Résumé L’article vise à étudier un parcours unique de réception et de traduction des idées d’Antonio Gramsci au Brésil. Ce travail vise à reconstruire la pensée politique de Fernando Henrique Cardoso pendant la dictature militaire et la transition démocratique brésilienne (1964-1988), en prenant comme fil conducteur l’interprétation et l’utilisation par l’auteur des idées d’Antonio Gramsci au fil du temps pour analyser la formation de l’État, des classes sociales et de la politique au Brésil. Le texte développe l’hypothèse de la centralité des concepts gramsciens dans la pensée de Cardoso en trois phases de réfraction gramscienne : (i) entre 1964 et 1974, dans la thèse de l’hégémonie dépendante de la bourgeoisie au Brésil, (ii) entre 1974 et 1983, dans la défense de l’État brésilien en tant que « Prince modern » comme catégorie d’analyse de la coalition agraire-industrielle-militaire dans la période post-1964, et (iii) de 1983 à 1988, dans la formulation du transformisme autoritaire-éclairées comme comportement des élites économiques et militaires brésiliennes face à la pression pour la démocratisation du régime. L’utilisation par Cardoso des concepts gramsciens est créative à tous ces moments. En d’autres termes, le penseur brésilien s’inspire des concepts gramsciens pour créer son propre lexique d’analyse de la politique brésilienne. L’article explore donc non seulement la réception, mais aussi la traduction des idées de Gramsci chez Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Larticle L article dAntonio d Antonio Brésil 19641988, 19641988 1988 , (1964-1988) linterprétation l interprétation lutilisation utilisation lauteur auteur lÉtat, lÉtat État, État lhypothèse hypothèse i (i 196 lhégémonie hégémonie ii (ii 197 danalyse analyse agraireindustriellemilitaire agraire industrielle post1964, post1964 post 1964, post-1964 iii (iii 198 autoritaireéclairées autoritaire éclairées régime Lutilisation moments dautres autres termes sinspire s inspire 1964198 (1964-1988 19 post196 post-196 196419 (1964-198 1 post19 post-19 19641 (1964-19 post1 post-1 (1964-1 post- (1964- (1964 (196 (19 (1 (

Resumen El artículo pretende investigar una trayectoria singular de recepción y traducción de las ideas de Antonio Gramsci en Brasil. Este artículo pretende reconstruir el pensamiento político de Fernando Henrique Cardoso durante la dictadura militar y la transición democrática brasileña (1964-1988), tomando como hilo conductor la interpretación y el uso que el autor hizo de las ideas de Antonio Gramsci a lo largo del tiempo para analizar la formación del Estado, las clases sociales y la política en Brasil. El texto desarrolla la hipótesis de la centralidad de los conceptos gramscianos en el pensamiento de Cardoso en tres fases de refracción gramsciana: (i) entre 1964 y 1974, en la tesis de la hegemonía dependiente de la burguesía en Brasil, (ii) entre 1974 y 1983, en la defensa del Estado brasileño como “Príncipe Moderno” como categoría de análisis de la coalición agrario-industrial-militar en el período posterior a 1964, y (iii) entre 1983 y 1988, en la formulación del transformismo autoritario-esclarecido como comportamiento de las élites económicas y militares brasileñas frente a la presión por la democratización del régimen. El uso que Cardoso hace de los conceptos gramscianos es creativo en todos estos momentos. En otras palabras, el pensador brasileño se inspira en los conceptos gramscianos para crear su propio léxico de análisis de la política brasileña. El artículo explora, por tanto, no sólo la recepción, sino también la traducción de las ideas de Gramsci en Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Brasil 19641988, 19641988 1988 , (1964-1988) gramsciana i (i 196 ii (ii 197 Príncipe Moderno agrarioindustrialmilitar agrario industrial iii (iii 198 autoritarioesclarecido autoritario esclarecido régimen momentos palabras explora tanto 1964198 (1964-1988 19 196419 (1964-198 1 19641 (1964-19 (1964-1 (1964- (1964 (196 (19 (1 (

Abstract This article aims to investigate a unique path in the reception and translation of Antonio Gramsci’s ideas in Brazil. This work attempts to reconstruct Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s political thought during the Brazilian military dictatorship and democratic transition (1964-1988), focusing on his interpretation and use of Antonio Gramsci’s ideas to analyze state formation, social classes and politics in Brazil. The paper argues that the Gramscian concepts are central to Cardoso’s political thought in three phases of Gramscian refraction: (i) between 1964 and 1974, in the thesis of the Brazilian bourgeoisie’s dependent hegemony; (ii) between 1974 and 1983, in the argument of the Brazilian state as the “Modern Prince” as a concept for the analysis of the agrarian-industrial-military coalition in the post-1964 period; and (iii) from 1983 to 1988, in the definition of the Brazilian economic and military elites’ behavior as a authoritarian-scletortic transformism in the face of the pressures for the democratization of the political regime. Cardoso’s uses of Gramscian concepts are creative at all these moments. That is, the Brazilian thinker draws on Gramscian concepts to create his own lexicon to employ in the analysis of Brazilian politics. The article therefore explores not only the reception, but also the translation of Gramsci’s ideas in Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Gramscis Gramsci s Brazil Cardosos Cardoso 19641988, 19641988 1988 , (1964-1988) formation refraction i (i 196 bourgeoisies bourgeoisie hegemony ii (ii 197 Modern Prince agrarianindustrialmilitary agrarian industrial post1964 post post-196 period iii (iii 198 elites authoritarianscletortic authoritarian scletortic regime moments is 1964198 (1964-1988 19 post196 post-19 196419 (1964-198 1 post19 post-1 19641 (1964-19 post1 post- (1964-1 (1964- (1964 (196 (19 (1 (

