the perspective of searching for American identity and our own expression.

Resumen: Pedro Henríquez Ureña piensa a la magna patria americana como utopía del lenguaje. Para ello acude a sus clásicos griegos, latinos, ingleses, referentes epistemológicos para la construcción de un campo cultural específico desde la perspectiva de la educación: “dar el alfabeto a todos los hombres”. Esta preocupación estaba ya latente en “Observaciones sobre el español en América” (1921) y en sus trabajos de dialectología publicados en la Biblioteca de Dialectología Hispanoamericana por la época en que Amado Alonso era director del Instituto de Filología de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Estos trabajos pioneros nacieron sin duda de un interés por definir a través del código lingüístico y cultural trasplantado a las realidades de América y por su contacto con las lenguas indígenas, las coordenadas de un nuevo código lingüístico original en la perspectiva de búsqueda de la “identidad americana” y de “nuestra propia expresión”.

Abstract As a consequence of the outbreak of the French Revolution, in Saint Domingue occurred a particular and unique racial conflict and civil war in the French Caribbean, which involved white proprietors or habitants and the mulattoes or gens de couleur, also owners of the land and the slaves. It was then that the chary families of the colonial elite abandoned their residences and moved to the Spanish side, taking there some capital and domestic slaves. The flow of émigrés increased in August 1791 due to the uprising of the slaves of the Northern Province and, since March 1793, it happened as a result of the international conflict caused by the regicide of Louis XVI and the confrontation between the republican strongholds and the Spanish and English occupation forces. This article explains in detail and analyses the backgrounds, the causes of the exodus of the white owners or habitants, and the reasons that led them to leave their homeland, become emigrants, seek for refuge in the Spanish Santo Domingo, and even enlist in the armies of the Spanish king as long to fight against the French Republic and its revolution.

Resumen Como consecuencia del estallido de la Revolución Francesa, en Saint Domingue se produjo una guerra civil de tipo racial, particular y única en el Caribe francés, que involucró a los propietarios blancos o habitants y a los mulatos gens de couleur, también dueños de la tierra y los esclavos. Fue entonces cuando las familias precavidas de la élite colonial abandonaron sus residencias y se mudaron al lado español, llevando consigo algunos capitales y esclavos domésticos. El flujo de émigrés incrementó en agosto de 1791 debido al levantamiento de los esclavos de la Provincia del Norte y, desde marzo de 1793, se dio como resultado del conflicto internacional provocado por el regicidio de Luis XVI y la confrontación entre los reductos republicanos y las fuerzas de ocupación españolas e inglesas. Este artículo explica con detalle y analiza los antecedentes, las causas del éxodo de los propietarios blancos o habitants y los motivos que los llevaron a abandonar su patria, convertirse en emigrantes, buscar refugio en el Santo Domingo español y hasta enlistarse en los ejércitos del rey español con tal de combatir a la República Francesa y su revolución.

Abstract In this article we deal with the political resistance of intelectual Portugueses who migrated to the city of São Paulo in the 1950s. The vast majority of these intellectuals, were persecuted for their contrary ideas to the Salazarist regime in Portugal. Such intellectuals left their homeland to avoid being persecuted and arrested by the PIDE. In São Paulo city, they began to express themselves through academic productions, conferences, publications of books, articles and magazines; later they created the newspapers Portugal Democrático and Portugal Livre, the latter being the result of dissent from the former. These intellectuals formed a platoon of resistance to the Portuguese dictatorial regime, spreading ideas favorable to freedom of expression in Portugal and the decolonization of Portuguese Africa, which consequently weakened the Portuguese dictatorial system. The ideas of these intellectuals added to the international situation and the transformations through which spans this historical period.

