Resumo Os dispositivos estatais para o governo das águas no Brasil vêm sendo fortemente influenciados pelo discurso do desenvolvimento, tendo como principal instituição multilateral promotora o Banco Mundial, cujas diretrizes convergem para o afastamento das instituições estatais do papel de provedoras dos serviços de água e promovem a perda do controle sobre as águas por populações locais. Neste artigo, analiso a trajetória das políticas governamentais para a gestão das águas no Brasil a partir da instituição da Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos (PNRH) à luz da literatura antropológica sobre grandes projetos de desenvolvimento, administração pública e o campo autodenominado de antropologia da água, observando o processo de criação e implementação de dispositivos institucionais que abrem caminho para a transformação da água em uma commodity. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de observação participante em avaliação oficial da PNRH e análise de relatórios de projetos do Banco Mundial. desenvolvimento Mundial locais artigo (PNRH commodity

Abstract State devices for water governance in Brazil have been strongly influenced by the development discourse, with the World Bank as the main multilateral institution that promotes it, whose guidelines converge towards the removal of state institutions from the role of providers of water services and promote the loss control over water by local populations. In this article, I analyze the trajectory of government policies for water management in Brazil from the institution of the National Water Resources Policy (NWRP) under the light of anthropological literature on large development projects, public administration and the self-declared field of anthropology of water, observing the process of creation and implementation of institutional devices that pave the way for the transformation of water into a commodity. The research was carried out through participant observation in an official evaluation of the NWRP and analysis of project reports from the World Bank. discourse it populations article (NWRP projects selfdeclared self declared commodity

Heelwat navorsing is al gedoen in 'n poging om 'n greep op aspekte van goeie en slegte plaaslike regering te kry. 'n Kernvraag wat steeds onbeantwoord bly is die volgende: Wat is "plaaslike regering", en hoe kan die werklikheid waarna die begrip verwys, verstaan en herken word? 'n Begripsraamwerk van "plaaslike regering" is onlangs ontwikkel bestaande uit die herkenbare eienskappe van die begrip om dit te identifiseer. Gepaardgaande daarmee is 'n sosiale ontologie van sorg vir "plaaslike regering" ontwikkel. Die veronderstelling is dat plaaslike regerings in Suid-Afrika en ander lande aan die hand van daardie eienskappe herken sal word. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is daar egter 'n moontlike nietipiese voorbeeld van plaaslike regering, naamlik Orania, 'n bestaande dorp binne die geografiese gebied van die Thembelihle Plaaslike Munisipaliteit in die Noord-Kaapprovinsie. Orania is nie 'n muni-sipaliteit ingevolge die Suid-Afrikaanse grondwet en wetlike raamwerk nie. Die vraag is gevolglik of Orania wel as 'n "plaaslike regering" beskou kan word. In antwoord op die vraag gee hierdie artikel 'n ontiese¹ beskrywing van Orania aan die hand van die gekose begripsraamwerk en sosiale ontologie van sorg. Dit blyk uit die beskrywing en ontleding daarvan dat Orania wel aan die institusionele, funksionele en territoriale eienskappe van die begrip "plaaslike regering" voldoen en op 'n outentieke wyse as plaaslike regering funksioneer. Die gevallestudie wys dat 'n outentieke plaaslike regering een is wat 'n integrerende deel uitmaak van sy plaaslike gemeenskap en omsluitende wêrelde, wat voortdurende ongemak met die hede beleef en met sorg, besorgdheid en sorgsaamheid daarop reageer.