Resumo O artigo tem como objetivo investigar um percurso singular de recepção e tradução das ideias de Antonio Gramsci no Brasil. Este trabalho visa reconstruir o pensamento político de Fernando Henrique Cardoso durante a ditadura militar e a transição democrática brasileira (1964-1988) tomando como fio condutor a interpretação e uso que esse autor faz das ideias de Antonio Gramsci ao longo do tempo para a análise da formação do Estado, das classes sociais e da política no Brasil. O texto desenvolve a hipótese da centralidade dos conceitos gramscianos no pensamento de Cardoso em três fases de refração gramsciana: i) entre 1964 e 1974, na tese da hegemonia dependente da burguesia no Brasil, ii) entre 1974 e 1983, na defesa do Estado brasileiro como “Príncipe Moderno” enquanto categoria para análise da coalizão agrário-industrial-militar no pós-1964, e iii) de 1983 a 1988, na formulação do transformismo autoritário-esclarecido como comportamento das elites econômicas e militares brasileiras diante da pressão pela democratização do regime. Os usos dos conceitos gramscianos em Cardoso são criativos em todos esses momentos. Isto é, o pensador brasileiro se inspira nos conceitos gramscianos para criar seu próprio léxico a ser utilizado na análise da política brasileira. O artigo explora, portanto, não apenas a recepção, mas também a tradução das ideias de Gramsci em Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Brasil 19641988 1988 (1964-1988 gramsciana i 196 ii 197 Príncipe Moderno agrárioindustrialmilitar agrário industrial pós1964, pós1964 pós 1964, pós-1964 iii 198 autoritárioesclarecido autoritário esclarecido regime momentos é explora portanto 1964198 (1964-198 19 pós196 pós-196 196419 (1964-19 1 pós19 pós-19 19641 (1964-1 pós1 pós-1 (1964- pós- (1964 (196 (19 (1 (

ABSTRACT: Graphic communication projects begin with a strategic phase whose objective is to conceptualize a sensory universe that will be associated with the product or brand for which the project is developed. The objective is to emotionally connect the brand or product with the user. In this process, the "performativity" potential of images is used to define and communicate complex emotional qualities that are difficult to express through verbal language. Mostly, images are searched on the Internet and classified through hegemonic iconographic and iconological patterns. This article proposes to activate a critical look at the hybrid co-creation process that is generated between human and machine in the search for images on the net. Analyzing the agency of the non-human in this procedure will allow us to establish if the creative and methodological processes used contribute to establish and perpetuate a prevailing visual hegemony, or if they help to open fissures in its structure.

RESUMEN: Los proyectos de comunicación gráfica se inician con una fase estratégica cuyo objetivo es conceptualizar un universo sensorial que irá asociada al producto o marca para la cual se desarrolla el proyecto. El objetivo es conectar emocionalmente la marca o producto con el usuario. En este proceso se recurre al potencial de “performatividad” de las imágenes, para definir y comunicar cualidades emocionales complejas, difíciles de expresar a través del lenguaje verbal. Mayoritariamente, las imágenes se buscan en internet y son clasificadas mediante patrones iconográficos e iconológicos hegemónicos. Este artículo propone activar una mirada crítica sobre el proceso de co-creación híbrido que se genera entre humano y máquina en la búsqueda de imágenes en red. Analizar la agencia de lo no-humano en este procedimiento permitirá establecer si los procesos creativos y metodológicos usados contribuyen a establecer y perpetuar una hegemonía visual imperante, o si ayudan a abrir fisuras en su estructura.