Resumo No presente artigo tratamos da resistência política de intelectuais portugueses que migraram para a cidade de São Paulo na década de 1950. Esses intelectuais, em sua grande maioria, eram perseguidos pelas suas idéias de oposição ao regime salazarista em Portugal. Tais intelectuais saíram de sua pátria para não serem perseguidos e presos pela PIDE. Em São Paulo, começaram a se expressar através de produções acadêmicas, conferências, publicações de livros, artigos e revistas; posteriormente criaram os jornais Portugal Democrático e Portugal Livre, sendo esse último resultante de uma dissidência do primeiro. Esses intelectuais formavam um pelotão de resistência ao regime ditatorial português, divulgando idéias favoráveis à liberdade de expressão em Portugal e à descolonização da África portuguesa, que consequentemente enfraquece o sistema ditatorial português, as idéias desses intelectuais somam-se à conjuntura internacional e às transformações pelas quais perpassa esse período histórico.

ABSTRACT Dr. Hortensia Pichardo Viñals created a prodigal pedagogical work of mandatory consultation for students, researchers and all those who wish to know and deepen the Homeland History, with a contribution to Educational Sciences, pedagogy, and the Historical Sciences, the mime has not been periodized nor sufficiently systematized as part of the rescue of the historical-educational studies and the historical memory of the Cuban nation, the objective of this article is to socialize the periodization of the pedagogical work of Hortensia Pichardo Viñals, as a partial result of the research that is carried out. The materialist dialectic was used as a general method of the sciences that made possible the study of his pedagogical work in its integrality and development; and other general scientific methods of the theoretical level: historical-logical, analytical-synthetic and inductive-deductive, systematization as a theoretical method and scientific result, with different historical research techniques, according to the characteristics of the research: documentary analysis, bibliographic filing, source criticism.

RESUMEN La doctora Hortensia Pichardo Viñals creó una pródiga obra pedagógica de obligatoria consulta para estudiantes, investigadores y todos aquellos que deseen conocer y profundizar en la Historia Patria, con una contribución a las Ciencias de la Educación, a la Pedagogía, y a las Ciencias Históricas, la misma no ha sido periodizada ni suficientemente sistematizada como parte del rescate de los estudios histórico educativos y de la memoria histórica de la nación cubana, es objetivo de este artículo: socializar la periodización de la obra pedagógica de Hortensia Pichardo Viñals, como resultado parcial de la investigación que se realiza. En la labor investigativa se empleó la dialéctica materialista como método general de las ciencias que posibilitó el estudio de su obra pedagógica en su integralidad y desarrollo; y otros métodos científicos generales del nivel teórico: histórico-lógico, analítico-sintético e inductivo-deductivo, la sistematización como método teórico y resultado científico, con diferentes técnicas de investigación histórica, según las características de la investigación: análisis documental, fichado bibliográfico, crítica de las fuentes.

RESUMO A Dra. Hortensia Pichardo Viñals criou uma pródiga obra pedagógica de consulta obrigatória a estudantes, investigadores e todos aqueles que desejam conhecer e aprofundar a História Nacional, com contributo para as Ciências da Educação, a Pedagogia e as Ciências Históricas, não foi periodizada ou suficientemente sistematizado como parte do resgate dos estudos histórico-educacionais e da memória histórica da nação cubana, o objetivo deste artigo é: socializar a periodização do trabalho pedagógico de Hortensia Pichardo Viñals, como resultado parcial da pesquisa que está sendo realizada fora. No trabalho investigativo, utilizou-se a dialética materialista como método geral da ciência que possibilitou o estudo de sua obra pedagógica em sua totalidade e desenvolvimento; e outros métodos científicos gerais de nível teórico: histórico-lógico, analítico-sintético e indutivo-dedutivo, sistematização como método teórico e resultado científico, com diferentes técnicas de pesquisa histórica, de acordo com as características da pesquisa: análise documental, tabelamento bibliográfico, crítica às fontes.

ABSTRACT José Martí, the most universal of Cubans, the man who united his compatriots in exile and organized The Necessary War, suffered from several pathological entities, including some of the otorhinolaryngological type; but these illnesses did not stop him in his work to achieve a free homeland. In the present work, some errors found in a publication that exposes the otorhinolaryngological diseases that afflicted the Apostle are specified.