Much research has been conducted to grasp aspects of good and bad local governance. A central question that remains unanswered is: What constitutes "local government" and how can the reality to which this concept refers be understood and recognised? Recently, a conceptual framework was developed by identifying recognisable characteristics of this concept's reference. The assumption is that local governments in South Africa and other countries will be recognised based on these characteristics. Alongside this, a social ontology of care for "local government" was established. However, within the South African context, a potentially atypical example of local government is found, namely Orania, an existing town situated within the geographical area of the Thembelihle Local Municipality in the Northern Cape province. Orania is not a municipality in terms of the South African constitution and legal framework. The question thus arises whether Orania can indeed be considered a "local government". In response to this query, this article provides a description of Orania using the chosen conceptual framework and social ontology of care as part of a case study design. The analysis and ontological description ofOrania, by means of the conceptual framework, reveal that the phenomenon of Orania does indeed possess a territorial jurisdictional sphere (the Orania Overlay Zone), a democratically elected representative council (the OVR), and a Town Council and its administration that performs a range of local functions and responsibilities. While the territory of a municipality is generally determined by authorising measures or decisions by other jurisdictions (such as province, state, and national government), the territorial area known as the Orania Overlay Zone results from the purchase and cultivation of land by members of a homogeneous cultural community. Therefore, the territory is not only a demarcation of jurisdiction, but the place to which this community is connected. The institutional aspect of local government is likely a universal feature. The nature and scope of the institutional structure of local governments are often also the result of standardised external authorising measures or decisions by other jurisdictions. Consequently, the structures may not necessarily resonate with the needs and resources of the sometimes diverse society that constitutes the inhabitants of such an area. In the case of Orania, the institutional structure of local government (the OVR and the Town Council) is directly determined by the community, as represented by various land entities, based on the community's specific needs and available resources. The performance of a limited range of local functions can also be considered a universal feature of local government. In this particular case, the functions of the relevant local government are determined by its decision-making bodies, such as the Town Council, in consultation with the community as represented by the various land entities. Consequently, typical local government functions are performed according to the community's needs and available resources. Non-typical local government functions, such as residence rights, are performed within the general scope of the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and other national legislation. The analysis confirmed that Orania meets the characteristics consistent with the concept of "local government" as outlined in the conceptual framework. Additionally, viewing Orania through the theoretical lens of social ontology of care highlights that it is a human construct, making objective observation and description challenging. Orania is a network of interconnected individuals and social institutions situated within overlapping human, spiritual, natural, territorial, and political worlds. The authenticity of this existence lies in its concern for the affairs of the world in which it is situated and the conscientiousness with which it carries out its functions in conjunction with others. The case study shows that an authentic local government is one that forms an integral part of its local community and surrounding worlds, continually experiencing discomfort (anxiety) with the present, and responding to that anxiety with care, concern, and nurturing for society and its things.

Hierdie artikel ondersoek twee aspekte wat die outentiekheid van 'n plaaslike regering raak, naamlik die antesedente en die gevolglikheid daarvan. 'n Begripsraamwerk en 'n sosiale ontologie van sorg van "plaaslike regering" is as teoretiese lense vir die ondersoek gebruik. Wat die antesedente van plaaslike regering betref (magtiging, inwoners, natuurlike en fisiese ligging, samewerkende regerings, en vermoëns), het Orania nie as gevolg van magtigende maatreëls soos die Grondwet en voortspruitende wetgewing ontstaan nie, maar as gevolg van 'n kultuurgemeenskap se strewe en gevolglike aankoop van 'n stuk grond. Anders as die inwoners van munisipaliteite in die res van Suid-Afrika het Orania se inwoners verblyfreg verkry op grond van hul onderskrywing van Orania se ontstaansredes. Die eiesoortige fisiese ligging van Orania is doelbewus deur die grondleggers gekies en is bepalend vir die voorsiening van energie, water en ander infrastruktuur-verwante dienste deur Orania Dorpsraad. Die dorpsadministrasie blyk voorts oor voldoende fondse, raadslede en amptenare te beskik om sy funksies uit te voer en sodoende 'n tuiste vir sy gemeenskap te skep. Wat die gevolglikheid van plaaslike regering betref (lewensgehalte, demokratiese en verantwoordelike regering, volhoubare dienslewering, maatskaplike en ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en veilige en gesonde omgewing) blyk die Orania inwonersgemeenskap goeie lewensgehalte te ervaar. Hulle blyk deurlopend betrokke te wees by verskeie gemeenskapsorganisasies, 'n demokratiese en verant-woordingspligtige Orania Verteenwoordigende Raad (OVR) en dorpsadministrasie. Voorts ontvang hulle volhoubare munisipale dienslewering, ervaar maatskaplike en ekonomiese ontwikkeling en leef in 'n veilige en gesonde omgewing. 'n Outentieke plaaslike regering blyk een te wees wat goed geïntegreer is met sy plaaslike gemeenskap en omsluitende wêrelde, voortdurend ongemaklik is met die hede, en met sorg, besorgdheid en sorgsaamheid daarop reageer. Orania is klaarblyklik só 'n plaaslike regering.