A proposta apresentada neste trabalho parte da experiência de doutoramento de dois pesquisadores – a primeira referente ao estudo sócio-biográfico da obra de Max Weber e, a segunda, sobre a recepção de Henri Lefebvre no Brasil – associados a um projeto de investigação coletiva sobre intelectuais, pensamento social e circulação das ideias sociológicas no Brasil. Partindo dessas diferentes camadas de experiência histórica, foi possível constatar a necessidade de uma articulação estabelecida entre a área da sociologia dos intelectuais, sob a hegemonia da interpretação bourdieusiana da estruturação do campo, a partir da posição social ocupada por esses agentes, e de uma sociologia da cultura interessada no significado imanente dos  artefatos intelectuais, quer sejam físicos – livros, revistas, jornais, coleções – ou estritamente simbólicos – teorias, conceitos, imagens, metáforas. A solução para a difícil correlação entre o contexto histórico-social de produção intelectual e a construção simbólico discursiva do texto, está dada por uma forma de tratamento do problema, uma atitude intelectual que interpela objeto e sujeito do conhecimento, constituindo-se como resposta mais eficaz ao dilema acima apresentado do que o contínuo movimento de produção de “novos” modelos teórico-metodológicos mais abrangentes, sintéticos ou revolucionário que os seus antepassados.

the proposal presented in this work is based on doctoral experience of two researchers – the first one referring to the socio-biographical study of Max Weber ouvre and, the second one, about the work reception of Henri Lefebvre in Brazil – associated with an project of collective investigation about intellectuals, social thought and the circulation of sociological ideas in Brazil. Sustained by these two layers of historical experience, it was possible to confirm the need for a established articulation between the area of sociology of intellectuals, under the hegemony of the Bourdieusian interpretation of the structuring of the field, based on the social position occupied by these agents, and of a sociology of culture interested in the immanent meaning of intellectual artifacts, whether physical – books, magazines, newspapers, collections – or strictly symbolic – theories, concepts, images, metaphors. The solution to the difficult correlation between the historical-social context of intellectual production and the symbolic-discursive construction of the text is given by a way of dealing with the problem, an intellectual attitude that questions the object and subject of knowledge, constituting a more effective response to the dilemma presented above than the continuous movement of production of “new” theoretical-methodological models that are more comprehensive, synthetic or revolutionary than their ancestors.

Resumen Nos basamos en la teoría gramsciana de la hegemonía y en la teoría del valor de David Graeber para explorar las posibilidades de una contra-hegemonía al manejo ambiental del agua en la provincia argentina de Córdoba. Se analizan conflictos entre dos posiciones contrarias en la zona de Sierras Chicas. Por un lado, las propuestas hegemónicas de soluciones por medio de grandes y medianas obras de infraestructura para lidiar con las sequías e inundaciones en relación al desarrollo; por otro, a propuestas que ponderan soluciones adecuadas a las formas bio-físicas del ciclo hidrológico de un ambiente serrano. contrahegemonía contra Córdoba Chicas lado desarrollo otro biofísicas bio físicas serrano

Abstract We draw on Gramscian hegemony theory and David Graeber’s theory of value to explore the possibilities of a counter-hegemony to environmental water management in the Argentine province of Córdoba. Conflicts between two opposing positions in the Sierras Chicas area are analyzed. On the one hand, the hegemonic proposals of solutions by means of large and medium-sized infrastructure works to deal with droughts and floods; on the other hand, proposals that emphasize solutions adequate to the bio-physical forms of the hydrological cycle in a mountain environment. Graebers Graeber s counterhegemony counter Córdoba analyzed hand mediumsized medium sized floods biophysical bio physical environment

RESUMEN El artículo desarrolla una secuencia descriptivo-analítica que identifica las debilidades conceptuales de diversos modelos de comunicación fundados en la subjetividad, la hermenéutica y las teorías del emisor, cuya hegemonía se mantiene estable en las mediaciones antropológicas. Todo ello en medio de los intensos cambios que ha significado el complejo concepto de Antropoceno. En efecto, el centro gravitacional del análisis se sitúa en los postulados del giro anti-hermenéutico, donde la estructura es la base de la sensibilidad humana, y una concepción materialista de los medios que se aparta de la fenomenología y el discurso antropológico. La arqueología de los medios trabaja con materias primas, soportes, infraestructuras, máquinas mediales que distan del análisis cualitativo y los paradigmas complejos del antropoformismo que han sido prominentes en autores de la relevancia de Marshall McLuhan. En el ámbito de la contemporaneidad, esto nos lleva a distinguir entre una geología medial y medios de comunicación, mediante algunas tesis sustanciales de autores como Friedrich Kittler y Jussi Parikka.

ABSTRACT The article develops a descriptive-analytical sequence that identifies the conceptual weaknesses of various communication models based on subjectivity, hermeneutics and the theories of the emitter, whose hegemony remains stable in anthropological mediations. All this in the midst of the intense changes that the Anthropocene has meant. Indeed, the gravitational center of analysis is situated in the postulates of the anti-hermeneutic turn, a task that implies a materialist conception of the media that departs from phenomenology. Here, the so-called media archaeology works with supports, infrastructures, machines and expressive materialities that distance themselves from the qualitative analysis of the discourse and the paradigms of the subject -anthropomorphism- that have been prominent in authors of the relevance of Marshall McLuhan. In the field of contemporaneity, this leads us to distinguish between a medial geology and media, through some substantial theses by authors such as Friedrich Kittler and Jussi Parikka.