RESUMEN José Martí, el más universal de los cubanos, el hombre que unió a sus compatriotas en el exilio y organizó la Guerra Necesaria, padeció varias entidades patológicas, entre ellas algunas de tipo otorrinolaringológico; pero estas no lograron detenerlo en su labor por alcanzar una patria libre. En el presente trabajo se precisan algunos deslices encontrados en una publicación donde se exponen las enfermedades otorrinolaringológicas que aquejaban al Apóstol.

RESUMO Entre 1820 e 1823, o Brasil vivenciou o que tradicionalmente ficou conhecido como processo da independência. Em meio às disputas políticas, a imprensa teve uma participação ativa como tribuna pública, representando as ideias de seus editores e do segmento ideológico por eles representado. Este artigo analisa o discurso político presente nas páginas do jornal O Brasileiros em Coimbra, editado em Portugal pelo baiano Candido Japiassú. Para tanto, usamos como referência o conteúdo de uma carta publicada no jornal por uma baiana anônima identificada somente como “F”. A própria dinâmica do universo feminino da família Figueiredo e Melo, e a subjetividade do olhar de “F” sobre a guerra de independência na Bahia, podem ser analisadas com base no diálogo das diferentes escalas de análise entre o micro e o macro, em direta sintonia com a proposta metodológica da micro-história. 182 1823 políticas pública representado Coimbra Japiassú tanto F. F . Melo “F Bahia macro microhistória. microhistória história. história micro-história 18 1

ABSTRACT Between 1820 and 1823, Brazil experienced what was traditionally known as the independence process. During political disputes, the press served as an active platform, conveying the ideas of its editors and representing the ideological segments they espoused. This article analyzes the political discourse present in the pages of the newspaper O Brasileiros em Coimbra, edited in Portugal by Bahian Candido Japiassú. To do so, we use as a reference the content of a letter published in the newspaper by an anonymous Bahian woman identified only as “F”. The very dynamics of the feminine universe of the Figueiredo e Melo family and the subjectivity of “F”’s view of the war of independence in Bahia can be analyzed based on the dialogue of the different scales of analysis between the micro and the macro, in direct harmony with the methodological proposal of microhistory. 182 1823 process disputes platform espoused Coimbra Japiassú so F. F . “F” Fs s macro microhistory 18 “F 1

This article reconsiders the role of land in the YHWH-Israel relationship in Hos 4-11, a text which reworks positive notions of land-gift, inheritance, homeland-as the land becomes associated with Israel's iniquitous actions and distorted values. To achieve this, the study explores how land is represented as a sacred space in the text and how sacred space is subject to the actions, ideas and perceptions of the people who inhabit the land. The study employs a synchronic, social-scientific approach and conducts a thematic analysis of the text, focusing on the interconnections of sacred space's moderators-holiness, cultural memory and covenantal exchange-and their place in the land's deconstruction and reconstruction. Considering these relational modes, the study shows that the representation of the land is reflected in the text's movements from deconstruction to reconstruction, which suggests that the state of the YHWH-Israel relationship is interlaced with the physical landscape.

Resumo Os estudos de cultura visual têm inovado as metodologias para abordar as imagens da África à época dos impérios coloniais. A iconografia colonial em diferentes suportes materiais vem sendo fonte visual e objeto de muitas investigações, publicações e exposições, notadamente em países como Alemanha, Bélgica, França, Inglaterra e Portugal. Na história visual do colonialismo, as imagens da África têm sido também objetos de novos estudos, mas ainda são raros aqueles que abordam as imagens da imprensa ilustrada como mercadorias de uma economia visual e como produtos para o olhar inspetor do público leitor. A partir da revista alemã Kolonie und Heimat in Wort und Bild [ Colônia e pátria em palavra e imagem ], órgão da Frauenbund der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft [Liga Feminina da Sociedade Colonial Alemã], busca-se demonstrar como as imagens da África integraram uma economia visual à época dos impérios coloniais. A partir da análise do circuito social das imagens, os resultados do estudo proposto indicam o surgimento de uma nova economia visual à época da reprodutibilidade técnica da imagem, a mercantilização de fotografias de paisagens e gentes africanas e uma forma de vigilância ótica através da imprensa ilustrada colonial. coloniais investigações exposições Alemanha Bélgica França Portugal colonialismo leitor , ] Liga Alemã, Alemã Alemã] buscase busca se