Local government is distinguished from other spheres of government based on its unique institutional characteristics, the local nature of its governmental functions, and the territorial delineation of its local jurisdiction. Despite being localised, local governments often fail to meet the specific needs of their residents. The implication is that they are not authentic local governments. This article examines two aspects that have an impact on the authenticity of a local government: the necessary conditions (antecedents) for and the consequences of an authentic local government. These aspects are considered through a case study of Orania as a non-typical instance of a South African local government. A conceptual framework and a social ontology of care are used as theoretical lenses to analyse and understand the antecedents and consequences of a local government. In the preceding article, it was reported that the case of Orania does indeed align with the characteristics associated with the concept of "local government". The antecedents of local government have been shown to be authorisation, residents, natural and physical location, cooperative governments, and capabilities. It appears that Orania did not originate due to authorising measures such as the Constitution and subsequent legislation. Instead, it came about because of a cultural community's aspirations and the subsequent acquisition of a piece of land while obtaining legal authorisation at a later stage by means of an order of the High Court. The residents of Orania do not seem to be accidental inhabitants; but are residents based on their alignment with Orania's founding principles. The unique physical location of Orania was deliberately chosen and plays a crucial role in the provision of energy, water, and other infrastructure-related services by the Orania Town Council and administration. The Town Council and its administration appear to have sufficient funds, competent and ethical council members and officials to carry out its functions and create a home for its community. Regarding the consequences of local government, the Orania community seems to experience a good quality of life while actively engaging in various community organisations, participating in the democratic election of an accountable Orania Representative Council (OVR) and Town Council, receiving sustainable municipal services, and witnessing social and economic development. Additionally, they enjoy a safe and healthy environment. An authentic local government is thus one that is integrally connected to its local community and the surrounding world. It continually grapples with present challenges and genuinely cares for its community and the world it inhabits. Orania, therefore, appears to embody the characteristics of a local government.

ABSTRACT Nayib Bukele has been unconstitutionally re-elected as President of El Salvador. His government can rely on a hegemonic party system that presents a façade of democracy but denies opposition parties any real power. The elections followed an unparalleled subversion of democratic institutions and processes, carried out to consolidate the Central American leader’s electoral autocracy. Bukele claims popular legitimacy, but he has used his rule to eliminate checks and balances, manipulate the independence of the judiciary and the state administration, and stifle press freedom. Behind his grip on authority lies a desire to achieve political and economic influence for the Bukele family and an aspiring business elite associated with it. The President has built his popularity as a political leader through the spectacularization of a state of emergency. Ostensibly a crackdown on gangs, the measure is being used to arbitrarily detain citizens and repress critical voices. Bukele manages El Salvador’s security crisis not to reduce violence, but to bolster support for his regime.

RESUMEN Nayib Bukele ha sido reelegido inconstitucionalmente como Presidente de El Salvador. Su gobierno puede confiar en un sistema de partido hegemónico que presenta una fachada de democracia, pero niega a los partidos de oposición cualquier poder real. Las elecciones siguieron a una subversión sin precedentes de las instituciones y procesos democráticos, llevada a cabo para consolidar la autocracia electoral del líder centroamericano. Bukele afirma tener legitimidad popular, pero ha utilizado su gobierno para eliminar controles y contrapesos, manipular la independencia del poder judicial y de la administración estatal, así como reprimir la libertad de prensa. Detrás de su control de la autoridad se esconde un deseo de lograr influencia política y económica para la familia Bukele y una élite empresarial aspirante asociada a ella. El Presidente ha construido su popularidad como líder político mediante la espectacularización de un régimen de excepción. La medida, que aparenta ser una guerra contra las pandillas, se está utilizando para detener arbitrariamente a los ciudadanos y reprimir las voces críticas. Bukele maneja la crisis de seguridad de El Salvador no para reducir la violencia, sino para reforzar el apoyo a su régimen.

RESUMO A pandemia da Covid-19 colocou importantes desafios sanitários e económicos aos Estados e às suas burocracias. Tanto nos países desenvolvidos como nos países em desenvolvimento, as políticas implementadas reativaram as discussões sobre o papel do Estado e os seus graus de intervenção. Da mesma forma, implicaram mudanças nas condições de trabalho dos servidores públicos em função das medidas de cuidado e isolamento adotadas. Estas mudanças tiveram impacto na dinâmica das disputas trabalhistas no sector? Os conflitos registrados apresentaram novas características? Houve diferenças dependendo do nível de governo? Este artigo analisa os conflitos trabalhistas promovidos pelos trabalhadores das Administrações Públicas municipais, provinciais e nacional durante o período 2020-2022. Para caracterizar as estratégias adotadas nesta situação excepcional, são abordados especificamente os tipos de reclamações e o repertório de ações desenvolvidas foram aquelas com ou sem greve. Os dados são comparados também com os registros pré-pandêmicos. A análise desenvolvida alimenta-se da integração de dados da Base de Conflitos Trabalhistas do Ministério do Trabalho, Emprego e Seguridade Social, regulamentos, documentos oficiais e artigos de jornais. Este trabalho procura fornecer evidências empíricas que sirvam ao debate mais amplo sobre as disputas trabalhistas no setor público.