RESUMO O artigo desenvolve uma sequência descritivo-analítica que identifica as fragilidades conceituais de diversos modelos de comunicação baseados na subjetividade, na hermenêutica e nas teorias do emissor, cuja hegemonia permanece estável nas mediações antropológicas. Tudo isso em meio às intensas mudanças que o complexo conceito de Antropoceno significou. De fato, o centro gravitacional da análise situa-se nos postulados da viragem anti-hermenêutica, onde a estrutura é a base da sensibilidade humana, e uma concepção materialista dos meios de comunicação que se afasta da fenomenologia e do discurso antropológico. A arqueologia mediática trabalha com matérias-primas, suportes, infraestruturas, máquinas mediáticas que estão distantes da análise qualitativa e dos paradigmas complexos do antropoformismo que têm tido destaque em autores da relevância de Marshall McLuhan. No campo da contemporaneidade, isso nos leva a distinguir entre geologia medial e mídia, através de algumas teses substanciais de autores como Friedrich Kittler e Jussi Parikka.

Resumen La posmodernidad no se circunscribe únicamente a las profundas transformaciones de las estructuras sociales o culturales originadas en el último siglo, sino también a las de ciertas estructuras políticas tradicionales como el Estado y sus elementos constitutivos. A través de un enfoque normativo, el presente ensayo analiza los cambios del territorio ocasionados por la hegemonía de las fuerzas posmodernas representadas en el capitalismo posindustrializado, la globalización, y la revolución informática y comunicativa. Los resultados preliminares explican dichas dinámicas transformativas a partir de tres procesos interrelacionados: la producción, la organización y la orientación del espacio. En cada uno de esos niveles, el territorio deja de ser un objeto político por naturaleza, capaz de cumplir sus funciones congregacionales en torno a un ideal político comunitario para convertirse, en cambio, en una unidad política que privilegia otro tipo de intereses, ante todo, de índole económica.

Resumo A pós-modernidade não se limita apenas às profundas transformações das estruturas sociais ou culturais que tiveram lugar no último século, mas também às de certas estruturas políticas tradicionais, como o Estado e os seus elementos constitutivos. Através de uma abordagem normativa, este ensaio analisa as mudanças territoriais provocadas pela hegemonia das forças pós-modernas representadas no capitalismo pós-industrializado, na globalização e na revolução da informação e da comunicação. Os resultados preliminares explicam estas dinâmicas transformadoras em termos de três processos inter-relacionados: a produção, a organização e a orientação do espaço. A cada um destes níveis, o território deixa de ser um objeto político por natureza, capaz de cumprir as suas funções de congregação em torno de um ideal político comunitário, para se tornar uma unidade política que privilegia outros interesses, sobretudo económicos.

Abstract Postmodernity is not limited only to the profound transformations of social or cultural structures originated in the last century, but also to certain traditional political structures such as the State and its constituent elements. Through a normative approach, this essay analyzes the changes in the territory caused by the hegemony of postmodern forces represented especially in post-industrialized capitalism, globalization, and the information and communication revolution. The preliminary results explain these transformative dynamics from three interrelated processes: the production, organization, and orientation of space. At each of these levels, the territory ceases to be a political object by nature, capable of fulfilling its congregational functions around a community political ideal, to become, instead, into a political unit that privileges other types of interests, especially, economic ones.

ABSTRACT The consistent underperformance of the Brazilian economy in the 21st century, despite some years of higher gross domestic product (GDP) growth in the 2000s, has coincided with positive outcomes in its financial system. This contradiction is examined in the article through the concepts of hegemony and financialization. The aim is to establish a connection between financial hegemony, economic structure, and aggregate profitability, to identify how the former affects negatively the latter. The weight of the financial sector and its ability to influence economic policies and sustain its gains in different contexts are evaluated. Additionally, the determinants of the profit rate and its relationship with structural factors are examined. The evidence points to a significant influence of financial capital, which, through adverse structural changes, affects long-term profit rate trends, and consequently affects the industry and foreign trade, while also allowing the financial sector to maintain its gains over time.

RESUMEN El bajo rendimiento constante de la economía brasileña en el siglo XXI, a pesar de algunos años de mayor crecimiento del producto interno bruto (PIB) en la década del 2000, ha coincidido con resultados positivos en su sistema financiero. Esta contradicción se examina en el artículo mediante los conceptos de hegemonía y financiarización. El objetivo es establecer una conexión entre la hegemonía financiera, la estructura económica y la rentabilidad agregada, a fin de identificar cómo lo primero impacta negativamente en lo segundo. Se evalúa el peso del sector financiero, así como su capacidad para influir en las políticas económicas y mantener sus ganancias en diferentes contextos. Además, se examinan los determinantes de la tasa de beneficio y su relación con los factores estructurales. La evidencia apunta a una influencia significativa del capital financiero, que mediante cambios estructurales adversos afecta las tendencias de la tasa de beneficio a largo plazo, lo que en consecuencia impacta en la industria y el comercio exterior, y permite al sector financiero mantener sus ganancias con el tiempo.