Abstract Visual culture studies have innovated the methodologies to approach the images of Africa during the era of colonial empires. The colonial iconography, found in different material supports, has served as a visual source and subject of many investigations, publications, and exhibitions, particularly in countries such as Germany, Belgium, France, England, and Portugal. In the visual history of colonialism, the images of Africa have also been the focus of new studies. However, examinations of images in the illustrated press as commodities within a certain visual economy and as products for the scrutinizing gaze of the reading public are still scarce. Through an analysis of the German magazine Kolonie und Heimat in Wort und Bild [ Colony and Homeland in Word and Image ], which was an organ of the Frauenbund der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft [Women’s League of the German Colonial Society], we aim to demonstrate how the images of Africa formed part of a certain visual economy during colonial times. By considering the social circuit of these images, the findings of this study point to the emergence of a new visual economy in the age of mechanical reproduction of images, to the commodification of photographs depicting African landscapes and people, and to a form of visual surveillance through the colonial illustrated press. empires iconography supports investigations publications exhibitions Germany Belgium France England Portugal colonialism However scarce , ] Womens Women s Society, Society Society] times people

This article will tackle how African Muslim Women represented by Sudanese women, are undergoing specific transformations of identity, religion and gender roles in the diaspora space. Identities are said to be in constant processes of negotiation between the traditions of the homeland and that of the host society, thus to investigate the relationship between ideologies of new spaces and Sudanese women's identity, as Muslims and African immigrants affected by the host society's race and gender roles and discourses, this article will provide an analysis of the multi-faceted nature of Islam represented by the popular, Sufi Islam attached to the tradition of the home land, and the dominant Islamic religious discourse in West Yorkshire. The article will examine issues of rights, representations and history, and shed light on these African Muslim women's ideas, perspectives and struggles in the diasporic space, and also unpack the interplay of Africanism, Arabism Muslimness/Sufism in the lives of Sudanese women, as related to wider African Islamic Sufi culture as an integral part of the composition of identity. The article seeks to discuss, debate, provoke and rethink Blackness, Muslimness and religious performativities in a nuanced way that capture the complexities regarding African Muslim communities, diasporic experiences, and the multifaceted nature of Islam. Highlighting Africa Muslim experiences that have long been devalued, side lined and excluded, this article interrogates and adds to the field of ethnicity and race as it negotiates African Muslim identities in diverse ways. The article will represent work done on Black Muslim subjects in diverse and unique contexts, challenging the discourses that have produced homogenous identities and homogenous performativities of Islam. It is a call to decolonize the discourses dominant in the West in general and in the UK in particular, and to resist hegemonic Muslim experience formed by mainstream Islam in West Yorkshire, UK.

Resumo: Em 22 de outubro de 2023, foram realizadas as eleições gerais na Argentina. Este processo eleitoral foi encerrado em novembro, com o segundo turno que elegeu Javier Milei, candidato do La Libertad Avanza, como o novo presidente. Na ordem legislativa, a frente governista União pela Pátria ficou em primeiro lugar em número de votos. Estes resultados deram origem à configuração de um poder legislativo fragmentado e de um governo minoritário, com desafios importantes em termos de governação democrática. Analisamos os resultados eleitorais, o perfil dos eleitores de Milei e refletimos sobre as implicações políticas destes resultados eleitorais para a democracia argentina.

Abstract: General elections were held in Argentina on 22 October 2023. This electoral process ended in November with second round and the inauguration of Javier Milei, candidate of La Libertad Avanza (Freedom Moves Forward), as the new president. In the legislative elections, the ruling front Unión por la Patria (Union for Homeland) came first. These results have led to a fragmented legislature and a minority government, with important challenges for democratic governance. We analyze the election results, Milei’s voters profile and reflect on their political implications for Argentine democracy.