RESUMEN La pandemia de la Covid-19 concitó importantes desafíos sanitarios y económicos para los Estados y sus burocracias. Tanto en países desarrollados como en vías de desarrollo, las políticas implementadas para mitigar su impacto reactivaron las discusiones respecto del rol del Estado y sus grados de intervención. Asimismo, implicaron cambios en las condiciones de trabajo de los empleados de las Administraciones Públicas pues debieron readaptar el modo de desempeñar sus tareas ante las medidas de cuidado y aislamiento dispuestas. ¿Estos cambios impactaron sobre la dinámica de la conflictividad laboral en el sector? ¿Los conflictos laborales registrados presentaron características novedosas? ¿Existieron diferencias según el nivel de gobierno? En este trabajo se analiza el caso argentino considerando los conflictos laborales impulsados por los trabajadores de las Administraciones Públicas municipales, provinciales y nacional durante el período 2020-2022. A fin de determinar las estrategias desplegadas en ese contexto de excepcionalidad, se abordan específicamente los tipos de reclamos planteados y el repertorio de acciones desarrolladas fueran éstas con o sin paro. Asimismo para ampliar la caracterización, los datos son comparados con lo ocurrido durante 2019, año previo a la declaración de la pandemia. El análisis realizado se nutre de la integración de datos provenientes de la Base de Conflictos Laborales del Ministerio de Trabajo, Empleo y Seguridad Social de la Nación (MTEySS), normativas, documentos oficiales y artículos periodísticos. Mediante este trabajo se procura aportar evidencia empírica que sirva al debate más amplio respecto de la conflictividad laboral en el sector público.

ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic raised important health and economic challenges for the States and their bureaucracies. In both developed and developing countries, the policies implemented restarted the discussions regarding the role of the State and its degrees of intervention. Likewise, they implied changes in public servants’ working conditions in light of care and isolation measures taken. Did these changes have an impact on Public Administration labor conflict dynamic? Did labor conflicts present new characteristics under pandemic context? Were there any differences depending on the level of government? This paper analyzes labor conflicts promoted by Argentine public servants of municipal, provincial and national Public Administrations during the period 2020-2022. In order to characterize their strategies in this exceptional situation, the types of claims and their repertoire of actions (strike and non-strike disputes) are specifically addressed. The data are also compared with pre-pandemic figures. The analysis is based on the data of the Labor Conflict Base of the National Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security, regulations, official documents and newspaper articles. This work provides empirical evidence that contributes to the broadest debate about the labor conflicts in the public sector.

Resumen Este artículo analiza la política exterior del gobierno de Fernández en la Argentina, entre diciembre de 2019 y diciembre de 2023. Tiene por objetivo estudiar las posiciones y las decisiones adoptadas por el gobierno del Frente de Todos, teniendo en cuenta distintos aspectos considerados factores condicionantes del rumbo de la política internacional. La hipótesis que se desarrolla en este artículo es, que la principal tensión ha sido la de conciliar el contenido del pacto electoral que llevó al gobierno al poder, con los requerimientos que implicó la renegociación de la deuda con el FMI. Las internas políticas que caracterizaron a la gestión pública, en todas las áreas, se expresaron también en la política exterior. A lo largo de los apartados se abordarán elementos donde los factores internos y externos se entrelazan para explicar la política exterior del gobierno de Alberto Fernández.

Abstract This article analyzes the foreign policy of the Fernández government in Argentina from its beginning on December 10, 2019, until December 2023. It aims to study the positions and decisions adopted by the government of Frente de Todos, considering different aspects as conditioning factors of the course of international policy. The hypothesis developed in this article is that the main tension has been to reconcile the content of the electoral pact that brought the government to power with the requirements implied by the renegotiation of the debt with the IMF. The political internalities that characterized the public administration in all areas were also expressed in foreign policy.

Abstract: This article analyzes the discussions in the Preliminary Councils of the XXVII Legislature regarding the legitimacy of popular representatives, a discussion in which two political blocks confronted each other: that of the presumed deputies close to President Venustiano Carranza, known as the renovators, and the opposition block, known as the radicals, some of whom were close to Álvaro Obregón or Pablo González, two of the most important Constitutionalist leaders. This discussion reveals the emergent fractures in the triumphant current of the Mexican Revolution, which could first be seen in the Constitutional Congress of 1916-1917, a divide that would hold over into the XXVII Legislature and the one that followed. This division provoked fierce political struggles between congress and the Carranza administration and reduced the latter’s efficacy, as several of its most important initiatives, such as the law on the suspension of guarantees to combat the rebellions against his government, were blocked by the opposition, as they constituted the majority legislative block.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza la discusión en las Juntas Preliminares de la XXVII Legislatura acerca de la legitimidad de los representantes populares, discusión en la cual se enfrentan dos bloques, el de los presuntos diputados más cercanos al presidente Venustiano Carranza, conocidos como renovadores, y el de un bloque opositor, conocido como radical, algunos de cuyos miembros eran cercanos a Álvaro Obregón o a Pablo González, dos de los más importantes líderes del constitucionalismo. Esa discusión muestra la fractura que se estaba produciendo en la corrien te triunfadora de la Revolución, cuyos primeros signos se habían mostrado en el Congreso Constituyente de 1916-1917, división que continuó en la XXVII Legislatura y que se prolongaría también en la siguiente. Esa escisión provocó fuertes disputas políticas del Congreso con el gobierno de Venustiano Carranza y le restó eficacia a éste, pues varias de sus iniciativas más importantes, como la Ley de Suspensión de Garantías para poder combatir las rebeliones que estallaron en su gobierno, se vieron obstaculizadas por la oposición de un sector mayoritario de legisladores.