Abstract This article discusses questions concerning the future of humanity in the face of threats to the health of populations, whose impact has been exacerbated in the course of inequalities in all parts of the world, pari passu with global development in the hegemonized model since last century. The COVID-19 pandemic is a good example that illustrates this dissonance between development and inequalities. Questions were formulated to be debated about the construction of the future of world society, based on the understanding of the evolutionary character of life on the planet vis-à-vis the evils that affect large contingents of the population and represent powerful risks for this evolutionary process. These questions call attention to the discussion around social participation in the definition and control of public policies, as opposed to the hegemony of private interests in the formulation and execution of these policies, both in the scenarios of each country and in the international context. populations century COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 society visàvis vis à process policies context COVID1 1 COVID-

Resumo O artigo discute questões sobre o futuro da humanidade ante as ameaças que rondam a saúde das populações, cujo impacto vem se exacerbando no curso das desigualdades em todas as partes do mundo, pari passu o desenvolvimento global no modelo hegemonizado a partir do século passado. A pandemia de COVID-19 foi tomada como um caso que bem ilustra essa dessintonia entre desenvolvimento e desigualdades. Formulam-se perguntas a serem postas em debate sobre a construção do futuro da sociedade mundial, com base na acepção sobre o caráter evolucional da vida no planeta vis-à-vis os males que acometem grandes contingentes populacionais e representam poderosos riscos para esse processo evolutivo. São indagações que apontam para a discussão em torno da participação social na definição e no controle das políticas públicas, em contrapartida à hegemonia dos interesses privados na formulação e execução dessas políticas, tanto nos cenários de cada país como no contexto internacional. populações mundo passado COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 Formulamse Formulam mundial visàvis vis evolutivo públicas internacional COVID1 1 COVID-

Resumo O artigo discute questões sobre o futuro da humanidade ante as ameaças que rondam a saúde das populações, cujo impacto vem se exacerbando no curso das desigualdades em todas as partes do mundo, pari passu o desenvolvimento global no modelo hegemonizado a partir do século passado. A pandemia de COVID-19 foi tomada como um caso que bem ilustra essa dessintonia entre desenvolvimento e desigualdades. Formulam-se perguntas a serem postas em debate sobre a construção do futuro da sociedade mundial, com base na acepção sobre o caráter evolucional da vida no planeta vis-à-vis os males que acometem grandes contingentes populacionais e representam poderosos riscos para esse processo evolutivo. São indagações que apontam para a discussão em torno da participação social na definição e no controle das políticas públicas, em contrapartida à hegemonia dos interesses privados na formulação e execução dessas políticas, tanto nos cenários de cada país como no contexto internacional.

Abstract This article discusses questions concerning the future of humanity in the face of threats to the health of populations, whose impact has been exacerbated in the course of inequalities in all parts of the world, pari passu with global development in the hegemonized model since last century. The COVID-19 pandemic is a good example that illustrates this dissonance between development and inequalities. Questions were formulated to be debated about the construction of the future of world society, based on the understanding of the evolutionary character of life on the planet vis-à-vis the evils that affect large contingents of the population and represent powerful risks for this evolutionary process. These questions call attention to the discussion around social participation in the definition and control of public policies, as opposed to the hegemony of private interests in the formulation and execution of these policies, both in the scenarios of each country and in the international context.

Resumen: Con la teoría de la transmodernidad, Dussel esboza la visión de un mundo multipolar en el que se supera la era de la hegemonía global europea, surgida con la conquista de América en 1492, y las culturas del Sur Global son miembros iguales de una sociedad mundial. En las últimas décadas, sin embargo, han surgido nuevos centros regionales de poder en China, India, Irán, Arabia Saudí y Rusia, que siguen de forma más o menos radical una política antioccidental. Esto significa que ya vivimos en un mundo multipolar, como admiten ahora abiertamente algunos pensadores poscoloniales. Sin embargo, según Dussel, la transmodernidad no es un proyecto antieuropeo, sino que los logros emancipadores de la modernidad europea (en el sentido de la superación de Hegel) deben subsumirse en la transmodernidad. En su ética política, Dussel ha presentado una reinterpretación crítica de los derechos humanos y la democracia bajo el epígrafe de una “política popular”; el derecho internacional, en cambio, es sospechoso de colonialismo, como demuestra su crítica de Francisco de Vitoria. Dado que las nuevas potencias regionales persiguen ahora ellas mismas una política imperial, todos los Estados, incluidos los regímenes poscoloniales de izquierdas, se enfrentan en la actualidad a la decisión entre una política de zonas de influencia imperial o -esta sería la consecuencia de la transmodernidad de Dussel- un ulterior desarrollo crítico del derecho internacional.