Resumen: El 22 de octubre de 2023 se celebraron las elecciones generales en Argentina. Este proceso electoral se cerró en noviembre, con el balotaje que consagró a Javier Milei, candidato de La Libertad Avanza, como nuevo presidente. En el orden legislativo, el frente oficialista Unión por la Patria resultó primero en cantidad de votos. Estos resultados dieron lugar a la configuración de un poder legislativo fragmentado y de un gobierno en minoría, con importantes desafíos en términos de gobernabilidad democrática. Analizamos los resultados electorales y el perfil de los votantes de Milei, y reflexionamos sobre las implicancias políticas de estos resultados electorales para la democracia argentina.

RESUMEN En este artículo se propone mirar el caso de la escritora y feminista francesa peruana Flora Tristán, en cuanto a una persona viajera que se desplaza, desde Francia a Perú, en búsqueda de sus oríge nes y reparar su identidad ilegítima para tener un giro vital y ético. Dicha empresa fracasa, de acuerdo a lo narrado en sus memorias, obligando a Tristán a redefinir su "viaje" y lugar en el mundo. Nos interesa mirar esa "trayectoria" como un recorrido personal de un ser humano carente de nombre e identidad sólida que va en busca del reconocimiento simbólico y material. Frente al fracaso de esa búsqueda, aparece la letra como lugar desde donde se erige la autora, a partir de la creación de obras literarias, y la líder política con su participación en movimientos sociales feministas. Esto implica analizar el funcionamiento de los nuevos soportes de su identidad: literatura, feminismo y activismo político.

ABSTRACT This article proposes to look at the case of the French-Peruvian writer and feminist Flora Tristán, as a traveling person who moves from France to Peru, her paternal homeland, to constitute or complete a truncated, illegitimate identity. That enterprise fails according to what is narrated in her memoirs, forcing Tristán to redefine her "journey" and place in the world. We are interested in looking at this "trajectory" as a personal journey of a human being lacking a name and solid identity who goes in search of symbolic and material recognition, which she obtains by herself, from the creation of literary works and her participation in feminist social movements. This implies analyzing the functioning of the new supports of her identity: literature, feminism and political activism.

Resumen El artículo analiza los temas que cobraron mayor relevancia, o que fueron más controvertidos, durante el desarrollo del Congreso Pedagógico Centroamericano, realizado en la ciudad de Guatemala en diciembre de 1893. Los cinco Estados del istmo (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua y Costa Rica) enviaron representantes al foro pedagógico, en el que se debatieron nueve temas educativos de interés regional. Sin embargo, el estudio de los debates entre los asistentes, de los dictámenes pronunciados a título personal y de los informes de las comisiones designadas para cada tópico, revela que cinco temas dilataron el interés y la discusión de los y las asistentes, a saber: la unión política del istmo centroamericano, la educación de las mujeres, la civilización del indígena, la formación de obreros y la educación laica en las escuelas.

Resumo Este artigo analisa as questões que se tornaram mais relevantes ou controversas durante o Congresso Pedagógico da América Central, realizado na Cidade da Guatemala em dezembro de 1893. Os cinco estados do istmo (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicarágua e Costa Rica) enviaram representantes ao fórum pedagógico, onde foram discutidos nove temas educacionais de interesse regional. No entanto, um estudo dos debates entre os participantes, das opiniões pronunciadas em sua capacidade pessoal e dos relatórios das comissões designadas para cada tema, revela que cinco temas atrasaram o interesse e a discussão dos participantes, ou seja: a união política do istmo da América Central, a educação das mulheres, a civilização dos indígenas, a formação de trabalhadores e a educação secular nas escolas.

Abstract This article analyzes the most relevant or controversial topics during the Central American Pedagogical Congress, held in Guatemala City in December 1893. The five states of the isthmus (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica) sent representatives to the pedagogical forum, in which nine educational topics of regional interest were discussed. However, the study of the debates among the participants, of the opinions pronounced in a personal capacity and of the reports of the commissions appointed for each topic, reveals that five topics delayed the interest and discussion of the participants, namely: the political union of the Central American isthmus, the education of women, the civilization of the indigenous, the training of workers and secular education in schools.