Resumen Este artículo analiza la política exterior del gobierno de Fernández en la Argentina, entre diciembre de 2019 y diciembre de 2023. Tiene por objetivo estudiar las posiciones y las decisiones adoptadas por el gobierno del Frente de Todos, teniendo en cuenta distintos aspectos considerados factores condicionantes del rumbo de la política internacional. La hipótesis que se desarrolla en este artículo es, que la principal tensión ha sido la de conciliar el contenido del pacto electoral que llevó al gobierno al poder, con los requerimientos que implicó la renegociación de la deuda con el FMI. Las internas políticas que caracterizaron a la gestión pública, en todas las áreas, se expresaron también en la política exterior. A lo largo de los apartados se abordarán elementos donde los factores internos y externos se entrelazan para explicar la política exterior del gobierno de Alberto Fernández.

Abstract This article analyzes the foreign policy of the Fernández government in Argentina from its beginning on December 10, 2019, until December 2023. It aims to study the positions and decisions adopted by the government of Frente de Todos, considering different aspects as conditioning factors of the course of international policy. The hypothesis developed in this article is that the main tension has been to reconcile the content of the electoral pact that brought the government to power with the requirements implied by the renegotiation of the debt with the IMF. The political internalities that characterized the public administration in all areas were also expressed in foreign policy.

RESUMO Objetivou-se analisar a Frente pela Vida (FpV), um ator da sociedade civil organizado no campo da saúde, que buscou incidir politicamente diante da crise sanitária da pandemia da covid-19 no contexto do governo Bolsonaro. As informações foram obtidas por meio de revisão documental de publicações da FpV, bem como pela observação participante de reuniões, manifestações, lives e eventos nos quais participou ou organizou, além de entrevistas com participantes do seu grupo operativo. A análise considerou as categorias origem, trajetória, atores, gestão, relação entre a FpV e movimento sanitário, sustentabilidade, desafios e perspectivas da FpV. Os resultados evidenciam que a FpV capitaneou uma grande rede de políticas formada por sujeitos individuais e coletivos, entidades científicas e organizações representativas de diversos segmentos da sociedade civil, conformando uma atualização do movimento sanitário com ampliação de sua base de sustentação social. Sua trajetória contemplou, principalmente, a ação técnico-científica e política em múltiplas arenas, tendo nos Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário, e na sociedade civil, espaços privilegiados de inserção. Conclui-se que a FpV se revelou importante ator social na conjuntura recente, tensionando o Estado na defesa da vida, do direito universal à saúde e da expansão e fortalecimento do Sistema Único de Saúde. Objetivouse Objetivou , (FpV) covid19 covid 19 covid-1 Bolsonaro reuniões manifestações organizou operativo origem atores gestão sustentabilidade coletivos contemplou principalmente técnicocientífica técnico científica arenas Executivo Judiciário inserção Concluise Conclui recente vida Saúde (FpV covid1 1 covid-

ABSTRACT This paper examined the Front for Life (Frente pela Vida, FpV), a movement of organised civil society in the health field, which sought to achieve political impact in response to the health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of the Bolsonaro administration. Information was obtained through a document review of FpV publications, participant observation in meetings, demonstrations, livestreams and events in which the front participated or organised, as well as interviews of participants in its operating group. The analytical categories used were origin, trajectory, movements, management, the relationship between the FpV and the health sector reform movement, sustainability, challenges and the FpV’s prospects. The results showed that the FpV has led a large policy network of individual and collective subjects, scientific entities and organisations representing various segments of civil society to update the health sector movement and expand its social support base. Its trajectory has involved mainly technical, scientific and political action in multiple areas, working with the Executive, Judiciary and Legislative branches of government, as well as civil society. In conclusion, the FpV has proved to be an important social movement pressing the State to defend life and the universal right to health and to expand and strengthen Brazil’s Unified Health System, the SUS. Frente Vida FpV, , FpV) field COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 administration publications meetings demonstrations group origin movements management sustainability FpVs s prospects subjects base technical areas Executive government conclusion Brazils Brazil System SUS COVID1 1 COVID-