Abstract: With the theory of transmodernity, Dussel outlines the vision of a multipolar world in which the era of European global hegemony, which arose with the conquest of America in 1492, is overcome and the cultures of the Global South are equal members of a new global order. In recent decades, however, new regional centres of power have emerged in China, India, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Russia, which more or less radically pursue an anti-Western policy. This means that we already live in a multipolar world, as some postcolonial thinkers now openly admit. However, according to Dussel, transmodernity is not an anti-European project, but rather the emancipatory achievements of European modernity (in the sense of Hegel's Aufhebung) are to be subsumed in transmodernity. In his political ethics, Dussel has presented a critical reinterpretation of human rights and democracy under the heading of a "popular politics". The doctrine of international law, however, is suspected of colonialism, as his critique of Francisco de Vitoria demonstrates. Since the new regional powers are now themselves pursuing an imperial policy, all states, including left-wing post-colonial regimes, are now faced with the choice between a policy of imperial spheres of influence or - this would be the consequence of Dussel's transmodernity - a further critical development of international law.

Resumen: En el presente texto se retoman las proposiciones de Enrique Dussel que constituyen un aporte a la configuración de criterios alternativos para repensar el impacto que ha tenido el proceso histórico que se desarrolla a partir del mundo capitalista moderno y la imposición de la hegemonía ejercida por Occidente, así como la necesidad de asumir en el plano filosófico las relaciones interculturales basadas en el reconocimiento de los otros, especialmente de los sujetos y culturas subalternas. La posibilidad de recrear el diálogo mundial entre las diferentes tradiciones culturales y filosóficas representa el avance hacia lo que el autor citado denomina como transmodernidad, concepto que está tensionado por la proyección utópica hacia el reconocimiento igualitario de la humanidad.

Abstract : In this text, Enrique Dussel's propositions are taken up, which constitute a contribution to the configuration of alternative criteria to rethink the impact that the historical process that develops from the modern capitalist world and the imposition of hegemony exercised by the West has had, as well as the need to assume, on a philosophical level, intercultural relations based on the recognition of others, especially of subaltern subjects and cultures. The possibility of recreating the global dialogue between different cultural and philosophical traditions represents progress towards what the aforementioned author calls transmodernity, a concept that is stressed by the utopian projection towards the equal recognition of humanity.

ABSTRACT In this research, adopting a qualitative and descriptive approach, the aim is to investigate the possible meaning’s effect associated with the image of Female-Exu using the theoretical framework of Materialist Discourse Analysis. The mythologies surrounding this entity are linked to her power at crossroads and her potential to open paths, providing her followers new ways of understanding life. Additionally, the image of this entity updates meanings related to eroticism. Considering the hegemony of Christian ideologies, the representation of the Female-Exu leads to interpretations other than those which associate the erotic with sin. Therefore, unlike the Christian ideology, such as the image of the devil and/or satan, in addition to negative/pejorative erotic aspects associated with the entity by non-Candomblé and Umbanda practitioners, the research proposal is also to investigate possible erotic meanings in the lyrics “Maria Padilha” by Bixarte. approach meaning s FemaleExu Female Exu Analysis paths life Additionally eroticism ideologies sin Therefore ideology andor or satan negativepejorative negative pejorative nonCandomblé non Candomblé practitioners Maria Padilha Bixarte

RESUMO Nesta pesquisa, de abordagem qualitativa e descritiva, objetiva-se investigar os possíveis efeitos de sentidos vinculados à imagem de Exu-Feminina a partir do dispositivo teórico da Análise do Discurso Materialista. As mitologias em torno desta entidade estão vinculadas a seu poder sobre as encruzilhadas e seu potencial em abrir caminhos e formas de compreender a vida para seus fiéis. Ademais, a imagem da entidade atualiza significações do erotismo. Considerando a hegemonia das ideologias cristãs, a imagem de Exu-Feminina remete a interpretações divergentes daquelas que vinculam o erótico ao pecado. Por isso, ao contrário da ideologia cristã, como a imagem de diabo e/ou satanás, além de aspectos eróticos negativos/pejorativos vinculados à entidade por sujeitos não candomblecistas e umbandistas, a proposta da pesquisa é também investigar possíveis sentidos eróticos na música Maria Padilha de Bixarte. descritiva objetivase objetiva se ExuFeminina Exu Feminina Materialista fiéis Ademais erotismo cristãs pecado isso cristã eou ou satanás negativospejorativos negativos pejorativos umbandistas Bixarte

Abstract This article aims to assess the limits of the debate on the crisis of hegemony in the United States in the 1970s. We raise the thesis that the crisis of this decade did not correspond to the supposed crisis of hegemony - despite the questions raised against it. We will argue that during the post-war period, the USA built the foundations of a global power that were consolidated during this and the following decade, through the foundation of the formatters parameters of the interstate system - security, currency/finance, production/technology. The crisis of the decade corresponds, therefore, not to a crisis of hegemony, but to the antagonism between the limits of the autonomy of National States and to the rise of a transnational economic order, whose vertex situated the American global power. 1970s s it postwar post war period security currencyfinance currency finance currency/finance productiontechnology production technology production/technology corresponds therefore order