ABSTRACT This paper examined the Front for Life (Frente pela Vida, FpV), a movement of organised civil society in the health field, which sought to achieve political impact in response to the health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of the Bolsonaro administration. Information was obtained through a document review of FpV publications, participant observation in meetings, demonstrations, livestreams and events in which the front participated or organised, as well as interviews of participants in its operating group. The analytical categories used were origin, trajectory, movements, management, the relationship between the FpV and the health sector reform movement, sustainability, challenges and the FpV’s prospects. The results showed that the FpV has led a large policy network of individual and collective subjects, scientific entities and organisations representing various segments of civil society to update the health sector movement and expand its social support base. Its trajectory has involved mainly technical, scientific and political action in multiple areas, working with the Executive, Judiciary and Legislative branches of government, as well as civil society. In conclusion, the FpV has proved to be an important social movement pressing the State to defend life and the universal right to health and to expand and strengthen Brazil’s Unified Health System, the SUS.

RESUMO Objetivou-se analisar a Frente pela Vida (FpV), um ator da sociedade civil organizado no campo da saúde, que buscou incidir politicamente diante da crise sanitária da pandemia da covid-19 no contexto do governo Bolsonaro. As informações foram obtidas por meio de revisão documental de publicações da FpV, bem como pela observação participante de reuniões, manifestações, lives e eventos nos quais participou ou organizou, além de entrevistas com participantes do seu grupo operativo. A análise considerou as categorias origem, trajetória, atores, gestão, relação entre a FpV e movimento sanitário, sustentabilidade, desafios e perspectivas da FpV. Os resultados evidenciam que a FpV capitaneou uma grande rede de políticas formada por sujeitos individuais e coletivos, entidades científicas e organizações representativas de diversos segmentos da sociedade civil, conformando uma atualização do movimento sanitário com ampliação de sua base de sustentação social. Sua trajetória contemplou, principalmente, a ação técnico-científica e política em múltiplas arenas, tendo nos Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário, e na sociedade civil, espaços privilegiados de inserção. Conclui-se que a FpV se revelou importante ator social na conjuntura recente, tensionando o Estado na defesa da vida, do direito universal à saúde e da expansão e fortalecimento do Sistema Único de Saúde.

Resumen: Se destaca la importancia de la simplificación administrativa como estrategia esencial para optimizar los procesos burocráticos. Este artículo de revisión se enfoca en analizar la simplificación administrativa en gobiernos locales a través de una revisión bibliográfica que selecciona 19 artículos publicados entre 2018 y 2022 en bases de datos como Scielo, Scopus, Latindex y Google Scholar, cumpliendo con criterios de inclusión específicos. El análisis contextual consideró los artículos desarrollados en contextos municipales, seleccionando un total de 19 artículos que cumplían con los requisitos de inclusión. La revisión de la literatura sobre simplificación administrativa en gobiernos locales destaca la importancia de liderazgos efectivos, modernización de herramientas y atención a las necesidades ciudadanas para lograr una administración eficiente. A pesar de esfuerzos en la simplificación, persisten deficiencias, especialmente en áreas remotas, generando insatisfacción. La gestión eficiente de recursos humanos y la planificación de la participación ciudadana son clave.

Abstract: The importance of administrative simplification as an essential strategy to optimize bureaucratic processes is highlighted. This review article focuses on analyzing administrative simplification in local governments through a literature review selecting 19 articles published between 2018 and 2022 in databases such as Scielo, Scopus, Latindex and Google Scholar, meeting specific inclusion criteria. The contextual analysis considered articles developed in municipal contexts, selecting a total of 19 articles that met the inclusion requirements. The review of the literature on administrative simplification in local governments highlights the importance of effective leadership, modernization of tools and attention to citizen needs to achieve an efficient administration. Despite simplification efforts, deficiencies persist, especially in remote areas, generating dissatisfaction. Efficient management of human resources and planning for citizen participation are key.

Abstract: The purpose of this text is to show corporate practices that the link between the National Union of Education Workers in Mexico (SNTE) and the present administration of the federal government carry out around the allocation, promotion, and dedication to the teaching function. The education reform of 2019 gives more active participation to the (SNTE), in a scenario where it does not hold power or representation but has generated forms of negotiation that have allowed it to survive. The (SNTE) is regaining control of teaching positions through three elements that were articulated in its favor in the present federal administration: work, politics, and technology. Hope lies in the plurality of trade union organizations and the specific management that is generated in the diverse entities, which can be an important counterweight in different teaching processes.