Resumo Este artigo tem por objetivo avaliar os limites do debate acerca da crise de hegemonia dos Estados Unidos na década de 1970. Nossa hipótese é que a crise daquele período não correspondeu à crise de hegemonia - à revelia dos questionamentos a ela. Argumentaremos que, ao longo do pós-guerra, os EUA construíram as bases de um poder global que se consolidaram no decorrer daquela quadra e da seguinte, mediante o alicerçamento dos parâmetros formatadores do sistema interestatal - segurança, moeda/finanças, produção/tecnologia. A crise da década corresponde, por conseguinte, não à crise de hegemonia, mas ao antagonismo entre os limites da autonomia dos Estados Nacionais e a ascensão de uma ordem econômica transnacional, em cujo vértice se situa o poder global estadunidense. JEL: F40, F62, P16, N12. 1970 ela pósguerra, pósguerra pós guerra, guerra pós-guerra seguinte segurança moedafinanças moeda finanças moeda/finanças produçãotecnologia produção tecnologia produção/tecnologia corresponde conseguinte transnacional estadunidense JEL F40 F F62 P16 P N12 N 197 F4 F6 P1 N1 19 1

Abstract The objective of this article is to understand the determinants for the process of productive fragmentation in Global Value Chains (GVC) and what are the contributions of political economy to the understanding of the phenomenon. Neoclassical economics and the theoretical framework of GVCs emphasize the technical or technological reasons to explain the emergence of GVCs. Alternatively, this article proposes an interpretation of the political economy of GVCs. In this way, three stages of dispute for power and capital stimulate the development of GVCs, which is the result of interstate competition (for hegemony and dominance of peripheral regions), intercapitalist competition (between companies inside and outside the chains) and between classes, so as to reduce labor bargaining and increase the power of capital. GVC (GVC phenomenon Alternatively way regions, regions , regions) chains classes

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é entender os determinantes para o processo de fragmentação produtiva em Cadeias Globais de Valor (CGV) e quais são as contribuições da economia política para a compreensão do fenômeno. A economia neoclássica e o marco teórico das CGV enfatizam as razões técnicas ou tecnológicas para explicar o surgimento das CGV. Alternativamente, este artigo propõe uma interpretação da economia política das CGV. Desse modo, a interpretação sugerida é a de que três palcos de disputa pelo poder e pelo capital estimulam o desenvolvimento das CGV, a qual é fruto da competição interestatal (pela hegemonia e pelo domínio de regiões periféricas), intercapitalista (entre empresas dentro e fora das cadeias) e entre as classes, de modo a reduzir a barganha do trabalho e aumentar o poder do capital. JEL: F12, F60, L23, O34. (CGV fenômeno Alternativamente pela periféricas, periféricas , periféricas) cadeias classes JEL F12 F F60 L23 L O34 F1 F6 L2 O3

Education systems are shaped by various internal and external contextual forces (De Beer, 2017). External contextual trends typically include language, demography, geography, technology, politics, and financial and economic trends. Religion represents one of these external contextual trends that can affect an education system (see Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010; Wolhuter & Van der Walt, 2018). Making use of established metabletic-comparative methodology, this article seeks to highlight the impact of religion as a formative factor of education in the BRICS countries. Religion is treated significantly differently in the education systems of the BRICS member states. In schools in India and China, no religious activities are allowed in accordance with the respective constitutions, while any religious activities may take place in schools in Brazil, Russia and South Africa, provided that the activities comply with particular guidelines. Broadly considered, any religious activities are conducted in primary schools in Brazil, provided that attendance is voluntary. Religion in Brazilian schools is influenced by the strong position of the Roman Catholic faith in Brazilian society, which could potentially be detrimental to minority groups in Brazil (Senefonte, 2018:440). Learners in Russia, according to Russian law, are free to choose for themselves the religious module in which they wish to receive education. Schools in Russia do not, however, always implement this legislation correctly, since a school's resources actually determine which module the learners should take. The manner in which religion is being dealt with, causes unhappiness among learners and parents as they do not really have freedom of choice regarding the religious module in which they wish to receive instruction (Zöllner, 2016). The legislation in China clearly states that no religious activities may take place in public schools, yet the ruling party of China intends to enshrine tenets of atheism in learners in schools (Vickers, 2022; Wang & Froese, 2020). Compared to the other BRICS member states, China has the most officially, constitutionally recognised ethnic groups. In terms of legislation and policy formulations, the ethnic minority groups obtain various benefits in terms of education. The wide variety of ethnic groupings poses various challenges to the government of China as the views of all these groups in the education system have to be taken into account. Various documents, including the South African Schools Act 76 of 1996, and other education policies provide clear guidelines as to how religion ought to be dealt with in South African schools. In South Africa, learners are taught various major deities worldwide. All learners in South Africa are exposed to the concept of religion through the subject Life Orientation (Grades 7-12). Teachers in South Africaface the challenge of respecting all kinds of religions and not preaching their own views on a religion. This challenge of respecting all religions can result in conflict in schools, as learners may feel that they will be discriminated against if one type of religion is singled out, for example during assembly. This underscores the role and value of South African teachers in inculcating citizenship values (see Wolhuter, Janmaat, Van der Walt & Potgieter, 2020). The Government of India faces opposition from minority groups with regard to religion in schools as the socio-political hegemony religion is especially preferred in terms of the drafting of academic textbooks (Traub, 2018). This preferential treatment of a particular religion is contrary to the Indian constitution, as no single religion may be singled out, nor should any religion be discriminated against (Majumdar, 2018). The preference given to a particular religion in textbooks can result in a negative impact on the education system of India. The analysis and interpretation show that there is still a close relationship between religion and education in the BRICS countries. However, all five BRICS member states face different problems regarding religion and each of the five member states also deals with its problems differently. This conclusion is now unpacked in this summary, and in detail defended in the ensuing full text. In terms of dealing with religion, South Africa appears to be more tolerant than Brazil, Russia, India and China, although this tolerance still causes more problems for the South African government, in the sense of opposition from various adherents of a wide variety of faith groupings who would like schools to play a role in strengthening the religious beliefs of their children. Several court cases have been fought in South Africa as schools struggle to accommodate the wishes of all religious groups in South Africa (see Nthontho, 2020). In contrast to forces in all the BRICS countries trying to separate religion and (public) education, the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, the proto-charter of Human Rights Charters in the contemporary world, Article 26 states that everyone has the right to education, education should be oriented towards the total development of the child's personality, and that parents have a preferential right to decide on the type of education their children should receive. The BRICS member states can learn from each other how to deal with religion in schools, even though none have yet managed to deal satisfactorily with religion in education. The common factor among all five BRICS countries is that religion is used again and again (consciously or unconsciously) to reinforce political or ideological hegemony. It seems that the shortcoming in all these countries is pointing to a lack of recognition of the place and role of religion in the lives of their citizens and that secular-political objectives, notably the forcing of official ideological hegemony, as well as the achievement of national unity above the full recognition of religious freedom, are also stated in the education system and in citizens 'choice of the kind of religious education of their children. As a result, the role of religion in creating a strong moral fibre for a society therefore never seems to come into its own. Moreover, judging by the United Nations Charter's Human Rights provisions on education, educative education (incl. teaching and learning), in accordance with its full scope of semantic value, does not currently come into its own. The same seems to be the case as regards the human right to parental advocacy with respect to religious education. The experience of the BRICS countries in terms of religion-in-education shows that it is sensible and even necessary, for example, along the path of enlarged parental speech in education and school autonomy, to allow more room for religious freedom in education. The BRICS countries are currently being proposed as the leading grouping of the Global South in a new formative world order. Against this background, current trends regarding religion-in-education in these countries therefore probably represent a bold example. However, it should nonetheless be denounced by the academic community and better examples should subsequently be extracted and presented from other national education systems from future research.

'n Onderwysstelsel word deur verskeie samelewingskontekstuele kragte gevorm. Hierdie kontekstuele faktore sluit taal, demografie, geografie, tegnologie, politiek en finansiële en ekonomiese tendense in. Godsdiens is een van die laasgenoemde tendense wat 'n onderwys-stelsel kan beïnvloed. Die BRICS-organisasie bestaan uit Brasilië, Rusland, Indië, Sjina en Suid-Afrika en is 'n supra-nasionale blok wat baie aandag in die openbare sowel as akademiese diskoers oor internasionale politiek en maatskaplike kwessies trek (De Beer, 2017). Godsdiens word wyd geag as 'n omstrede en sensitiewe faktor in onderwysstelsels (sien Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010). In hierdie artikel word godsdiens as vormgewende faktor van die onderwysstelsels in die BRICS-lande ondersoek, om die waarde daarvan as 'n aanskouingsles vir Suid-Afrika en ander lande te bepaal. Die BRICS-lidlande is doelbewus vir hierdie navorsing gekies weens die besondere waarde van hierdie lande as vertoonvenster van onderwysstelsels se antwoord op samelewingstendense van die een-en-twintigste eeu. Dokumentontleding is uitgevoer ten opsigte van beleidsdokumente, wetgewing, artikels en staatspublikasies, ten einde inligting in te samel. In die verwerking en interpretasie van inligting is die metableties-vergelykende metode gebruik ten einde beste praktyke ten opsigte van die hantering van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels vanuit die BRICS-lidlande te identifiseer. Die ondersoek het ernstige tekortkominge in al die BRICS-lande se hantering van godsdiens in onderwys aan die lig gebring. Nie een van die lande se beleid of praktyk slaag die toets, soos gemeet aan die Verenigde Nasies se Handves van Menseregte nie. Die noodsaak van voortgesette navorsing oor die plek van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels van die wêreld word ten slotte verduidelik.