Resumen: El propósito de este texto es mostrar las prácticas corporativas que la vinculación entre el Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación en México (SNTE) y la presente administración de gobierno federal llevan a cabo en torno a la asignación, promoción y dedicación a la función docente. La reforma educativa de 2019 le otorga una participación más activa al SNTE, en un escenario donde éste no ostenta el poder ni la representación, pero ha generado formas de negociación que le han permitido sobrevivir. El SNTE está recuperando el control de las plazas docentes a través de tres elementos que se articularon a su favor en la presente administración federal: lo laboral, lo político y lo técnico. La esperanza está en la pluralidad de las organizaciones sindicales y la gestión específica que se genera en las diversas entidades, lo cual puede ser un contrapeso importante en los diferentes procesos docentes.

Resumo Este artigo de revisão tem como objetivo identificar os principais instrumentos de modernização da gestão pública nos diferentes níveis de governo. O método utilizado corresponde a um inquérito e seleção de artigos científicos, referentes à modernização da administração pública nos diferentes níveis de governo. Foi efectuada uma revisão de 40 artigos indexados em diferentes bases de dados, tais como EBSCO, web of science Scopus, Scielo e Latindex. Essas investigações foram cuidadosamente selecionadas levando em consideração alguns critérios como: o ano de publicação, que deve ter no máximo 4 anos, de 2018 até este ano; área temática; idioma; entre outros. Este estudo chegou aos principais resultados. Os principais desafios da gestão pública são: uma cultura centrada no cidadão; vocação para o serviço por parte dos servidores públicos, gestão das tecnologias de informação e comunicação, acesso a mecanismos inovadores Este artigo de revisão conclui que as ferramentas mais importantes para a modernização da gestão pública são: gestão por resultados, gestão por objectivos, governo aberto, governo eletrónico e a gestão da cultura e valores organizacionais

Résumé Cet article de synthèse vise à identifier les principaux outils de modernisation de la gestion publique à différents niveaux de gouvernement. La méthode utilisée correspond à une enquête et à une sélection d’articles scientifiques, se référant à la modernisation de l’administration publique à différents niveaux de gouvernement. Une revue de 40 articles indexés dans différentes bases de données a été réalisée, telles que EBSCO, web of science Scopus, Scielo et Latindex. Ces recherches ont été soigneusement sélectionnées en tenant compte de certains critères tels que l’année de publication, qui ne doit pas remonter à plus de quatre ans, de 2018 à cette année, le domaine, l’idiome, entre autres. Cette étude a abouti aux principaux résultats suivants. Les principaux défis de la gestion publique sont : une culture axée sur le citoyen ; la vocation au service de la part des fonctionnaires, la gestion des technologies de l’information et de la communication, l’accès à des mécanismes innovants Cet article de synthèse conclut que les outils les plus importants pour moderniser la gestion publique sont : la gestion par les résultats, la gestion par les objectifs, le gouvernement ouvert, l’e-gouvernement et la gestion de la culture et des valeurs de l’organisation.

Abstract This review article aims to identify the main tools for modernizing public management at different levels of government. The method used corresponds to an inquiry and selection of scientific articles, referring to the modernization of public administration at different levels. of government. A review of 40 articles indexed in different databases was carried out, such as EBSCO, web of science Scopus, Scielo and Latindex. These investigations were carefully selected taking into account certain criteria such as: the year of publication, which must be a maximum of 4 years old, from 2018 to this year; subject area; idiom; among others. This study reached the main results. The main challenges of public management are: a culture focused on the citizen; vocation to service on the part of public servants, management of information and communication technologies, access to innovative mechanisms This review article concludes that the most important tools for modernizing public management are: management by results, management by objectives, open government, e-government and the management of organizational culture and values.

Resumen Este artículo de revisión tiene como objetivo Identificar las principales herramientas de la modernización de la gestión pública en los diferentes niveles de gobierno. El método utilizado corresponde a una indagación y selección de artículos científicos, referidos al tema modernización de la administración pública en los diferentes niveles de gobierno. Se realizó la revisión de 40 artículos indexados en distintas bases de datos, tales como EBSCO, web of science Scopus, Scielo y Latindex. Estas investigaciones fueron cuidadosamente seleccionados tomando en cuenta ciertos criterios como: el año de publicación, el cual debe ser con un máximo de 4 años de antigüedad, desde el año 2018 hasta el presente año; área de asignatura; idioma; entre otros. Este estudio llego a los principales resultados Los principales desafíos de la gestión pública son: una cultura avocada al ciudadano; vocación al servicio de parte de los servidores públicos, manejo de las tecnologías de información y comunicación, acceso a mecanismos innovadores Este artículo de revisión concluye que las herramientas más importantes de la modernización de la gestión pública son: la gestión por resultados, la gestión por objetivos, el gobierno abierto, el gobierno electrónico y la gestión de la cultura y los valores organizacionales.

Resumen: Aún sabemos poco de los antecedentes psicoorganizacionales relacionados con la prevención de actos de corrupción en el gobierno. Este estudio empírico examina el impacto distintivo de dos emociones de valencia negativa, miedo y enojo, como catalizadores o inhibidores de la denuncia (whistleblowing) entre empleados públicos. Por medio de un estudio experimental con funcionarios de un gobierno local en México, mostramos que las personas que experimentan enojo son significativamente más propensas a denunciar actos de corrupción, en especial cuando se les expone a estímulos de alta intensidad. Por otro lado, el miedo intenso puede inhibir de manera poderosa la denuncia de irregularidades. Estos hallazgos proporcionan evidencia relevante del efecto de los estímulos emocionales en la denuncia de irregularidades en el contexto de una organización gubernamental. Con base en estos resultados, sugerimos que la gestión de las emociones podría ser una herramienta efectiva para mejorar los niveles de integridad en las burocracias públicas.

Abstract: We still know little about the psycho-organizational antecedents related to the prevention of acts of corruption in government. This empirical study examines the distinctive impact of two emotions with negative valence, fear and anger, as catalysts or inhibitors of whistleblowing among public employees. Through an experimental study with local government officials in Mexico, we show that people who experience anger are significantly more likely to report acts of corruption, especially when exposed to high-intensity stimuli. On the other hand, intense fear can powerfully inhibit whistleblowing. These findings provide relevant evidence of the impact of emotional cues on whistleblowing in the context of a government organization. Based on these results, we suggest that emotion management could be an effective tool to improve integrity levels in public bureaucracies.

Resumo Assumindo que as autoridades de América Latina têm níveis baixos de aprovação, essa pesquisa avalia o desempenho do governo de México nos últimos 25 anos com dois indicadores chave da nova governança política, analisando a posição absoluta e relativa do México nos índices de eficácia do governo e a qualidade regulatória com a plataforma Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI). O quadro teórico foi conformado pelo modelo de governança proposto por duas filosofias de administração estreitamente ligadas com a gestão pública e a nova gestão pública. Os resultados mostram que, na gestão de Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox e Felipe Calderón, os registros podem se considerar positivos, ligados com práticas de gestão adequadas. Do mesmo jeito, o rendimento da gestão de Enrique Peña Nieto e, de jeito particular, o de Andrés Manuel López Obrador, são desfavoráveis. A pesquisa apresenta as variáveis explicativas dos resultados. A conclusão indica que o uso de indicadores e modelos, embora sendo importante, representa somente opções estratégicas, sendo a construção de serviços públicos honestos e profissionais a verdadeira finalidade do Estado. JEL: L38 Política pública.

Resumen Asumiendo que las autoridades de América Latina tienen bajos niveles de aprobación, esta investigación evalúa el desempeño del gobierno de México en los últimos 25 años con dos indicadores clave de la nueva gobernanza política. Se analiza la posición absoluta y relativa de México en los índices de eficacia del gobierno y calidad regulatoria por medio de la plataforma de Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI). El marco teórico está conformado por el modelo de gobernanza propuesto desde dos filosofías administrativas con las que guardan una vital relación la gerencia pública y la nueva gerencia pública. Los resultados muestran que en las administraciones de Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox y Felipe Calderón los registros se pueden considerar como positivos, asociados a prácticas de gestión apropiadas. De la misma forma, el desempeño del gobierno que encabezó Enrique Peña Nieto y, particulamiente, el que representa Andrés Manuel López Obrador, es desfavorable, se exponen las variables explicativas de estos resultados. Se concluye indicando que el uso de indicadores y modelos, si bien es importante, representa únicamente opciones estratégicas, siendo la construcción de servicios públicos honestos y profesionales el auténtico fin del Estado. JEL: L38 Política pública.

Abstract If the authorities in Latin America have low approval levels, this research assesses the performance of the government of Mexico over the last 25 years with two key indicators of the new political governance, analyzing the absolute and relate positions of Mexico in the efficiency indexes of the government and regulatory quality through the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) platform. The theoretical framework is made up by the governance model proposed by two administration philosophies that have a noteworthy connection with public management and new public management. The results show that, for the administration periods of Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón, the records could be considered positive and associated to appropriate management practices. Similarly, the performance for the government led by Enrique Peña Nieto and the one led by Andrés Manuel López Obrador are not favorable; the explanative variables of this results are also presented. The research concludes by stating that the use of indicators and models, while certainly important, only represents strategic options as the construction of honest, professional public services is the true objective of the State. JEL: L38 Public Policies.